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The paper aims to provide comments on the worship of Hercules as a protector of Roman stoneworkers, focusing on an inscription from Upper Moesia — a tabula from the Iron Gates gorge dedicated to Hercules by the lapidarii of the legions VII Claudia and IV Flavia.
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This polemical paper discusses the three negative reviews written by Everett L. Wheeler, Ch.G. Makrypoulias, N.D. Barabanov, and G.G. Markaryan on the book “The Armenian Military in the Byzantine Empire: Conflict and Alliance under Justinian and Maurice” by A.M. Ayvazyan. The detailed analysis strongly questions the academic validity and sincerity of these reviews, reveals the low professionalism and extreme tendentiousness of their criticisms. The reviewers use a similar methodology for history falsification, which includes, among other things, deliberate fabrications, distortions of the original sources, disregard for the academic literature, malign substitution of the notions, and complete rejection of the patriotic narrative. All the three reviews visibly contain an anti-Armenian political-ideological bias. The paper also summarizes the positive reviews of the same book made by qualified specialists.
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Ara Pacis Augustae is the most frequently studied work of art in the ancient Roman history of art. The uninitiated eye sees an exquisitely crafted, detailed, multitude of reliefs, a unique work of art, but history and different collaborative sciences can render an excellent imprint of Augustus era from these tiny details. Owing to the Ara Pacis’ chiselled reliefs, it is an excellent source for political history, history of religion, and ideology. The aim of this study is to take sides in the question of who is the main figure of the panel by dint of the iconographic features and recent literature.
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Simultaneously with the siege of Thasos, ten thousand Athenian and allied colonists went on their way to establish a settlement at Ennea Hodoi, a crossing controlled by the Edonians. This attempt came to a grievous end, as – their alleged hostility notwithstanding – the Edonians and Alexander the Philhellene most probably had common interests in the area. It would be very reasonable, in 479 BC, to keep an active military force and try to implement some sort of administrative overview over Edonia; fifteen years later, however, after all immediate external threats became a thing of the past, Alexander withdrew the formal border of the kingdom to the west in order to alleviate the cost of keeping soldiers and administrators that far from the capital at Aegae. This, however, did not mean that Edonia left the Macedonian sphere of interest and/or influence. Ruled by a local basileus, they obviously remained ξύμμαχοι καὶ ὑπήκοοι (“allies and subjects”), following the pattern of certain tribes in western Upper Macedonia. Accordingly, in fighting the colonists sent by Athens, they seem to have acted in cooperation with the Argeadai – a fact that took the Athenians by surprise.
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The administrative municipality of Arba, whose constitution is associated with the construction of walls and towers at the time of Augustus, were led by local magistrates (duoviri, aediles) and members of the city council (decuriones). According to preserved inscribed materials it can be concluded that during the first and second centuries the leading magistrate families of Arba were the Baebii, Octavii and Trebii, and onomastic analysis shows that they belonged mostly to the local Romanized aristocracy. The activity of Arba’s town’s council is confirmed on an inscription which can be dated from the second half of the second century to the middle of the third century when the honour of placing monuments was paid to Marcus Aurelius, Julia Domna, Caracalla, Alexander Severus and later Trebonianus Galus. Very important is the munificentia from the year 173 which dealt with the city’s water supply. At the beginning of the 3rd century a curator was registered; a high dignitary to whom the Caesar appointed the task to oversee the administrative affairs of the city in which appeared some irregularities or difficulties.
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The focus of this article is on the chronology and the manner of crowning of Tsar Samuel, as well as its impact on the terminology in contemporary sources on the rebels of the Cometopuli revolt and Samuel’s state. The text considers the various theories and the arguments in their favor. Тhe main topics of discussion are the theories about the rule of the eunuch Roman and the interpretation of Tsar Samuel’s Inscription, as well as certain contradictions in the sources concerning the matter. The current theory is that Samuel was crowned between 986 and 989, after Veliki Preslav had been taken and Aaron assassinated.
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The body of preserved data on the first Persian incursion on the northern coast of the Aegean is rather small. A dissection of the information preserved in Herodotus, combined with a detailed analysis of the features of local geography, show that, in all probability, Persia managed to establish control over the majority of the Thraco-Macedonian coast. However, there is little indication that the Persians attempted to administer this territory at such an early date. At the time, a major benefit for the Persians was establishing control over the road network leading to the west – a fact which indicates that Persian ventures were far from over and that this line of communication was of critical importance for further conquests. Most importantly, the road to the west led the Persians to the immediate vicinity of the kingdom of the Argeadae.
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A major asset in historical research are those literary works created cum ira et studioworks which directly reveal the truth in flagrante (in fire and passion). Such works represent the Hellenic rhetoric which, with its vivid oratorical public form and, above all, with its acute function as political speech, fully reflects the heated political practices of the time. Understandably, speeches, as being marked, always mediate between the marker and the one to whom messages are sent. Because of their temporal distance and polysemy, the speeches of the researched rhetors mediate not only the actual milieu of that time-the Athenian demos, the Hellenic genus, etc., -but also interact with every new researcher of those circumstances and times, who in that moment becomes a new collaborator, even a new critical accuser. The textual, contextual and out-textual messages have been sent through many space and time codes, so that they continually correspond with a new auditorium. In this sense, this discourse, too, has the courage and intention of sending new messages and confirming the meaning of rhetoric as history in process, history in growing, with all the reflections of thought and will, according to the many consequences upon historical practice.
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In the reign of King Perdiccas II (454-413 BC), the Macedonian Kingdom was faced with rapid tightening of the relations with the Odrysian Kingdom and Athens as major regional Balkan forces. In the interest of preserving the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of his kingdom, Perdiccas II initiated diplomatic negotiations and conclusion of an alliance agreement with the Odrysian King Sitalces and Athens. At the same time an Odrysian-Athenian alliance agreement has been concluded, which encircled the triple diplomatic alliance crossing the Macedonian, Athenian and the Thracian relationship with mutual claims, conditions, threats and commitments. In the diplomatic negotiations with Sitalces, the Macedonian Kingdom had a few clearly defined goals: establishing good neighborly relations with the Odrysian Kingdom; utilizing the mediation of King Sitalces and his Abderian kinship for reconciliation with Athens; giving up the Odrysian support for the pretender to the Macedonian throne - Prince Philip, which would put a definitive end to the long civil war. But for researchers it still remains contentious, what was offered in return from the Macedonian king? More explanations are apparently acceptable, but fully unprovable with open space for further research discussions. According to the concluded Odrysian-Athenian alliance agreement: Sitalces’ son – Sadocus received Athenian citizenship; Sitalces undertook an obligation to help putting an end to the war on the coast of Thrace and to send Thracian army to help the Athenians against the riotous Chalcidic polises. However, according to the concluded Macedonian-Athenian alliance agreement: Athens accepted to regain the occupied city of Therme within the Macedonian Kingdom; Perdiccas agreed to immediately raise an invasion against the Chalcidians, along with the army of the Athenian general Formion and committed to put an end to the Chalcidic war on the coast of Thrace. The triple alliance of the Macedonian Kingdom, Odrysian Kingdom and Athens was just a temporary lull and review of the situation, mutual aspirations and opportunities. Soon after, the allied relations deteriorated rapidly, with the dramatic expansion and invasion of Sitalces against the Macedonian Kingdom and Chalcidice (October-December 429 BC), reportedly at the request and as an ally of Athens.
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In 180 B.C., Demetrios – the younger son of Philip V died under suspicious circumstances. The ancient sources unanimously cast the blame for his death to Philip V and Perseus. This version of the events has been scrutinized by modern scholars, and while most of them do believe that Demetrios was killed indeed, there are some who doubt the whole story and prefer to interpret the whole episode as a Roman fabrication. The question whether Demetrios was killed or not is not the focus of this inquiry. Instead the main focus is on the question of the origin of the whole story, and when was it used in propagandistic context. The version preserved in Livy, although follows that of Polybius in the main points, is expectedly contaminated by later Roman propaganda. Polybius’ version on the other hand, although not immune to later Roman propaganda, seems to be more in line with what was thought of the whole incident at the time. It is especially important to note his insistence that the Roman Senate and T. Flamininus in particular were not without their share of blame in the affair. In fact, it seems probable that the hostile elements in his story are primarily due to his personal animosity towards Philip V and Perseus, and not the Roman propaganda. This does not mean however that we are allowed to assume that the main points in his story are fabricated. Considering the deplorable reputation of Philip V it is quite possible that the account about his involvement in Demetrios’ murder started spontaneously, probably in Hellas, where he was especially detested after 202 B.C. And indeed this rumor is first mentioned by the Akhaean statesmen Kallikrates in 174 B.C., which is three years before the outbreak of the war against Perseus. Yet while this episode is an indication of the existence of the story prior to the III Macedonian War, it does not explain when it was used against Perseus. It is my belief that the story was picked up by Eumenes II, and that it was he who has used it first as a mean to discredit Perseus. Finding himself in a state of diplomatic isolation and gradual decline of his influence in mainland Hellas, he was especially eager to incite a Roman action against Perseus. Therefore, it is hardly surprising that it was in his speech before the senators in 172 B.C. that the murder of Demetrios was mentioned as an indication of the anti-Roman proclivity of Perseus. The remark would have been pointed towards the senators, since it was they that held Demetrios in high regard as a Roman supporter. Naturally, the later Roman annalists were quick to pick the story up and embellish it with pathetic and dubious elements. If this is indeed the genesis of the whole story, than those who would like to exculpate Philip V and Perseus would lose their most important argument, i.e. that it was a Roman fabrication. On the other hand, despite all the deficiencies in Polibius’ version, there is no need to doubt his main points.
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This text analyses the gist of the Macedonian emancipation which has lasted for more than two thousand years, spreads over almost the whole Macedonian history and has not finished yet. The text indicates that emancipation means throwing off dependence, restraints and prejudices. It is a symbol equality of rights, independence, getting rights, and freedom. The emancipation takes effect through oral speech and written words as well as trough practical experience. Emancipation has various forms: ethnic, political, economic, cultural etc. Specific conditions are needed to put all these into practice. Apart from the stages of emancipation of the Macedonian society during the different historical periods, the text also deals with the emancipation of scientists who write papers on the Macedonian history.
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Anna Comnena’s beginning of the Prologue to her Alexiad is a fine literary and rhetorical piece. It is about the problem how destructive the passing of time is, and for which the only obstacle can be to consolidate the achievements of the past in a literary work. Such a line of thought was usually interpreted in the terms of the author’s rhetorical topos. Most frequently, this topos occurs in ancient historiography whose formal features were continued by Greek historians of the Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium). While not deyning that there is much to recommend in such an approach, the present paper tries also to pay attention to Anna’s life and stress the authenticity of her emotions. In this light the Preface to the Alexiad, while remaining an example of magnificent rhetorical argumentation, can also be seen as an authentic attempt ‘to stop’ time, an attempt made by an aging woman, conscious that this is the only chance to give meaning to her own life by preserving it in the memory of future generations, so, in a sense, to ‘immortalize’ it, given that it will be told in a written story, capable of surviving in time.
More...An Early Necropolis on Gebel Asyut al-Gharbi?
Asyut, known as Siut in ancient times, was the capital of the 13th Nome of Upper Egypt. It is situated precisely in the middle of Egypt at a crossroads of routes running from north to south and east to west. The site is mainly recognised as a place where Wepwawet and Anubis were worshipped and for being the burial ground of the nomarchs in the 1st Intermediate period/Period of Regions and the Middle Kingdom. Although the city’s name appears in texts dating back to the 5th Dynasty and is predated by depictions of Wepwawet, it is only recently that evidence of an early necropolis has been found on the gebel in Asyut. It was the German-Egyptian mission of the Asyut Project (Johannes Gutenberg University of Mainz/Free University in Berlin/Sohag University) working on the site for the last ten seasons, which managed to locate an early cemetery.
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