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Patukustutuskirjast, armulaualeivast ja laadast. aablat, oblaat, laat

Author(s): Jüri Viikberg / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 01/2015

The article reviews domestication of the concepts of and terms for ’letter of indulgence’ and ’communion wafer’ in the Estonian language. Etymological research of the word oblaat leads to the early Low German loanword aablat (afflate in old written Estonian) which denoted indulgence. As letters of indulgence were primarily sold near churches during religious holidays, the word laat, an abbreviated form of afflate, became gradually related chiefly to trade and acquired the meaning of a fair or fȇte. In the 16th century, at the time of the Reformation, letters of indulgence disappeared in Estonia, but fairs remained. In the dictionaries of both Wilhelm Hupel (1780) and Johann Ferdinand Wiedemann (1869) the equivalent of aablat is oblaat ’Oblate, Hostia’. Thus the meaning had changed and the term had come to denote communion wafer like in German. Raud kohck and Raud watz[k] (‘Oblate/Eysenkuchen’) in Heinrich Göseken’s dictionary are examples of loanword adaptation in language use. It is interesting to note that these loan translations from German refer to the use of a baking device resembling waffle irons.

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Alamsaksa laensõnadest nende tulekuajas

Author(s): Jüri Viikberg / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 10/2014

In Estonian there are many Low German loanwords borrowed in the 13th-17th centuries. The present article seeks to define more exactly the period of time they entered the language. An important temporal landmark is the oldest Estonian-language printed material of the 16th-17th centuries. As literary Estonian is relatively young, we can find out the occurrence of loanwords in printed texts, but it is not possible to determine their first appearance in spoken language. It is very likely that the earliest loanwords were oral borrowings. Another temporal landmark is offered by source publications which make available the language of old manuscripts. Historical publications based on archival manuscript materials are also a good source of old Estonian words and personal names. The occurrence of old loanwords therein enables drawing a temporal borderline since when, at the latest, such loanwords have been in use. Owing to archive materials, a more exact dating of literary language finds has become possible. This article presents dating examples of about fifty loanwords recorded in old literary language materials and/or in personal names found in archival documents. A lively interest in loanwords borrowed before the 17th century arose in the 1920s and 1930s. Since that time, more of essential language and name materials have become available in archives and loanword research has made progress, so that now it is possible to make corrections and additions to earlier results.

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Mitmekihiline Setumaa

Author(s): Lembit Vaba / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 12/2014

The article addresses some etymological issues of the place names of Setumaa, which have hitherto received insufficient attention, if any. Those issues include Baltic substrate names. Attention is drawn to those names of Russian origin that reflect sound changes enabling relative dating. The article emphasizes the necessity of a systematic in-depth investigation of the stratigraphy of the whole toponymic material recorded from Setumaa, with a view to obtaining new reliable information on the settlement history of the region.

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Eesti keel sisserändatuules (I): Demograafiline tagasivaade 1989-2011 ja edasipilk

Author(s): Allan Puur,Leen Rahnu,Jaak Valge / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 04/2016

The article addresses the influences of migration on the size of the major language groups in Estonia, the linguistic composition of the population, and the use of Estonian as a second language from the end of the 1980s to 2011, based on the last three censuses. As for different language groups, demographic and linguistic change has affected them to a different extent. The most marked decrease can be observed in smaller language groups, which is due to language shift. In Estonia the language changed to by minor language groups is mostly Russian, and this process has not ceased since the restoration of Estonian statehood. The reasons for this change date back to the Soviet period or sometimes even earlier. The Estonian competence of the population has notably increased during reindependence. This has mainly happened due to changes in politics and in the rise of the status of the Estonian language, even considering the reflection of emigration and of changes in census methodology in the census data on Estonian competence. The most notable increase in Estonian competence concerns the youth. Estonian competence strongly depends on the ethnic composition of the area of living, whereas its dependence on the generation of immigrants is relatively low. The effect of the language environment on the Estonian competence in immigrants has not weakened, but rather strengthened since the end of the 1980s. Also, association has strengthened between language competence and level of education. According to projection calculations the native Estonian-speaking population will decrease by a fifth, at best, by the end of the 21st century. However, it is possible that the replacement of generations will bring the proportion of total non-speakers of Estonian down to 7% by the same time. From the standpoint of methodology the article emphasises that censuses are a very important source of information on the dynamics of language situations. There is actually no other way to the full picture of language change. Although Estonian linguists have made an active use of census data, the analytic potential of the data in studying language practices has hardly been used in full. Unfortunately, there is an imminent danger that the decades-long series of comprehensive language data may be interrupted in Estonia by the very next census. This is because Statistics Estonia has proclaimed a course to purely register-based censuses, with very limited language data available in registers. Thus, the next few years will probably bring a debate on the future of censuses in Estonia, where linguists have an important say.

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Eesti keel sisserändetuules (II): Demograafiline tagasivaade 1989-2011 ja edasipilk

Author(s): Allan Puur,Leen Rahnu,Jaak Valge / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 05/2016

The article addresses the influences of migration on the size of the major language groups in Estonia, the linguistic composition of the population, and the use of Estonian as a second language from the end of the 1980s to 2011, based on the last three censuses. As for different language groups, demographic and linguistic change has affected them to a different extent. The most marked decrease can be observed in smaller language groups, which is due to language shift. In Estonia the language changed to by minor language groups is mostly Russian, and this process has not ceased since the restoration of Estonian statehood. The reasons for this change date back to the Soviet period or sometimes even earlier. The Estonian competence of the population has notably increased during reindependence. This has mainly happened due to changes in politics and in the rise of the status of the Estonian language, even considering the reflection of emigration and of changes in census methodology in the census data on Estonian competence. The most notable increase in Estonian competence concerns the youth. Estonian competence strongly depends on the ethnic composition of the area of living, whereas its dependence on the generation of immigrants is relatively low. The effect of the language environment on the Estonian competence in immigrants has not weakened, but rather strengthened since the end of the 1980s. Also, association has strengthened between language competence and level of education. According to projection calculations the native Estonian-speaking population will decrease by a fifth, at best, by the end of the 21st century. However, it is possible that the replacement of generations will bring the proportion of total non-speakers of Estonian down to 7% by the same time. From the standpoint of methodology the article emphasises that censuses are a very important source of information on the dynamics of language situations. There is actually no other way to the full picture of language change. Although Estonian linguists have made an active use of census data, the analytic potential of the data in studying language practices has hardly been used in full. Unfortunately, there is an imminent danger that the decades-long series of comprehensive language data may be interrupted in Estonia by the very next census. This is because Statistics Estonia has proclaimed a course to purely register-based censuses, with very limited language data available in registers. Thus, the next few years will probably bring a debate on the future of censuses in Estonia, where linguists have an important say.

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Üpris – Oma Või Laen?

Author(s): Vilja Oja / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 05/2017

The article discusses the etymology of üpris, which is a common word in standard Estonian. There are different hypotheses about its origin, but still no consensus. In the 17th-19th-century Estonian writings the word usually means either ’very’ or ’great; wonderfully’, in the 19th century also ’rather’, like today. Reports of its dialectal use are rare. Most probably we have here a loanword expressing superlatively. Phonetically and semantically, as well as according to dialect material the source word could have been ypperst (dial. also ypp(e)rster etc) ’the most wonderful; most wonderfully’ originating in Old Modern Swedish. However, the donor language can also be seen in Low German, where upperst(e) (cf. the Baltic German üpperste) means ’the most noble/important; the highest, main etc’.

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Soomeugrilusest eesti rahvuspildis - kas jagatud emotsioon või hägune küsitavus?

Author(s): Madis Arukask / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 01-02/2018

The essay is a contemplation on the role and meaning of Finno-Ugric kinship as part of modern Estonian identity. The focus is on the relations between Estonians (in particular, scholars and other intellectuals) and Finno-Ugric peoples since the early 19th century, as well as on the reflections of the kinship concept in the Estonian society in different periods. The idea of Finno-Ugric kinship actually germinated in the theory of language affinity, which emerged and developed in the 19th century. However, a scientifically hermetic theory can hardly function as a single component of either a movement or a people’s group identity. In different times the popularity and influence of the Finno-Ugric kinship idea has differed. Differences can also be observed in the attitude towards the Eastern and Western (Finnish, Hungarian) kindred peoples due to the formers’ long experience of living under Russian rule and in the Russian cultural space.In the 19th century, during the period of National Awakening, Estonians found the idea of Finno-Ugric kinship topical and hot enough. At that time it mainly meant a relatively one-sided admiration of the cultural achievements of the Finnish people, who, like a bigger brother, was looked up to as an ideal example of getting things done under the rule of Tsarist Russia. In the pre-war Estonian Republic, kinship activities enjoyed a relatively high national prestige, but real contacts with the Finno-Ugric peoples of Russia were limited for political reasons. Real scientific research and contacts became possible only after the war was over, which period was the heyday of Finno-Ugric research in Estonia. Another upsurge of Finno-Ugric interest arrived at the early 1990s, when the collapse of the Soviet Union entailed a great social upheaval in Estonia. The 21st century has brought about a gradual withdrawal of emotions from identity issues. A pragmatic attitude has come to prevail not only where Finno-Ugric matters are concerned, but also in questions of the Estonian language and culture as such.

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Hernhuutlik usuliikumine – kas vennastekogudus või vennastekogu(d)?

Author(s): Andres Andresen / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 03/2018

The Herrnhut religious movement has played an important role in Estonian church history as well as in our cultural and social history at large. The relevant terminology has points of contact with several different disciplines. In older German the word Gemeine was widely used in parallel with Gemeinde. Thus, nowadays, German special literature contains both the proper name Brüdergemeine and the term Brüdergemeinde. The latter denotes not only the Herrnhut movement but also its local communities. In older German and to a lesser extent also in modern scholars in the field we find the term Brüdergemeine used in the same sense. The Estonian language has a long tradition of using the vernacular term vennastekogudus to refer to both the whole organisation (Moravian Church) and its local congregations. On the example of the German parallelism of concepts as well as terms, expatriate Estonian clergyman Konrad Veem has suggested an additional Estonian term vennastekogu, which cannot, however, be recommended in view of a deliberate and systematic approach to LSP cultivation: An over-differentiation of a term will blur the precision of expression. Vennastekogudus is clearly superior to vennastekogu with reference to both the precision and clarity of the term and the principle of systematics. Later, historian Mati Laur from the University of Tartu has tried replacing the term vennastekogudus with the plural noun vennastekogud. His reasons, which are not very well founded, rely on the word, not the concept. Specifically, Laur overlooks the relation of the words Brüdergemeine and Brüdergemeinde to the concept of Moravian movement as a whole, as well as the fact that Brüdergemeine is also a proper name of the movement. His suggestion to redefine the word vennastekogudus by associating it with the Brethren’s local organisations is unclear, if not misleading. In academic writing, vennastekogudus (in its widespread sense) should certainly be preferred to vennastekogu(d).

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Meie ja teie eesti kirjakeel

Author(s): Kristiina Ross / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 1-2/2019

Estonian national identity is nowadays based on standard literary Estonian. The article discusses which groups of people may have shared the knowledge and development of Estonian earlier in history and what the developers’ aims and options were in the 19th century, during the preliminary and early phases of national awakening. Early modern times was the period of the growth of ethnic and linguistic confrontations underpinning the emergence of natonal self-awareness. For several historico-political and socio-cultural reasons the task of developing written Estonian befell native German (and Swedish) pastors in the 16th–18th centuries. Their Estonian competence varied and their attitudes to the peasant language differed, but even for the most talented of them the language was foreign, not native. As a result, the 19th century witnessed a particularly sharp conflict between the artificial, German-like learned version of Estonian and the vernacular one. The connotations of the two usages can be inferred from a comparison of the linguistic behaviours of Otto Wilhelm Masing and Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald. Masing, who identified with German pastorship, emphasised the distance and alienness of his readers by using a particularly vernacular and idiomatic Estonian, whereas Kreutzwald, who was one of the first intellectuals to identify himself as an Estonian, used a heavy, German-like version in order to elevate his readers. The fact that it was the German-like learned Estonian that was chosen to write the texts of the national movement fits well with the colonial linguistic approach by Joseph Errington suggesting that first the colonisers created a written language for their colonised to imbibe the coloniser’s culture and religious beliefs, but at an appropriate moment the colonised community would take over and pirate the literary language developed for them, in order to use it for purposes of their own, which were quite the opposite to those of the colonisers.

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Lühikroonika

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 1-2/2019

Chronicle of events.

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Lühikroonika

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 03/2019

Chronicle of events.

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Kaitstud doktoritööd

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 03/2019

Defended doctoral theses.

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Lühikroonika

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 04/2019

Chronicle of events.

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Kohanimed XVII-XIX sajandi hauatähistel

Author(s): Pille Arnek / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 05/2019

The oldest survived stone crosses commemorating Estonians date back to the late 16th century. Many of these Maltese and wheel crosses are rather rich, giving evidence of a rise of the self-awareness and social position of the wealthier Estonians. As many of the stonemasons were Estonians, too, it can be assumed that a number of the epitaphs have been engraved by a native Estonian. As survived records written by an Estonian hand are few, those old stone crosses are certainly a valuable source of written Estonian. The article analyses the place names engraved on the grave markers of deceased Estonians from the 17th–19th century. The research material consists of 48 17th-century place names, three place names from the 18th-century, which, as we know, began with the Great Northern War and the plague, and 193 place names selected from the abundant ones representing the 19th century. As far as morphology is concerned, most of the place names are in the genitive case. This is due to the pre-nominal position of place names as well as other cognomina. After all, a place name would often serve as a cognomen in oral speech. The assumption that the genitive case might be a trace of a generic term (village, farm etc) once following the place name was not confirmed for the epitaphs analysed, where the use of such generic terms was increasing rather than decreasing with time. Solid writing of the principal name and the generic term (if given) may have been either occasional or a sign of inconsistent usage typical of the development phase of any standard language. Separate writing, however, is more eloquent of a separate perception of the two components (e.g. Kodda asseme ‘place of home’). The texts engraved on grave markers provide interesting additional information on the development and use of place names, in particular on their shortening, folk etymology and bureaucratic etymology, while some variants found add new information, some help to confirm current assumptions.

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Lühikroonika

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 06/2019

Chronicle of events.

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Lühikroonika

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 11/2019

Chronicle of events.

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Lühikroonika

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 12/2019

Chronicle of events.

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Teel sihtkeelepärase keelekasutuse poole: veneja soomekeelsete eesti keele õppijate kirjaliku keelekasutuse dünaamika A2- ja B1-tasemel

Teel sihtkeelepärase keelekasutuse poole: veneja soomekeelsete eesti keele õppijate kirjaliku keelekasutuse dünaamika A2- ja B1-tasemel

Author(s): Annekatrin Kaivapalu,Pille Eslon / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 30/2020

The paper deals with the Russian and Finnish learners’ use of written Estonian on the proficiency levels A2 and B1. Russian learners acquired Estonian as a second language in Estonia, Finnish learners learned Estonian as a foreign language in Finland. The aim of the study is to find out the main characteristics of learner language development from A2 to B1 level of both of the learner groups and also shed light on the first language influence and on the impact of language environment. The study is based on the analysis of the most frequent morpho-syntactical patterns in the texts of Estonian Interlanguage Corpus. Target language use of the two learners’ groups is compared with each other and with the use of native Estonians. The data consists of the actively used trigrams: 203 trigrams of Russian and 227 of Finnish learners on the A2-level, and 4363 of Russian and 1132 of Finnish learners on the B1-level. The results of the study show that the language use of the two learner groups develops from A2 to B1 level similarly in many ways. However, in the texts of Russian learners the total amount of patterns, as well as the amount of statistically relevant patterns, grow rapidly on the level B1. At the same time the variety of the pattern groups and vocabulary exhibit less expansion. In the texts of Finnish learners the percentage of statistically relevant patterns grows steadily, but at the same time the extensive development of vocabulary on the basis of smaller amount of patterns can be detected. Thus, from the A2 to B1 level, the acquisition of closely related target language outside language environment is characterized mainly by the development of vocabulary while in the acquisition of different target language in language environment the main characteristic is extensive development of morphosyntax.

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Keletas galimų vengrų kalbos skolinių lietuvių kalboje

Author(s): Aranka Laczházi / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 83/2020

The article aims to overview the Lithuanian words that are supposed to be of Hungarian origin or may be linked to Hungarian in an indirect way. Most of these lexemes have been borrowed through Polish, less often through German, Belarussian or Russian during the 16–18th centuries. They belong to specific thematic groups like military terms, names of military uniform details or names of products that were imported into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania from the former Kingdom of Hungary. In many cases a significant change in the semantic of the lexemes can be observed. It is worth noticing that only a small number of these lexemes is being known and used in contemporary Standard Lithuanian, as these words belong rather to dialectal or historical lexicon.

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Noorte hääled 2013

Author(s): Piret Koosa,Inge Annom / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 07/2013

Report on the conference “Noorte hääled” held at Estonian Literary Museum from April 24th to 25th, 2013.

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