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Transformacja polityczna w Egipcie w okresie prezydentury Muhammada Mursiego

Transformacja polityczna w Egipcie w okresie prezydentury Muhammada Mursiego

Author(s): Michał Lipa / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2013

This article refers to the second phase of political transformation in Egypt, which coincides with the period of Muhammad Morsi’s presidency. The attention is paid not only to the internal dimension of the transformation, but also its main external circumstances. With regard to the functioning of the Egyptian political system, there were no significant changes – comparing to the period preceding the M. Morsi’s presidency. The holding of free elections (parliamentary and presidential) does not mean that Egypt has become a democratic state. It rather remains the state that “stuck” in transition, especially after the coup of July 3, 2013.

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Skutki Arabskiej Wiosny z perspektywy izraelskiej

Skutki Arabskiej Wiosny z perspektywy izraelskiej

Author(s): Andrzej Guzowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2013

During the first days of the Arab Spring many hoped that the series of protests and revolutions could bring a wave of democracy and stability to the Middle East. Such an outcome would have been greatly welcomed by the Israelis, who have been surrounded by enemies for years. Yet, more than two and a half years after the Arab Spring began, its effects for the Jewish state are far from satisfying, to say the least. The turmoil in Egypt, Israel’s western neighbor, resulted in Hosni Mubarak’s fall from power. While the former president might not have been one of Tel Aviv’s favorites, he was undoubtedly a fairly reliable partner. The subsequent rise of the Muslim Brotherhood was regarded as a threat to Israel`s security. Even after the July 2013 coup d’etat, which ended the organization`s rule over Egypt, the future of Israeli-Egyptian relations remains uncertain. Also problematic is the situation behind Israel`s northern border. While the Jewish state is not directly involved in the Syrian civil war, it still poses a potential danger for the Israelis as more and more Islamists and radicals are partaking in the struggle against Bashar al-Assad. If the Syrian president falls, these groups may try to seize power or engage in hostile activities against Israel. Moreover, it is possible that the unrest could spill-over to Lebanon, which would also affect Israel’s national security. Overall, Israel feels threatened by the Islamist rise in the Middle East caused by the Arab Spring. It must also be noted that the Arab Spring pressured the Palestinian leaders to become more active on the issue of Palestine’s independence. As a result, the UN recognized Palestine as a non-member observer state in late 2012. The mounting international pressure on Israel is very inconvenient for the Netanyahu government as it is not ready to make any serious concessions.

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Palestyńskie przedwiośnie

Palestyńskie przedwiośnie

Author(s): Michał Z. Buśko / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2013

Between August 2012 and March 2013 cities of the West Bank witnessed demonstrations that seemed to be a prelude to "Palestinian Spring". Triggered by an economic crisis the demonstrations have quickly developed into a protest calling for a drastic political change including a withdrawal from Israeli-Palestinian cooperation and disbandment of Palestinian National Authority (PNA). The protest however turned out to be a fiasco. Not only demonstrators failed to make a desired difference but also have given Israel an opportunity to reassure its upper-hand and strengthen its superiority. The purpose of this paper is to present the most important socio-political and legal determinants that defused Palestinian protest and secured Israeli conditioned equilibrium of Israeli – Palestinian relationships as well as to rethink the issue with a relation to renewed negotiations. The first part of the study tackles the dynamics of the protest, its context and the reaction of the parties. The study deals with the factors that contained an escalation of turmoil, identifies tools of suppression used by Israel and, by putting an emphasis on economical dependence of Palestinians, analyzes conditions of political status quo preservation. Having considered the above dynamics the paper argues that both, the very survival of Palestinian National Authority and a continuity of Israeli-Palestinian cooperation depend on Israeli ability to single-handed maintenance of this balance, more precisely, ability to impose arbitrary decisions. The paper considers above condition to be the main obstacle to rank-and-file non-governmental struggle for the Palestinian independence. The second part of the study relates previously identified phenomena to a formula and a matter of the renewed negotiations as well as the unilateral policy of PNA. In conclusion, the paper also gives a notion for possible future developments.

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Problem osadnictwa żydowskiego w kontekście negocjacji izraelsko-palestyńskich

Problem osadnictwa żydowskiego w kontekście negocjacji izraelsko-palestyńskich

Author(s): Rachela Tonta / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2013

Middle Eastern peace talks, which were resumed between representatives of the State of Israel and State of Palestine at the end of July 2013 again sparked hopes that conflict, which roots go back to the beginning of the 20th century, has a chance for a peaceful solution. This optimism was tempered, however, by previous experiences, when talks ended without bringing expected results and brought only disappointment for both sides of the conflict. One of the biggest obstacles to reaching an agreement is the presence of Israeli settlements in the Occupied Territories, which number and size undermine the possibility of establishment of a sovereign and territorially homogeneous Palestinian State. The aim of the article is to analyse the Israeli settlement policy in the Occupied Territories from historical perspective, allowing to trace its development during the periods of leftist and rightist governments, and also in the context of the Middle Eastern Peace Process and international law. Special attention will be given to the ideological base of Israeli policy towards occupied territories and how ideological changes in Israeli society can affect prospect for peace.

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Jemen – budowanie przyszłości przez dialog

Jemen – budowanie przyszłości przez dialog

Author(s): Jakub Sławek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2013

The article discusses the specificity and complexity of modern Yemen in the aftermath of the revolution that abolished president Ali Saleh. Its aim was to highlight the major challenges that the Yemeni authorities are and will be facing in the process of constructing a new post-revolutionary state. Those being the threat of al-Qaeda in the Arab Peninsula structures, the al-Houthi rebellion and the Iranian implication in this insurgence and also the Southern issue. The main purpose of this work was however to demonstrate the state’s response to those challenges which are not a new phenomenon in Yemen. The concept of dialogue, inclusiveness and nation building is essential in the presented process of Yemen’s reconciliation and rebuilding process which fundament is to include every party willing to participate in the discussion about Yemen’s political and social future. The article debates the political developments of the ongoing national dialogue conference and although it did not end its work yet (as of September 2013) the article emphasizes its achievements. The most important being convincing and bringing all important Yemeni political and social actors under one roof to come up with a vision of the county’s future.

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Próby stabilizacji Egiptu po Arabskiej Wiośnie. Military electoral authoritarianism

Próby stabilizacji Egiptu po Arabskiej Wiośnie. Military electoral authoritarianism

Author(s): Katarzyna Czornik / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2018

The Arab Spring in Egypt and the overthrow of the regime of Hosni Mubarak in January 2011 should be seen as one of the implications of the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia. The Arab Spring was perceived by Western states as a process that should bring about the democratization of the Middle East and North Africa, as well as the emergence of civil societies in the countries of the region. The Arab Spring, despite the initial wave of rebellions, was supposed to imply stabilization of the region. The results of the Arab Spring, however, turned out to be completely different from the expected ones. In the case of Egypt, the regime change did not bring effective alternation in the socio-political order. Opposition groups, pro-democracy activists and subsequently moderate Islamists became the beneficiaries of Hosni Mubarak’s overthrow in the short term. The actual winner was the army and former military officers, including President General Abd al-Fattah as-Sisi re-elected in March, 2018. The Arab Spring initiated the next stage in the history of Egypt – military electoral authoritarianism, equally undemocratic as before January 25, 2011. In Egypt, the stability of the state is guarded by the army fighting with Islamic radicals and terrorists and having the support of the United States.

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Libia po interwencji zbrojnej w 2011 roku

Libia po interwencji zbrojnej w 2011 roku

Author(s): Ewa Szczepankiewicz-Rudzka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2018

The Arab Spring in Libya took the form of a civil war, which led to the external military intervention and overthrowing the Muammar Qaddafi regime. Nearly seven years since the war broke out, the country has still remained in chaos. A lack of consensus regarding the form of political system and leadership in the country maintains the status quo and makes the current deadlock increasingly difficult to be broken. The article seeks to analyse the political landscape in Libya as well as the factors affecting the political impasse in the country, which, in the opinion of the author, comprised primarily of the coexistence of several power centres, ethnic conflicts, the activity of armed groups (militias) created both by military members and Islamists, and the weakness as well as the lack of unity in making a compromise on Libya among external actors, including the UN.

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The importance of ethnic and religious structures in the region of Sahel: Socio-political and security dimensions. The case study of Mauritania

The importance of ethnic and religious structures in the region of Sahel: Socio-political and security dimensions. The case study of Mauritania

Author(s): Paulina Jagoda Warsza / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2018

This article aims to underline the importance of ethnic and religious structures for both animating and understanding political and security dynamic in the region, based on the example of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania. The first part of the article aims to identify sociopolitical factors influencing the security situation in the country and beyond, in sometimes surprising ways, with the main emphases on the importance of ethnic and religious structures and the role of political Islam. The second part of the article provides an exemplification of the multiple, not always coordinated, security initiatives in the region, that Mauritania is aspiring successfully to play lining role in, partly thanks to its complex understanding of security resulting from its unique social structure.

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Osiągnięcia stabilizacji i odbudowy Afganistanu

Osiągnięcia stabilizacji i odbudowy Afganistanu

Author(s): Łukasz Jureńczyk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2018

The issues of the article concern the achievements of the stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan. They are considered in four main areas – security as well as political, economic and social aspects. Despite the fact of considerable personal sacrifice and financial commitment, the achievements of the stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan are limited. The worst situation is in the area of national security. There was a thesis submitted in the article that the external support for Afghanistan should be maintained, including the involvement of military forces, because without it, the Taliban may seize power and undermine the existing achievements. At the same time, efforts for national reconciliation should be continued in order to end the multi-annual military conflict and maintain the gains of recent years.

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Budowa instytucji państwa irackiego w czasie interwencji amerykańskiej (2003–2011)

Budowa instytucji państwa irackiego w czasie interwencji amerykańskiej (2003–2011)

Author(s): Piotr Łukasiewicz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2018

The article depicts state-building efforts of the international coalition led by US in Iraq between 2003 and 2011. State-building activities in the area of governance and administration and security sector reform gained the highest interest and resources from the coalition. The story of state-building in Iraq is divided by crucial moments of country’s modern history: invasion and civil war that followed disbandment of public institutions and security forces in 2003, lack of final agreement for US troops to stay in Iraq after 2011 and finally ISIS invasion and capture of Mosul in June 2014. Iraqi government led the country into civil unrest with its sectarian politics and with unprecedented capture of state resources. State-building in Iraq failed. After the defeat of ISIS Iraq faces a challenge of state-building on its own while still needing international assistance

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Scarcity of Food: a Factor Destabilising Security in the MENA Regio

Scarcity of Food: a Factor Destabilising Security in the MENA Regio

Author(s): Anna Diawoł-Sitko / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

This paper looks at the impact of food security on political stability in the MENA region, at the state, regional and individual levels. It also discusses the assessment of the effectiveness of governments in the region in terms of food security risk management strategies and interregional cooperation. The author puts forward the thesis that food shortage is one of the main driving factors of political instability in the MENA region, and ensuring food security is a major task for current governments in the entire region. Given the development problems of the region and the history of strained bilateral and multilateral relations, as well as the constant political distrust between the MENA countries, the shortage of food and water resources may exacerbate tensions and stir further conflict in the region.

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Educational Financing Management at the Darul Yatama Wal Masakin (DAYAMA) Jerowaru Islamic Boarding School, Indonesia

Educational Financing Management at the Darul Yatama Wal Masakin (DAYAMA) Jerowaru Islamic Boarding School, Indonesia

Author(s): Josianto Josianto,Sudirman Sudirman,Asrin Asrin,Mansur Hakim,Mohamad Mustari / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2024

This research aims to determine the management of raising educational funds, the use of educational funds, and the challenges in managing educational funds at the Darul Yatama Wal Masakin (DAYAMA) Jerowaru Islamic boarding school. This research uses a qualitative approach, collecting data using interviews, observation, and documentation techniques. Data analysis techniques include data collection, presentation, reduction, and conclusion drawing. Checking the validity of the data uses credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability. The results of the research show that: 1) The source of fundraising is obtained from businesses managed by the foundation in the form of businesses in the fields of agriculture, fisheries, animal husbandry, gas station management, cottage cooperatives, as well as funds sourced from the community such as community self-help funds, and funds sourced from government funds such as BOS and DAK funds. 2) Meanwhile, management includes a) planning, carried out every year involving Islamic boarding school administrators, teacher councils, school committees and representatives of Islamic boarding school guardians; b) organising, carried out by designing programs and appointing competent human resources in their field; c) implementation, carried out by determining sources of income and allocating funds; d) Supervision is carried out by requiring each institution under the foundation to prepare a financial accountability report. 3) Financial management management challenges include the development of information technology, developing community businesses, establishing many Islamic boarding schools, and competition between Islamic boarding schools.

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İbrahim Hâs’ın Hayatı ve Eserleri Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme

İbrahim Hâs’ın Hayatı ve Eserleri Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme

Author(s): Mustafa Tatci / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 21/2024

Ibrahim Hās (d. 1762), who lived in Istanbul in the eighteenth century, was one of the important Sufi authors of his time. He was educated by Hasan Ünsî (d. 1723), one of the saints of Halvatî/Sha'bânî. İbrahim Hâs has an important place in our history of Sufism and literature as well as a bureaucrat with his works. However, he is one of the forgotten figures who did not receive the attention he deserved in our cultural life. One of the works of İbrahim Hâs, almost all of which are related to the history, philosophy and literature of Sufism, especially Halvatiyya, and which has not been evaluated so far, is his Divan-ı İlahiyat, which he collected in two separate volumes. In our study, after giving information about the life, personality and works of İbrahim Hâs, his poems were introduced. Thus, a contribution to the studies to be made about him and to the Sufi literature is presented.

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“İslam Medeniyeti” Kavramının Doğuşu ve Şemseddin Sami’de “İslam -Avrupa Medeniyetleri” Karşılaştırması

“İslam Medeniyeti” Kavramının Doğuşu ve Şemseddin Sami’de “İslam -Avrupa Medeniyetleri” Karşılaştırması

Author(s): Celalettin Vatandaş,Saniye Vatandaş / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2023

The word "civilisation", coined by French intellectuals in the middle of the 18th century, was soon adopted by other European societies. This name meant that they were different and superior to all other societies. Ottoman bureaucrats and writers translated the word "civilisation" into Turkish as "medeniyet". However, "medeniyet", one of the important concepts of the Islamic tradition, was far from expressing the mentality and lifestyle meant by civilisation. The concept of "civilisation" was specific to Europe under the existing conditions and expressed the understanding that Europe was unique and superior. At the same time, it represented an understanding that legitimized the invasion and exploitation of non-European countries by some European states, particularly Britain and France. In order to reduce the reactions of the societies that were the victims of their occupation and exploitation and to idealize being European, Europeans claimed that there were other "civilisations" in history. The concept of "Islamic civilisation" was born under these circumstances. Şemseddin Sami, who wrote the first book entitled "Islamic civilisation" in 1879, defended the thesis that Muslims had a "civilisation" in history and that this "civilisation" had contributed to the formation of the European one. However, after a while, he significantly changed his view and argued that "Islamic civilisation" was completely lost in history and that "European civilisation" was the only and the most superior "civilisation" in the present world. This study aims to examine the conceptualization process of the word "civilisation" and especially Şemseddin Sami's comparison of "civilisations" in the context of this process. The subject will be examined with reference to the written texts of the period and current studies on "civilisation".

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Revisiting Post-Islamism a Decade After the Arab Spring

Revisiting Post-Islamism a Decade After the Arab Spring

Author(s): Mohammad Affan / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2024

The Arab Spring uprisings marked a watershed moment in regional politics, significantly impacting Islamist movements in terms of strategies, ideologies, and organizational structures. Accordingly, this paper examines whether these dramatic events strengthened or weakened the post-Islamist evolution of traditional political Islam movements, focusing on the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (E-MB) and the Tunisian Ennahda Movement Party (EMP) as case studies. The proposed hypothesis is that the Arab Spring has variably influenced Islamists. In Egypt, it initially weakened the post-Islamist turn of the E-MB. However, owing to the 2013 coup and subsequent repression, the E-MB was politically excluded and weakened, creating a vacuum that was filled by various forms of less political or non-ideological forms of Islamic activism. The Tunisian Islamists had a different story. The Arab Spring seems to have strengthened their transition to post-Islamism. In its tenth conference, the EMP declared its exit from political Islam, adopting the new concept of Muslim Democracy. Even after the presidential takeover in July 2021, which resulted in the political exclusion of the EMP, the Work and Achievement party that defected from it maintained clear post-Islamist features.

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Ennahda’s Muslim Democracy in Post-Arab Spring Tunisia: Synthesizing Political Thought and Practice

Ennahda’s Muslim Democracy in Post-Arab Spring Tunisia: Synthesizing Political Thought and Practice

Author(s): Imad Alsoos,Julius Dihstelhoff / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2024

This article explores the interplay between political thought and practice within Tunisia’s Ennahda party, first during its period in opposition, then after it took power in 2011, and finally in the aftermath of the 2021 coup. We trace the genealogy of political thought within the party from the point of its foundation. In doing so, we explore the gradual evolution of party ideology, from a daʿwa-based belief system between 1969 and 1981, to Islamic democracy between 1981 and 2011, to ‘Muslim democracy’ after the 2011 uprising. We examine this ideological evolution through the framework of three key elements: (i) Islam, (ii) Tunisia’s changing socio-political context, and (iii) the broader universal episteme. As we show, a significant turning point came in 2016, with the separation of the daʿwa from party politics, which revealed a burgeoning state / party conceptualization of politics. However, the 2021 coup challenged Ennahda’s concept of Muslim democracy, as well as all aspects of the party’s own sense of continuity as a significant socio-political actor, such as its institutional structure, leadership, membership, social base, political strategy, and ideology. Ennahda is now confronted by an authoritarian resurgence, which aims at containing the party, and at delegitimizing its participation within nation-state structures. Empirical evidence, based on content-analytical evaluations of personal interviews as well as the media’s coverage of Ennahda, shows that the party’s representatives are increasingly focusing on organizational reform in order to deal with the ramifications of the 2021 coup. Their aim seems to be to democratize both Ennahda and the Tunisian state itself.

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Religion and Politics in Morocco: Islamic, Islamist, and Post-Islamist Dynamics

Religion and Politics in Morocco: Islamic, Islamist, and Post-Islamist Dynamics

Author(s): Mohammed Hashas / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2024

This paper aims to map the terrain of religion and politics in modern and contemporary Morocco. Seeing the chronological and intellectual diversity within Moroccan religious thought and politics, this paper proposes three major historical periods to facilitate approaching the topic: the pre-/ colonial, the colonial, and postcolonial times. The first pre/-colonial period is hybrid; it coincides with the rise of the first generation of the Moroccan Nahda renewal, before the colonial period, although it lived into the colonial period and played important roles in it for liberation. I mark this with the “Islamic” label, since Islam was the only common identity marker for any project of renewal in an intellectually “homogeneous” society. As to the colonial period, this Islamic identity became stronger since the colonial administration tried to weaken this identity and the social fabric and its related institutions, be they religious brotherhoods, religious endowments, or Sufi orders; at a certain moment in 1930, the colonial administration played on linguistic differences to divide and rule, and in another occasion, in 1953–1955, it tried to dethrone the nationalist Sultan and replace him with a docile one. Here, again, the “Islamic” identity marker of society and politics was further emphasized as a force of unity, thus the label of Nationalist Islam in this stage, despite the variety of currents within the nationalist movement. As to the postcolonial period, it is a phase in which the modern debates over the format of the nation state, the place of religion in politics, democracy, liberalism, socialism, and secularization become part of Moroccan thought and politics. Thus, three major labels are used to describe the variety of political Islams in society: the Ultra-Orthodox Islam, the Orthodox Islam, and Critical Islam. And since they all share Islam as an identity but interpret it differently, I borrow the term from Asef Bayat to call this period the “post-Islamist” period, since the actors with the Islamic label are multiple, and no one single trend or project manages to win to enforce its Islamist interpretation on society and political stakeholders. More importantly, this diversity of interpretations is what saves the “Islamic” from rigidity and turns it into its fluidity of pre-modern times, i.e. to the “Islamic” as a lived spirituality and moral compass, as a theocentric way of life, in a forthcoming post- Islamist society, a secular world and neoliberal economies.

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Reform and Resurgence: The Transformation of Islamic Movements in the 21st Century

Reform and Resurgence: The Transformation of Islamic Movements in the 21st Century

Author(s): Jaan Islam / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2024

This paper studies the development in the thought and praxis of Islamic movements that aim to revive a political system governed by Islamic law. Post-Caliphate Islamic movements – the subject of the current study – have undergone recent reforms in thought, approach, and even branding since the Arab Spring. Notwithstanding the movements’ legal and theological diversity, the author argues that they share common features of reform characterized by (a) appeal to public opinion and grassroots work; and (b) willingness to work with groups outside their movement. These reforms were shaped in tandem with and in reaction to the War on Terror, the Arab Spring, and the Taliban’s victory in Afghanistan. The author argues that these changes gave rise to dynamic reform in the latest generation of Islamic movements, leading to substantive revisions in their approach (manhaj) to achieving Islamic change. Despite tightening proscription and censorship, the author argues that the fruit of these reforms has been a resurgence in the form of highly efficient and creative collaboration between movements. Examples studied include collaboration between the Muslim Brothers (MB) and Hizb ut Tahrir in the West, and between former-al-Qaeda and MB affiliates in Syria. The author estimates these strategies – following a period of political failure and internal skepticism – have precipitated a resurgence that makes the future of Islamic movements highly potent, despite resulting in a dilution of each group’s identity and possible decline in membership. As a result of this trajectory, this study argues for the need to theorize contemporary Islamic movements beyond historical categories that have fossilized in Western academia, and often do not capture the dynamic, fluidity and comprehensiveness of Islamic struggle. This study utilizes a mixed methodology, including archival analysis and intellectual genealogy.

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A Political Empowerment: The Role of Party Politics in the Future of European Muslim

A Political Empowerment: The Role of Party Politics in the Future of European Muslim

Author(s): Ivan Ejub Kostić / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2024

This paper critically examines the socio-political dynamics affecting Muslims in Europe, focusing on the significant barriers that hinder their active participation in party politics. A central argument is that the internalized secular worldview has led to widespread political disengagement. This issue is further compounded by the first generation of Muslims in Europe, who developed and entrenched a minority mindset, along with certain ulema who promote socio-political passivity and quietism, severely limiting more complex and effective political engagement. To counter this situation, the paper emphasizes the urgent need for Muslims to move beyond status quo or reactionary approaches, such as supporting mainstream parties or resorting to political abstention, both of which only superficially address their concerns. Instead, it advocates establishing independent political entities rooted in Islamic principles that strive for more profound systemic change. Such an approach would empower Muslims to form strategic alliances, challenge the status quo, and tackle broader societal issues, ultimately advancing the interests of both their communities and European society as a whole.

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The Transformation of the Discourse on Secularism/the Civil State in Arab Academic Writings Post Arab Spring

The Transformation of the Discourse on Secularism/the Civil State in Arab Academic Writings Post Arab Spring

Author(s): Sari Hanafi / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2024

Since the start of the Arab Spring, no topic has been more polarizing to elites than secularism, the civil state, and political Islam. In this article, I will analyze the academic literature written by researchers and sometimes political activists in journals published in the Arab world on this topic. I will conduct a quantitative (bibliometric) and qualitative analysis of this literature (149 articles), in order to try to answer the following questions: To which extent is there interest in these topics in academic journals? How did these writers address the topic of secularism or the civil state? How do leftist/secular/liberal trends on the one hand and Islamic trends on the other interact with the issue of secularism? What type of journals are these?

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