"Itt van a` legvégső óltára Pallásnak". Az Erdélyi Kéziratkiadó Társaság és az Erdélyi Magyar Nyelvmívelő Társaság története

Author(s): Péter Dávid / Language(s): Hungarian

This work shows how the 18th century scientific societies were established in Transylvania. Furthermore, it deals with the aims, the works, the ideology and the texts written by these societies. My thesis introduces how it was possible in Transylvania to find this type of societies with the support of the then-governor of Transylvania, György Bánffy. These institutions had the chance to be self-led, which was very strange at that time, given that there weren’t any similar institutions in Hungary.The first chapter of my thesis deals with the political situation of Transylvania in the 1790s and also with the diets that gathered at that time. The reason for this is that these diets bring forward the main issues of the whole Transylvanian society providing the context for the scientific societies’ purpose. This part of the dissertation highlights some political questions which were negotiated in the diet. Later these issues gave topics to the Manuscript Publishing Society and the Language Protective Society as well. One of the crucial questions is the relations of Transylvania with Hungary and Austria. There were some opinions at the diet of 1790–91 – using the chaotic situation after the death of Joseph II – which reinterpreted the relations between Vienna and Buda, Vienna and Cluj and also Buda and Cluj. A part of the thesis aims at analysing the relationship between the three countries based on some Transylvanian leaflets.At the 1790s diets there were both innovative and conservative ideas. The conservative ideas came from the Szeklers and the Saxons who were against paying taxes and joining the military. They also wanted to have their old privileges restored.This was the period when the Romanians first appeared on the Transylvanian political stage. They handed in the Supplex Libellus Valachorum which required privileges for the Romanian nation also referring to their ancient rights. The Supplex Libellus Valachorum would have given wider political rights and religious freedom to the Romanians if it had been accepted. Unlike the Romanians, the Armenians were successful. The cities of Szamosújvár and Ebesfalva handed in a petition to the diet to give them the right of becoming free royal cities. The question of nationalities inside Transylvania was a crucial problem outside the diets as well. This work shows how the 18th century scientific societies were established in Transylvania. Furthermore, it deals with the aims, the works, the ideology and the texts written by these societies. My thesis introduces how it was possible in Transylvania to find this type of societies with the support of the then-governor of Transylvania, György Bánffy. These institutions had the chance to be self-led, which was very strange at that time, given that there weren’t any similar institutions in Hungary.The first chapter of my thesis deals with the political situation of Transylvania in the 1790s and also with the diets that gathered at that time. The reason for this is that these diets bring forward the main issues of the whole Transylvanian society providing the context for the scientific societies’ purpose. This part of the dissertation highlights some political questions which were negotiated in the diet. Later these issues gave topics to the Manuscript Publishing Society and the Language Protective Society as well. One of the crucial questions is the relations of Transylvania with Hungary and Austria. There were some opinions at the diet of 1790–91 – using the chaotic situation after the death of Joseph II – which reinterpreted the relations between Vienna and Buda, Vienna and Cluj and also Buda and Cluj. A part of the thesis aims at analysing the relationship between the three countries based on some Transylvanian leaflets. At the 1790s diets there were both innovative and conservative ideas. The conservative ideas came from the Szeklers and the Saxons who were against paying taxes and joining the military. They also wanted to have their old privileges restored.This was the period when the Romanians first appeared on the Transylvanian political stage. They handed in the Supplex Libellus Valachorum which required privileges for the Romanian nation also referring to their ancient rights. The Supplex Libellus Valachorum would have given wider political rights and religious freedom to the Romanians if it had been accepted. Unlike the Romanians, the Armenians were successful. The cities of Szamosújvár and Ebesfalva handed in a petition to the diet to give them the right of becoming free royal cities. The question of nationalities inside Transylvania was a crucial problem outside the diets as well. Famous Transylvanian historians and the members of the Language Protective Society will work on this topic.From the reports of the diets, leaflets, petitions and private letters emerges a very colourful Transylvania, with several religious cults, nationalities and political ideologies. Among these, Governor György Bánffy, tried to create a “unified Transylvania”. Bánffy’s idea is based on the Transylvanian traditions and laws. That is why Bánffy’s programme became Transylvania’s official ideology. The main argument for his theory is that it may have succeded in controlling the contrasts between the multiple nationalities and religions. Bánffy’s aim is to reach peace among the nationalities by trying to reach a network of compromises. The scientific institutions, which are supported by Bánffy, will use the same ideology in their texts. The second chapter of my dissertation deals with the Manuscript PublishingSociety. It follows the tradition of those treatises which have been written about this topic earlier. It centers on the description of the structure and the aims of the institution. This chapter has two significant results. On one hand, it interprets manuscripts which have never been analysed before. On the other hand, it deals with the paratexts of Schesaeus-epic, published by the society. From these texts we can extract elements of the “unified Transylvania” ideology.The third chapter is about the Transylvanian Language Protective Society. I start the description with the analysis of György Aranka’s leaflets and the problem of the Hungarian official language. Based on these leaflets we can discover the main aim of the society: to develop the Hungarian language and to make its use possible in both political and legal communication. Moreover, its objective was to spread it among the different nationalities that live in the country. The chapter also figures out why the researchers and politicians considered this theory possible. This chapter describes the structure of the society, the changes it went through and its most important members. It differentiates the institutions, firstly from a circle of friends who gathered in 1803, secondly, from a scientific society which was founded and supported by Farkas Cserey in 1806. And thirdly, it intends to separate the Language Protective Society from the group which gathered in 1818, leaded by Gábor Döbrentei. This segment studies the Aranka-correspondence as the primary source for revealing the relationship among the members of the society.In addition, it analyses the reports of the societies in order to discover the facts that caused some changes in the structure of the institution, dividing its work into six periods. This chapter also analyses the “colourful” publication of the institution called The First Work of the Hungarian Language Protective Society. The aim of this book was to show that Hungarian language is appropriate for assembling several types of writing (e.g.: review, comical poems or odes).With the help of new sources, my paper tries to explain the reasons which led to the end of the Language Protective Society’s work in 1801. The last chapter of the thesis is about two texts in which the members of the Language Protective Society were extremely interested. These texts are the following: the Szekler Chronicle of Csík and a description of Transylvania which used the Szekler Chronicle of Csík. This description was compiled as a response against August Ludwig Schlözer’s Kritische Sammlungen. From the analysis of these works it turns out that the Language Protective Society also followed the theory of the “unified Transylvania” and tried to create representative documents that show the Hungarian as an appropriate language for legal, political or scientific communication. The description of Transylvania, which was written for thise purpose, defines the situation of the Hungarian, Szeklers and Saxon nationalities on the basis of traditional historical view. Using the Szekler Chronicle of Csík it considers the Szeklers to be the aboriginals of Transylvania who even helped the Hungarians to find their new homeland in the 890s. Another innovation of this description is that it also regards the Romanian nationality as residents of Transylvania.In the last part of the third chapter readers can get acquainted with the societies which were formed later and which tried to pose as successors of the Language Protective Society. Although these societies and their texts were created on the basis of other political ideologies, they aimed to inherit the support and the collection of their predecessor. They wanted to define themselves as the pursuers of the work of the late 18th century society. However, they wanted to hide the idea of the “unified Transylvania” which was very significant in the life of the Language Protective Society.

Unió vagy "unificáltatás"?

Author(s): Judit Pál / Language(s): Hungarian

The present book discusses the union of Transylvania with Hungary from 1867, the events that led to it, and the integration process that followed after its enactment through the activity of the Royal Commissioner and largely based on hitherto unpublished archival sources. The book attempts to provide a complex image of the above-mentioned topic through the combination of various perspectives and methods (from political history to social history and political anthropology). At the end of the seventeenth century, after the removal of the Turkish domination, Transylvania was also incorporated into the Habsburg Empire, without reestablishing the unity of the medieval Hungarian Kingdom, but by preserving the province’s status as a distinct principality which it received in the wake of the Battle of Mohács (1526). In the eighteenth century, the issue of Transylvania’s reincorporation into Hungary was occasionally discussed during several Hungarian Diets. However, this idea really became part of a political program only during the so-called Reform Period (1830-1848), in parallel with the spread of nationalism. Miklós Wesselényi was the first who placed the question of the union at the core of his political activity, perceiving it as the main prerequisite for securing the future of the Hungarian nation as well as the democratization and progress of Transylvania.Wesselényi and the generation of Hungarian liberals from the Reform Period conceived the union as closely connected to emancipation and the expansion of democratic rights; at the time, nationalism and liberalism were still going hand in hand. By the 1840s, the idea had already became not only rooted into the public mind, but also a general demand. Consequently, in March 1848 it was included among the demands of the Hungarian revolutionary program.Thus, by the mid-nineteenth-century, the question of the union had become central to the Hungarian political establishment. However, in Transylvania it divided politicians and the emerging public opinion alike. Most provincial Romanian and Saxon politicians perceived the preservation of the province’s autonomy as the main prerequisite for the survival and development of their respective national communities. The opposing views clashed during the Diet of 1848, and due to the Hungarian majority the union was ultimately enacted. However, this state of affairs was short-lived; in Transylvania, the modern nations/nationalities born on the ruins of the former political “nations of Estates” (“feudal nations”) clashed in a bloody civil war, which caused many lasting traumas. 1848 was a turning point, but the unfolding of the events from the following two decades played a key-role as well. In 1849, after the defeat of the Hungarian Revolution, the Austrian administration restored the pre-revolutionary status quo, making the situation even worse by abolishing local autonomies. Thus, the question of the union was removed from the agenda. Instead, the Viennese authorities started to promote the principle of equal rights among the nationalities, but it was soon marginalized by the endeavor to create a homogenous Empire. The question of the equal rights later became part of the political game during the compromise negotiations between Vienna and the Hungarian political elite. To the Transylvanian Romanians – albeit they were frustrated in their hopes – the period of neo-absolutism brought certain positive changes. The Romanians’ process of national emancipation could no longer be reversed.After the issue of the October Diploma (1860), a bitter struggle ensued among the Transylvanian Hungarians, Romanians, and Saxons for the division of the political power and language rights. During the so-called Provisorium [Provisional administration] (1862-1867) the Hungarians lost ground, and it was then (1863-1864) that the provincial Diet – which held great significance to the Romanians, but which the Hungarians decided to boycott – convened in Sibiu. On request from the Romanians, who were striving for more than the individual rights guaranteed by the 1848 laws, the Diet adopted a law which granted equal rights to the Romanian nation and language. However, the initiation of the compromise negotiations once again changed the balance of power, this time in favor of the Hungarians – but the change again came from outside.The union of Transylvania with Hungary was concomitantly the precondition for the Austro-Hungarian Compromise (1867) and its direct consequence. In the meantime, in the almost two decades that elapsed since the end of the Revolution, the situation had changed significantly, and in Transylvania, standpoints became more divergent instead of converging. Transylvanian Hungarians viewed the question of the union as vital to them. Conversely, the elites of the other nationalities viewed other aspects, such as “national awakening”, the development of an as wide as possible basis, the securing of autonomy, and the acquiring of as favorable as possible positions, as vital to them. Furthermore, both the Romanians and Saxons wanted collective rights instead of the existing individual ones, which ran counter to the conception of the Hungarian political elite, which was rooted in liberal nationalism. The union was finally enacted by the provincial Diet in Cluj in December 1865 despite strong opposition from most Romanians and Saxons, which left an indelible mark not only on the ensuing government measures, but also on the entire political life.Once with Compromise from 1867, Transylvania’s more than three century long separate status and development came to an end. However, this was only the first step, because the complex integration process still lay ahead. In April 1867, Emánuel Péchy, the Lord Lieutenant of Abaúj County, was appointed Royal Commissar with the task of supervising the province’s integration process. The initial idea was that it had to be carried out tactfully, by taking into account the various sensitivities, especially the national ones, as well as local particularities. However, this initial approach steadily changed, and the handling of the issue became an extension of inter-party struggles and potential arrangements. The separate paths to development that Transylvania took for three centuries as well as the complex nationality question did not make its integration any easier.Concerning the integration of Transylvania, the situation prevailing in 1867 was much more unfavorable in many than that in 1848. If in 1848 there was still hope that the abolition of serfdom and liberal rights will lay the foundation for consensus, in 1867 all this turned into an illusion. Furthermore, it was not a “readymade” and structurally-developed state that tried to integrate a territory with a state tradition, but a semi-sovereign and freshly-autonomous state that tried to integrate a province that had gone through several experiments and was marred by national tension. As for the integration, there was no plan for its implementation, and without a preliminary conception, the ideas were developed and re-developed “along the way” without making a thorough assessment of the consequences. The bargaining among the various interests was not at all easy. The government was in a difficult situation, because all of a sudden it was faced with numerous expectations and tasks. The Hungarian landowners in Transylvania were its main allies and potential voters; therefore, it had to take their interests into account. Furthermore, the staunch rejection from the Romanians and the opposition of the Saxons only increased the government’s tendency to support Hungarian interests, and the conviction that since it could not win the other nationalities over, the government should at least satisfy Transylvanian Hungarians steadily gained ground. Consequently, the government increasingly moved into the direction of homogenization.However, part of the Hungarians in Transylvania were also frustrated in their expectations.This was the typical disappointment due to excessive expectations, but their “pouting” had other reasons as well. They felt that the government “disregarded Transylvania’s most important and specific matters,” that they had too little saying in the decision-making and too few representatives in the government, and that their interests were mostly ignored.State- and nation-building occurred simultaneously in Hungary. Hungarian politicians completely rejected the possibility of federalization or regional autonomy, which was one of the main demands of the nationalities in the period of the dual monarchy, albeit at the time Transylvania already had a sort of model for power-sharing among the nationalities in place, which for better or worse worked in practice. The inclusion of the medieval-origin autonomies within the confines of modern bourgeois states was not at all a simple and smooth process. The centralizing endeavors of the modern state clashed with the privileges of the estates as well as the local autonomies. The most Hungarian liberal politicians who came to power envisaged a centralized national state, which was not possible to reconcile with the system of autonomies prevailing in Transylvania. They perceived every particularism as a remnant of “feudalism,” and argued that the liberal state built on rights equality among the citizens was incompatible with the concept of “a state within a state,” as they dubbed the Saxon autonomy. That is why they considered legitimate to abolish the “national” autonomies which appeared as separate political entities to them. The partial reorganization of the administrative system had already begun during the transition years, albeit its complete reorganization would be achieved only later, during the administrative reform of 1876. Certain particularities, such as specific elements of the use of three languages in the administration, remained in place until the abolition of the Royal Commissioner system in 1872 or partially even after that. The steady removal of the autonomy increased the nationalist feelings of the increasingly marginalized nationalities, and with this the ethnic tensions. As for the legal system, the standardization process took even longer, given that Transylvania had a quite complicated and eclectic system. The Austrian laws introduced during the period of neo-absolutism remained in force for a long time here. On the one hand, the government did not want to extend over Transylvania pieces of legislation that it was anyway intent on modernizing – only that in the beginning nobody thought that the adoption of new legislation could take years if not decades, and that the transition period would take much longer than expected; on the other hand, for instance in the case of the franchise, the government abandoned the idea of standardization, which would have implied the democratic expansion of the franchise, precisely because of the national question. Therefore, the integration process was not completed yet in 1872, and it continued after the abolition of the Royal Commissioner system; furthermore, from the perspective of governance, it proved much more complex than it was thought in the beginning. Despite the fact that in the realm of economic and social modernization the following period undoubtedly brought improvements, albeit not unbroken progress, the attempt to reach an “internal consensus” with the nationalities proved a failure.

Tratatul de Pace de la Bucureşti din 1812. 200 de ani de la anexarea Basarabiei de către Imperiul Rus. Materialele conferinţei internaţionale, Chişinău, 26-28 aprilie 2012

Author(s): Veniamin Ciobanu,Valentin Tomuleţ,Vitali V. Stetskevych,Alexandr Ponomarev,Vlad Mischevca,Florin Marinescu,Ana Boldureanu,Valentin Arapu,Dinu Poştarencu,Andrei Emilciuc,Ivan Duminica,Andrei Cuşco,Igor Sava,Constantin Stan,Constantin I. Stan,Liviu Brătescu,Alexandru Istrate,Diana Ețco,Lucia Sava,Valentin Constantinov,Constantin Burac,Maria Danilov,Veaceslav Ciorbă,Tatiana Varta,Silvia Scutaru,Silvia Pantaz,Ion Gumenâi,Valentina Samoilenco,Gheorghe Negru,Alexandru Argint,Alexandru Roitman,Valentin Burlacu,Sergiu Musteaţă,Ludmila Coadă,Aurelian Lavric,Adrian Vițălaru,Iulian Gherca,Dorin CIMPOEŞU,Gheorghe Palade / Language(s): Romanian

Proceedings of the International Conference which are debating various aspects of theBucharest Peace Treatment of 1812. 200 years of annexation Bessarabia by Russian Empire

Zemstva Basarabiei

Author(s): Ludmila Coadă / Language(s): Romanian

The book on Bessarabian Zemstvo (19th c.)

Marea Britanie şi Unirea Principatelor Române (1856 - 1859)

Author(s): Dana Dumitru / Language(s): Romanian

The book on the Great Britain and the Union of the Romanian Principalities (1856 - 1859)

Két világ határán

Author(s): György Haraszti / Language(s): Hungarian

György Haraszti is an outstanding member of the middle-aged generation of historians. The articles in this book investigate the milestones along the symbiotic process of co-existence of Jews and Hungarians during the 1000 years of Hungarian history. This collection contains his writings of the last ten years on the shared Jewish-Hungarian history. He draws on the latest findings of Hungarian and international historical research, and he also takes a new approach to 18th-century Jewish migration into Hungary, the social structure of Hungarian Jewry in 1848, and the question of the much-debated migration from Galicia. The closing essay surveys the problems of Hungarian-Jewish history writing.

Hivatalnok értelmiség a kora újkori Erdélyben

Author(s): / Language(s): Hungarian

This volume contains the texts of the papers presented at the conference "Officialdom in Early Modern Transylvania" held in October 2015 in Cluj (Kolozsvár). Written on the basis of archival sources the essays particularly deal with the lives, careers and competences of the clerks of the central government of the Transylvanian Principality.

„Mennyi jobbágya és mennyi portiója”. Torda vármegye birtokos társadalma a 17. század első felében

Author(s): Dáné Veronka / Language(s): Hungarian

“The question of the distribution of estates in 16th-17th Transylvania (the fundamental question of the estate system in the era of the Principality) is still waiting for an answer,” as the most accomplished expert of the history of the Transylvanian Principality, Zsolt Trócsány claimed in 1976.The importance of the subject is indicated by a later reference, when in 1980, in connection with the origins of the office-holders of the central administration, he returns to the question: “One may ask, to what extent could a complete exploration of the distribution of estates among members of 16th-17th century Transylvanian nobility assist us in this question? In light of the available sources, such an exploration could certainly not grasp the strata of minor noblemen with only a few plots, those inherently born into the strata of intellectuals, or burghers either. However, it would probably reveal an order in connection with the aristocracy and the county nobility. How much financial power do Transylvanian peers possess, how does the financial potency of individual families grow or diminish – there is probably a more certain answer to this question, even if it requires a significant amount of research.” Almost four decades later, it is not simply the expected answer that is still absent, but even the recommended research has not started until the turn of the 20th-21st century. This is, of course, in part due to the conditions of research hindered by the Communist dictatorship in particular for Hungarian researchers. It is also true that because of the range of available sources, a complete mapping of the society of Transylvanian peers, and the distribution of estates requires much more eff ort than in the case of the Kingdom of Hungary. For, in the case of the Principality, there are no more or less continuous series of ‘conscriptios’ like those preserved in the Archive of the Hungarian Chamber. From the 150 years of the autonomous Transylvanian state, in a hugely unequal distribution, we have a maximum of 12 such ‘conscriptios’ available for any county, that is, specific information is only available from 12 years. Apart from fiscalis estates, up to the mid- or late 17th century, land terriers (urbarium), or ‘conscriptios’ related to serfs, and other estaterelated materials are only occasionally preserved in the archives of Transylvanian families. Even after this period, we are not abounding with sources. This is partly due to the fact that such outdated fiscal documents have already been “scrapped” by their respective owners, and the constant destruction and scattering of Transylvanian archival material over the course of time did not help either. Therefore, in order to make up for these losses at least to a certain degree, researchers must first of all recover every related archival source to the greatest extent possible, which means that any such undertaking demands at least a decade of work.The volume – relying on the research launched in the late 1990s covering the history of noble counties – makes the first step towards an exploration of the distribution of estates among members of the mobility in the era of the Principality by presenting the community of estates in Torda county in the beginning of the 17th century (from 1603 to 1658) based on the only 17th century record available for the county, the portalis conscriptio from 1616. The snapshot is expanded by the author with information from county protocols, family archives etc., in order to get a more complete picture, and she follows the micro-historical method employed by Zsigmond Jakó, that is, wherever possible, she tries to cover the history of all the members (or those members who can be considered typical) within each category of estate owners, together with the history of the respective pieces of estates. The starting year, 1603 is the year of the Battle of Brassó (Braşov), which – because of a large-scale extermination of noble families, and the subsequent exchange of estate owners – is a watershed event not only according to the historiographer Szamosközy, but according to the sources, too, and similar changes took place in 1658, at the beginning of the second rulership crisis. At the same time, the ‘conscriptios’ from 1573 and 1575 discovered during the course of research provided an opportunity to outline the estate society of the county in the mid-/late-16th century, too, therefore the processes can be traced over an 80-year-long time span. The sources from the two centuries highlighted the degree of uncertainty and the resulting misunderstandings concerning the use of the term ‘porta’ which served as the basis for taxation. Namely, critical literature used a unified key of 1 plot = 10 serfs introduced in 1608 for the whole period of the Principality, but this is wrong. In the period preceding 1608, the autonomous Transylvanian state almost certainly carried on with the tradition inherited from the Kingdom of Hungary, and thus, in the 16th century, plot probably meant serf farms with a wealth of three, six, then twelve forints. The destruction caused by the Fifteen Years War forced the administration to eliminate the minimum wealth. (The Kingdom of Hungary introduced similar measures for the same reasons: from 1608, four serfs or 12 inquilini [inquilinus / ‘zsellér’] constituted one ‘porta’.) Therefore, since the content of ‘porta’ is diff erent, the number of ‘portas’ before and after 1608 cannot be compared. Another problem is the definition of the different categories (large, medium and small estate owners), and the classification of the possessors within these categories, since the image is subject to change until the full exploration of the distribution of estates in Transylvania. Therefore, the author stuck to the terms large, medium and small estate owners, but regards them as valid exclusively with reference to the investigated county.Within the present framework, the changes in the estate owner society of the county could only be illustrated with the numerical data of the investigation. In the 1570s, the biggest estate owner of the county was the Treasury/the Prince, with the three bordering castle estates (Görgény [Gurghiu], Léta [Liteni], Vécs [Brâncovenești]), it controlled more than 44% of the ‘portas’. As for private estates, in terms of estate size, 77% of the total possessors in the county were small estates, owning a mere 1-10 ‘portas’ (and a quarter of this category only owned one ‘porta’). As for the ancestry of the county, it seems that the majority (77%) of the families who owned estates here before Mohács managed to preserve their possessions until this period in a more or less intact state. In Torda county, settlement from other parts of the Kingdom of Hungary, which was, according to Zsigmond Jakó, quite significant in Doboka county, was less characteristic. Only a quarter of the estate owners have turned up simultaneously with the Transylvanian state, or later. It cannot be denied, however, that the fragmentation of estates, and the loss of estates on the distaff side increased by the 1570s, 1580s. During the first half of the 17th century, significant changes happened. Above all, until the rule of the Rákóczis, the fiscus/treasury had become virtually invisible (whereas, for example in Inner-Szolnok it had become predominant). The Léta estate was completely parcelled out, whereas the Görgény and Vécs estates migrated to private estate owners as ‘inscriptio’. Like in the previous period, the proportion of small estate owners remained relatively high, almost half of the possessors owned half a ‘porta’, or less than five serf families/farms or less. As for ancestry, the number of estate owners who had been here before Mohács or in the first half of the 16th century fell below 40% percent in all the three categories, which indicates the destruction caused by the Fifteen Years War. Holding of county offices was characteristic of middle (2-9 ‘portas’) and small (0.5-2 ‘portas’) estate owners, in the case of the latter, obviously for the sake of financial gain. Zsigmond Jakó, in his broad comparison of the two counties, arrived at the following conclusion: “Doboka is characterised by good medium estates and constancy, Belső-Szolnok (Szolnok Interior) by large estates and vivacity.” Torda was somewhere between these two: it preserved way more of its ancient families than Inner-Szolnok, but the proportion and the weight of medium estates was smaller than in Doboka, and there was a certain amount of vivacity in the estate relations of the county. Already the examination of these three counties shows that there is no place for generalisations here. The seven Transylvanian noble counties can be regarded as “septuplets”, but their respective “personalities” are different. And this, in our opinion, is to a signifi cant extent a result of nothing else, but the composition, proportions and unique characteristics of their estate societies, which profoundly determines how a given county’s noble universitas behaves as a community.The results of the research are probably not as fruitful in the case of large estate owners influential in the political course and administration of the country as in the case of the lower strata. However, to a certain number of questions listed by Trócsányi (like the commencement of the officeholder commoner and small estate owners, the administrative intellectuals, the government administrators, and the history of intellectual dynasties) it yielded basic information, and also the clouds shadowing the distribution of estates, which is thought to be the fundamental question of the estate system, are starting to dissipate at least in connection with one county.

Uloga kafe u konstruisanju nacionalnog identiteta Engleske

Author(s): Alexander Mirkovic / Language(s): Serbian

Urzędy, stanowiska i tytuły urzędowe w Królestwie Polskim (1815-1915). Materiały do słownika

Author(s): Alicja Kulecka,Emil Hoffmann / Language(s): Polish

An attempt to present the history of the government offices in the Kingdom of Poland in the form of a dictionary, arranged in an alphabetical order facilitating the search for the necessary information. The publication provides the basic information about the government offices, their competences and activities performed at the particular positions. The entries include: description of the competences of the office or the official, the most important legal acts on which their work was based, the bibliography and, in case of the institution, presentation of the structure.

Opera Paryska Palais Garnier. Historia, sztuka, mit

Author(s): Dorota Babilas / Language(s): Polish

The history, artistic programme, and cultural significance of the Paris Opera house, one of the most recognisable examples of French eclecticism of the second half of the 19th century, which continues to inspire reinterpretations in various forms of art., as well as literature and film.

Księstwo Warszawskie (1807-1815)

Author(s): Jarosław Czubaty / Language(s): Polish

A synthesis of the history of the Duchy of Warsaw. The author presents the political history of the Duchy, its role in Napoleon’s geopolitical Empire and the international political relations of that era. He discusses military issues, constitutional solutions and administrative models adopted in the new state, as well as its social problems, cultural, civilizational and mentality-related transformations. The author portrays the political attitudes of Poles living in the discussed period. He analyzes economic matters, especially the economic crisis of the Duchy.

Dżuma w Toruniu w trakcie III wojny północnej

Author(s): Katarzyna Pękacka-Falkowska / Language(s): Polish

The book attempts to depict the plague in the city of Toruń (Royal Prussia) in years 1708–1711 in its entirety, and accordingly analyses the epidemic as an event which “permeates all the people of a society.” The author argues, that the plague in early modern Toruń was a total social fact and had numerous implications throughout local society, in the economic, juridical, cultural, aesthetic, political, and religious spheres, weaving together diverse strands of social and psychological life.The book consists of two main parts. The first part is descriptive and serves as a chronicle of the destructive plague that broke out in the city in 1708; it traces the ebb and flow of epidemic. Among others, the author discusses the circulation of information between collective and individual actors, and numerous activities of a magistrate of Toruń intending to control the arrival and spread of the disease and to mitigate its negative effects. Also, the mechanisms and processes of normalisation of social and individual life after the catastrophe are presented, together with the persistence of an indelible mark engraved by the disease in the collective memory of city dwellers. The first part of the book conclusively shows that the plague in Toruń in 1708–1711 permeated all spheres of social and individual life in the local community.The second, analytical part of the monograph consists of four chapters. In the first chapter, the author discusses religiosity in plague-stricken Toruń. She analyzes one of the local plague sermons from the sociological perspective to show that during the plague outbreaks religious, medical and social orders were contentiously overlapping. The sermon Christlicher Patient delivered in 1708 by Ephraim Praetorius, a devout Lutheran, was re-defining a habitual condition of a good Christian during the catastrophe and thus it was helping to guide future actions and behaviours of city dwellers simultaneously disposing them to think in a certain way about both their life and death and about charity and Christian love of neighbour. The second chapter presents the history of local plague hospitals as a complex component of urban responses to recurring epidemics. First and foremost it explains how the local lazaretto in Toruń functioned, how it was subsidized, where was it situated, who (and why) worked there, and what it was like to stay (voluntary and enforced) and die there. It also explains how the local plague fighting system was organized in the 17th and 18th centuries and how it was supported by private individuals and city offices. Consequently, the author argues that Lutheran and Catholic self-help together with new patterns of self-organisation were fundamental for specific forms of social solidarity tempore pestis. The third chapter discusses the burial of plague dead and analyzes demographic effects of the epidemic on size and composition of the city population. Among others, it specifies locations of the plague pits and plague cemeteries in Toruń in 1708–1711. It also estimates plague mortality and introduces Jacques Dupâquier’s method to detect demographic crises in the years 1700-1715 on the basis of the temporal distribution of deaths in all city parishes. The last, fourth chapter discusses an early modern phenomenon of timor pestis (fear of plague) and its components. The author argues that in the early modern period the complex notion of natural and supernatural fear was one of the most important elements of the multifaceted understanding of “pestilence” and how it spread. The numerous examples of timor pestis management taken from both ego-documents and administrative source are cited here.In the Annex to this book, editions of selected primary historical sources referring to plagues in early modern Toruń can be found.

WSPÓŁTWÓRCY ATLANTYCKIEGO ŚWIATA. Nowi chrześcijanie i Żydzi w gospodarce kolonialnej Ameryki Łacińskiej XVI–XVII wieku. Zarys problematyki

Author(s): Henryk Szlajfer / Language(s): Polish

W części zasadniczej nowatorska praca Henryka Szlajfera opiera się na źródłach drukowanych (wizytacje, sprawozdania, dzienniki podróży, rzadziej pamiętniki) oraz światowej literaturze przedmiotu.Czytelnik otrzymuje potężną dawkę mało znanych faktów i ciekawych interpretacji zdecydowanie poszerzających wiedzę nie tylko na temat bezpośrednich konsekwencji wielkich odkryć geograficznych, lecz także losów Żydów wygnanych pod koniec XV wieku z Hiszpanii i Portugalii. Książka niewątpliwie stanowi znaczący wkład w rozwój światowej historiografii i współczesnych dyskusji międzynarodowych.dr hab. Daniel Grinberg, prof. Uniwersytetu w BiałymstokuPrzedkładana Czytelnikowi książka jest odpowiedzią na fałszujące historię uproszczenia i przemilczenia - uzupełnia i w wielu aspektach koryguje obraz pierwszych wieków Ameryki Łacińskiej.Za wyjątkowe osiągnięcie prezentowanej pracy uznać należy m.in. części poświęcone niewolnictwu. Uderza w nich powaga i rzetelność w podejściu do tematu, a przede wszystkim jasne postawienie problemu odpowiedzialności Europejczyków, zarówno chrześcijan, jak i Żydów, za ten barbarzyński epizod w naszej wspólnej historii. W moim przekonaniu ustalenia Henryka Szlajfera wejdą na stałe do literatury przedmiotu i będą nieodzownym punktem wyjścia dla dalszych badań nad obecnością Żydów w procesach cywilizacyjnych Nowego Świata u progu nowoczesności. Skłaniają też do rewizji stereotypowego myślenia o Europie, zwłaszcza o europejskim chrześcijaństwie jako istotnym i pozytywnym wkładzie w kulturę uniwersalną.prof. zw. dr hab. Stanisław ObirekHenryk Szlajfer - emerytowany profesor w Ośrodku Studiów Amerykańskich Instytutu Ameryk i Europy Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego oraz w Instytucie Studiów Politycznych PAN. Visiting fellow i wykładowca na uniwersytetach w Oksfordzie, Genewie, Rochester (USA) i Dar es Salaam (Tanzania). Opublikował m.in.: The Faltering Economy. The Problem of Accumulation under Monopoly Capitalism (współautor wstępu i wyboru John B. Foster; New York 1984), Modernizacja zależności. Kapitalizm i rozwój w Ameryce Łacińskiej (Wrocław 1984), Polacy i Żydzi: zderzenie stereotypów (Warszawa 2003), Western Europe, Eastern Europe and World Development 13th-18th Centuries. Collection of Essays of Marian Małowist (współautor wstępu i wyboru Jean Batou; Leiden-Boston 2010) oraz Economic Nationalism and Globalization. Lessons from Latin America and Central Europe (Leiden-Boston 2012).

Le Mouvement Révolutionnaire Hussite et la Reconsolidation de la Féodalité

Author(s): L'udovít Holotík / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Czechoslovak historians are paying increasing attention to the pinnacle of our national history, to the Hussite revolutionary movement. Over the past twenty-five years, dozens of works have been written, large or short, which have substantially completed and clarified the picture of this glorious era.

The House of Vasa and The House of Austria. Correspondence from the Years 1587 to 1668. Part I: The Times of Sigismund III, 1587–1632, Volume 2

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The published correspondence reveals the dimension of cooperation and the community of dynastic, political, cultural, and religious interests between the House of Vasa and the House of Austria. It provides the basis for analyzing mutual relations in terms of affinity, emulation, and rivalry. Editing the letters creates a kind of catalog showcasing the role and identity of the Vasas in the extensive European cultural and political context and can serve as a starting point for further studies. One of the most important instruments through which we can observe and analyze these processes is the letters exchanged between members of both dynasties. Royal letters with signatures, seals, and their content are a lasting testament to the presence and role of Poland in European culture in the early modern era.

Международната научна конференция „Поп-култура, поп-политика: дигиталният обрат“, посветена на проф. Ивайло Дичев

Author(s): Niya Neykova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 16/2024

44 scientists participated in the International Scientific Conference dedicated to Prof. Ivaylo Dichev, on the topic: Pop-culture, Pop-politics: The Digital Turn. Interdisciplinary Analyses Of The Intersectionality Between Media, Cultures And Politics. The conference concludes the research project "Pop-culture, pop-politics: The digital turn. Interdisciplinary analyses of the intersection between media, cultures and politics" of the Sofia University. The conference was implemented with the help of the Cultural Studies Network, the journal "Seminar_BG", the Department of "Radio and Television" of the Faculty of Journalism and Mass Communication, and the Department of "History and Theory of Culture" at the Faculty of Philosophy, together with scientists from the Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences.

Woodcut Illustrations to the Gospel Text in Early Printed Cyrillic Liturgical Tetraevangelia. Part 1: Lviv editions.

Author(s): Jerzy Ostapczuk / Language(s): English Issue: 8/2024

Le présent article se concentre sur les cycles d'images narratives de l'Évangile, présents dans les premiers Tétraévangiles liturgiques imprimés en cyrillique et publiés à Lviv. Les sept éditions des Évangiles publiées par l'imprimerie de la Confrérie de Lviv, ainsi que celle publiée par Mykhailo Slozka, comportent de nombreuses illustrations narratives placées en lien direct avec les versets qui décrivent les scènes représentées. Une étude approfondie de ces cycles évangéliques d'images narratives, ainsi que les changements que les illustrations ont subis dans chaque édition, nous permettent de classer les modèles de représentation en trois groupes, et de diviser les huit Tétraévangiles de Lviv en deux groupes. Deux annexes présentent toutes les images narratives gravées sur bois dans les éditions des Évangiles de Lviv. Le premier appendice contient des représentations d'événements évangéliques dans les Tétraévangiles de Lviv, tandis que le deuxième appendice présente les illustrations narratives de l'édition de Mykhailo Slozka.

Echoes

Author(s): Ana Dumitran / Language(s): English,French Issue: 8/2024

Българските народни песни с мотив „Девойка спасява Малта“ – публикации, изследвания, въпроси. Част 1

Author(s): Snezhanka Gencheva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2024

The article summarizes the concepts of historicism of the folklore-poetic works established in our science at the end of the last century. It reviews the recordings and publications of Bulgarian folk songs with the motif "A Virgin Rescues Malta" and examines the research and opinions concerning them. The article also analyses the metadata, associated with the already published versions, throwing more light on the context of their existence at the time of their recording in written form.