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The text is an attempt to show a group portrait of Greek-Catholic clergy and consecrated persons who, after 1947, (after the “Vistula” action) found themselves in the western and northern parts of Poland. The analysis was carried out based on 142 people (diocesan priests, monks and nuns), who had to function in extremely unfavourable conditions, which in practice resulted in an actual ban on the functioning of the Greek Catholic pastoral ministry and on any religious performance by consecrated persons of the ministry among – also resettled – believers. On the basis of archival materials from state and – above all – ecclesiastical (Greek- Catholic and Roman-Catholic) archives, as well as the literature on the subject, the aforementioned group was analysed in terms of age, date of ordination, entry into the monastery or congregation, or the exercise of ministry – in the absence of an alternative – in the Latin rite. The question of a return to the native spiritual habit (when it was possible) and of the involvement in structures loyal to the authorities (the state “Caritas” or “Patriotic Priests”) was also examined. This publication is the first attempt to address the issue on such a nationwide scale.
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The aim of the article is to compare the biographies of the governmental plenipotentiaries who were sent to Poland in 1945 and to search for the elements connecting them. The profiles of people managing the “Regained Lands” just after the war are presented – Leonard Borkowicz, Jakub Prawin, Stanisław Piaskowski and Aleksander Zawadzki. The biographies of those who, although nominated, did not take over their posts – Aleksander Kaczochy-Józefski and Jerzy Sztachelski – have also been presented. Particular emphasis was placed on the political and ideological choices they made. The article also discusses the human resources policy of Polish communists.
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The article shows the complex figure of Jan Lembas (1914–2000). A family member of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), a member of the Home Army (AK), who came out of the family traditionally associated with the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) during the occupation, turned into an ardent communist after the war. He became a member of the party’s “nomenclature” and quickly made a career. As the head of state administration in Zielona Góra Province, in the years 1956–1980 he proved to be a good host. To a large extent thanks to his efforts, the previously neglected voivodeship developed. However, Jan Lembas was a widely disliked figure in the local community due to his difficult, despotic character and reluctant attitude towards the Catholic Church.
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The presented article discusses Marian Jurczyk’s participation in the so-called “process of eleven” from 1981 to 1984. It presents the protagonist’s drama on the level of personal, family, socio-political and professional life, which was the result of Marian Jurczyk’s participation in events related to the so-called “process of eleven”. A sequence of events leading to Marian Jurczyk’s inclusion in the circle of people covered by the indictment is shown. The focus was particularly on the description of investigative activities related to the indictment of the later President of Szczecin, and then the analysis of evidence that was to lead to the conviction of the accused, i.e. the questioning of witnesses, the explanation of the accused and the content from the period of legal activity of “Solidarity”, which, according to the investigators, was to be reconciled with the then system. The article also shows the activities of the power camp aimed at ending the politically troublesome, in the context of the international situation, trial of the opposition activists, expressed in attempts to get the accused to emigrate and the planned variants of amnesty.
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In the first years after the beginning of democratic transition in 1989, Poland continued its involvement in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which in 1995 was renamed the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Warsaw as a strategic goal set Poland’s accession to NATO and the EU, and it perceived CSCE/OSCE as the widest cooperative security organization in Europe. After joining NATO in 1999, the OSCE gradually lost its importance in Polish foreign policy, which was clearly visible in the next decade. A decisive decline took place during the second edition of the rule of the conservative-nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) party launched in 2015, which in security policy put a close bilateral alliance with the US in the first place, which led Poland to take the role of client and US vassal. This implies a complete denial of the role of the OSCE, and thus the rejection of the opportunity to create a broad Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian security community by using unique instruments at the OSCE’s disposal.
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This text aims at offering an overview of two periods of significant social and political change in the Balkans – during the second half of the nineteenth century and the second half of the twentieth century. The author presents this overview through the lens of the processes of modernization – respectively Europeanization and Sovietization – and aims to address the Balkan societies' tensions and responses and draw some comparisons. The notion of modernization is used as a historiographical term to denote all different processes that we observe during the transformation of the pre-industrial society to an industrial society, from the point of view of social and economic history, history technology, cultural studies, etc.
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Grigore Preoteasa was one of the first foreign ministers of Communist Romania appointed shortly after Stalin's death. A genuine intellectual with studies in literature and economics but born in a poor working family, Preoteasa joined the illegal communist movement in the mid-1930s. During 1940-1944 he was kept in a camp of antifascist political prisoners. Although initially a sympathizer of Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu, he changed sides and became a supporter of Gheorghiu-Dej, who promoted him in several party and government positions. He died in November 1957 in a plane crash.
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This is a review of Dietmar Müller's book Bodeneigentum und Nation: Rumänien, Jugoslawien und Polen im europäischen Vergleich, 1918-1948 (Proprietatea asupra pământului și națiunea: România, Iugoslavia și Polonia în perspectivă comparată la nivel european, 1918-1948), Wallstein Verlag, Göttingen, 2020, 480 p.
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Based on relevant historical documents, statistics, contemporary journals and nationalist propaganda, the following paper explores a series of fundamental aspects related to the political geography of Romania’s interwar Western borderland. I first examine how demography and state power are used in order to defend the border and to invent it as a marker of Romanian territorial sovereignty. Further, I explore a series of political and social practices destined to strenghtened the bordering process and the security of the borderland in the 1930s, before briefly highlighting the geopolitical changes that took place during the Second World War and its aftermath. I argue that throughout the interwar era this borderland was ideologically and socially constructed as a distinct region through various practices of nationalisation, as its demographic and territorial structure became central to Romanian projects of political engineering.
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Tourism is one of the fastest growing branches of the economy both globally and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, despite the fact that the relevant institutions have not fully recognized its importance and potential. Architectural heritage is an important segment of cultural heritage, and European architectural heritage is recognized as the most representative segment of the heritage of the entire continent. That is why, back in 1985, the European Convention for the Protection of the Architectural Heritage of Europe was adopted, the aim of which is to promote and protect the architectural heritage in the territory of the then European Community. A few years later, in 1991, a Recommendation on the Protection of the Architectural Heritage of the 20th century was adopted, recognizing for the first time the value of contemporary construction. In the new millennium, the architectural heritage of the 20th century is becoming extremely popular, especially representative examples of socialist architecture, and the heritage of some countries, such as the Yugoslavian school of architecture, is gaining international professional recognition, especially through exhibition at the prestigious Museum of Modern Art in New York. Such a level of interest of the world public enables many cities with significant examples of socialist architecture such as Zenica to find their interest in the protection, interpretation and presentation of architectural heritage through tourism that can contribute to the overall development of these environments.
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This paper presents the contribution of Hungarian artists working with space and architects to the Avant-Garde. The writer Lajos Kassák contributed with his writings to the propagation of the Avant- Garde (like journals in other countries, ex. Contimporanul in Romania). The strivings to innovate architecture from the beginning of the century could first not be continued after WWI as the Soviet Republic failed. After work in exile, some from the Avant-Garde returned home. Bauhaus student Farkas Molnár built several Modernist single family and apartment blocks, and he also started before his premature death the Holy Land church which remained unfinished. Corresponding to the two phases, before the Soviet Republic and subsequent emigration and after, the Hungarian Werkbund was founded twice. The first founding builds on the turn of the century innovation in the architectural language of the facade. This was researched by means of literature review, visit of exhibitions, and reading some of the interwar works in original. The article tries to put in context the built architecture of Farkas Molnár within the architectural theories of the style and the development of the architectural theories from the point of view of architectural language.
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The paper aims to present the circumstances and results of the event of crucial importance for European integration, which was the Hague Congress convened in 1948, as well as to present the impact of its resolutions on the process of laying the foundation for the Council of Europe and shaping the legal conditions for its functioning. The paper describes different events that are part of the integration actions undertaken on the Old Continent after World War II, including and discussing in detail the characteristics of the Congress of Europe in The Hague. On the basis of the resolutions adopted at that time, the paper analyses the circumstances and arguments in favour of the solutions put in place in the following years. The article indicates the numerous provisions of the Hague Congress resolutions which have been implemented in the process of the subsequent European integration. The description and the axiological background of the decisions made in 1948 allow a better understanding of the origins of the many institutions and processes that influenced the shaping of Europe’s legal culture over the past few decades. In addition, the article presents a broad catalogue of the figures involved in the organisation of the Hague Congress, together with their affiliation with the different views on the scope of integration. The references to source texts and literature highlighting the background of the creation of the Council of Europe make it possible to understand more fully the basis for its mission concerning the strengthening of the democratic stability and the rule of law on the continent. Ultimately, by linking the legal bases of the functioning of the Council of Europe with a description of the foundations on which it was created, the article gives us an answer to the question of why the Council of Europe has developed its own modus operandi and its own methods of influencing the legal systems of the Member States.
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Due to its cultural-historical and archaeological value Trg Cimiter (Cemetery Square) has been included in the protected urban historical centre of the town of Senj and has been entered in the register of immovable monuments of culture of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia under the number Z- 4186. It is known archaeologically as one of the cemeteries of the area of the town of Senj and people were buried here from Late Antiquity to the mid-19th century.During November and December 2015 protective archaeological research was carried out on Trg Cimiter. After the removal of the first layers of earth a large quantity of dislocated human bones and finds of religious items characteristic of the period from the 17th to 19th centuries were detected. After defining the stratigraphic relationships with the probe at the researched area graves were uncovered and documented, which were orientated in a north-south direction and an east-west direction. In several cases it was noted that the human bones were dislocated by later burials in the same location. Of the found bones at the end of the research within the total of 15 graves 23 somewhat intact skeletal remains were singled out.Rich ceramic material and remains of flooring, burning and soot were uncovered in the graves, as well as remains of architecture i.e. several walls that were partly destroyed by new burials at the site. The remains of the architecture could not be investigated due to the space limitations of the probe. However, according to the building technique and their structure some of the uncovered walls could be dated to Antiquity, early Christian and mediaeval periods. The earliest layers of Trg Cimiter, according to the found ceramic material in the lowest layers at a depth of 2.5 metres from today’s walking surface of the square, could be dated to the first century AD. From the mentioned, it shows the great archaeological significance that Trg Cimiter has for the cultural-historical heritage of the town of Senj.
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The Treaty of Versailles was signed after several months of deliberations at a peace conference convened to Paris after the end of World War I on 28 June 1919 in Paris by Germany and the Entente countries. It entered into force on 10 January 1920, i.e., on the day of its ratification. Delegations of 27 winning countries participated in the peace conference in Paris. The treaty completely changed the map of Europe and the prevailing political order. Many small countries found their place on the map, including the Republic of Poland re-emerging on the maps of Europe, although in smaller territorial ownership than before the Partition of Poland. The Polish delegation, including among others: Ignacy Jan Paderewski and Roman Dmowski, tried their best to restore the Poles to their lands. Lands which, as a result of the Partition, came under the rule of three powers, namely: Prussia, Austria, and Russia. However, the peace conference in Paris showed much reluctance on the part of the Big Five, which decided about the fate of post-war Europe towards Poland. Expectations of the Poles that their case would be supported by friendly British, American, or French politicians turned out to be deceptive. Especially the French, who seemed very favourable to Poland, at the peace conference completely obeyed the will of the British, who even intended to prevent the Poles in their quest to restore the pre-partition Polish borders. The British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, who turned out to expose his unfavourable attitude towards the Polish cause, was so uncompromising in his position that no arguments invoked by the Polish delegation appealed to him.
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The creation of the justice system in Poland after it regained its independence in 1918 is an issue which does not attract too much interest from researchers. The main problem lies in the lack of historical sources on the subject. This is particularly evident with regard to the Eastern Lands of the Second Polish Republic as the archival materials concerting those lands were either destroyed during World War II, or if they were not, they are not easily accessible today. The judicial history of the Białystok region in the interwar period is not well known precisely because of the lack of sources. To date, the attempts to describe it have been based solely on press releases – mainly from the local newspaper 'Dziennik Białostocki' - and on normative acts published in government gazettes issued by the state authorities. Memoirs have also been consulted, but there are not many of them either. As it turns out, the Lithuanian Central State Archives in Vilnius has valuable materials on the beginnings of Polish judiciary in Białystok from the period of March 1919 to June 1919. Thanks to these few documents, we can learn not only about the difficult process of creating the local judiciary, but also about the first months of its operation and the names of the people who participated in it. Due to the fact that these archives are not easily accessible and no one has reached them before, some of them (showing case-law figures) have been published as material for future research.
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The publication deals with a short episode of the Court of Appeal in Bialystok between 1949-1950. It is part of the author's research work on the problem of reconstruction and transformation of the common judiciary during the period of building the socialist system in Poland in the first decade after World War II. Moreover, the aim of the publication is to answer an important, immediately emerging question; why the Court of Appeal in Bialystok was established at all? This was closely related to the fundamental changes that were taking place in the common judiciary in the years 1944-1954, which led to the politicization of the justice system. However, the reforms were not limited to the systemic adaptation of the judiciary to the needs of the authorities. The changes went much further, towards carrying out staff purges and eliminating from the judiciary pre-war judges who did not want to submit to political pressure and ideological indoctrination. The establishment of the Court of Appeal in Bialystok was part of the planned reorganization of the common court system, which was supposed to simplify the staff exchange process. That is why the publication also widely concerns the general changes that took place in the judiciary during this period. This approach helps to show intentions of the authorities and true reasons of establishing the Court of Appeal in Bialystok. These are presented in the decisions taken at the meetings of the Collegium of the Ministry of Justice and fragments of the reports of the Judicial Supervision Department, as quoted in the publication.
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Autor u radu analizira regionalne i lokalne gospodarske povijesne radove na primjeru Ludbreške, Koprivničke i Đurđevačke Podravine valorizirajuć njihovu vrijednost te mogućnosti daljnjih istraživanja gospodarske povijesti ovog dijela Republike Hrvatske.
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