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The ‘Society of the Circassian Unity’ established in October 1899 in British-occupied Egypt by a group of antagonists of the Abdülhamid II’s absolutist regime, set itself as an object, on the one hand, spreading the ideas of Ottoman constitutional-liberal (Young Turk) movement among the North Caucasian (Circassian) diaspora population of the Middle East, and, on the other hand, consolidating the national identity of its fellow-countrymen through their ethno-cultural enlightenment. The society’s periodical – ‘İttihad Gazetesi’ – focused its attention on criticism of the Porte’s policies regarding the North Caucasian immigrants and on appraisal of perspectives of their ‘national’ advance in the Ottoman domains. Despite very short duration of the period of activities of both the society and the newspaper, they witnessed certain level of maturity of new ethnic intelligentsia formed in diaspora that was seeking to articulate the specific interests of Middle Eastern Circassians within the framework of the doctrine of Ottomanism. The article examines the conditions of formation, ideological attitudes and major activities of the first legal association of the North Caucasian diaspora in the Middle East – the ‘Society of the Circassian Unity’, established in Cairo in 1899. The reasons of its failure to implement its program objectives are analyzed.
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The article deals with the image of the beginning of the Pomeranian Diocese presented in the so-called Protocollum created in the 16th century by Angelus de Stargardia, whose intention was to prove that the Pomeranian Diocese and the whole of Pomerania itself had never been subdued to Poland; the creation of Protocollum was related to a ecclesiastical conflict between Gniezno (German: Gnesen) and Pomerania. In order to support his thesis Angelus put forward arguments taken from sources of the time concerning the past of Poland and Pomerania; among other things, Angelus described the Christianisation mission in Pomerania carried out by Otto of Bamberg. The motive for founding the Pomeranian Diocese is of key importance for the whole of the narrative, as it schematically presents the basic assumptions of Angelus concerning the independence of the Pomeranian Diocese from Poland. Various mentions about the capitals of the Diocese were interpreted by Angelus as a tale of its triple founding. In that tale Otto of Bamberg was responsible for creating the Diocese, and he located its capital in Wolin (German: Wollin). According to Angelus the mention of the Usedom (Polish: Uznam) Diocese in the Chronicle of the Slavs (Chronica Sclavorum) by Helmond is a proof that the capital of the Diocese was moved to Usedom, which had been decided by the mighty families at the meeting held by Duke Wartislaw I (Polish: Warcisław I). On the other hand, moving the capital to Kammin (Polish: Kamień) – according to Angelus – was its third and final founding, which was approved by the pope. The origins of the Pomeranian Diocese outlined in that way show three elements that shaped it: first, the activities of the Pomeranian Apostle, Otto of Bamberg; second, a voluntary decision of the Pomeranians to accept Christianity; and third, the papal approval of Kammin as the capital of the Diocese. The tale of the Diocese having been symbolically founded three times was supposed – in Angelus’ narrative – to underline its extraordinary origins, and therefore to confirm its right to be independent from Poland.
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Intertextuality is accompanied with the conditionings of the socio-political history as well as the cultural and ideological indicators of every certain historical period. Considering the Turkish social history, it is possible to see these conditionings as ‘data of the same era’ in the relationship between literature and cinema. There are links between the Kemalist ideology, which had been one of the constitutive tendencies in Turkish political life approximately up until the 1980s and which takes the problematics of ‘progress, enlightenment and development’ as the departure point of its politics and the discourse of the ‘social-realistic’ literature of 1950’s. This discourse was reproduced between the years 1960-65 in connection with the New-Kemalist ideology in ‘social-realistic’ films, one branch of which is literary adaptations. This intertextual transfer from literature to cinema can be detected in Yılanların Öcü. This paper intends to associate intertextuality with the indicators and conditionings pertaining to the Turkish political life. To this end, firstly, it will focus on the fundamental assertions –peculiar to the Turkish political life- of the politico-ideological context nourished by this intertextuality, which are also echoed in the aesthetic culture. Next, Yılanların Öcü, both the novel and movie, will be analyzed in connection with the ideology and the fundamental assertions of the historical period they are shaped in with respect to a Bakhtinian perspective of intertextuality, which is based upon the interplay between different discursive genres materialized in a certain “historical period”.
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Up to present in Turkish and world poetry, female poets have encountered various obstructions within their long-lasting adventure of literature. Entrance to universities was not possible for women, namely female poets, for a long while. Virginia Woolf criticizes women’s not being able to get university education. Likewise, the female poet Şükûfe Nihal, who was one of the first graduates of “İnas Darülfünûnu” (Ottoman University), divorced from her first husband as she was not been enrolled to the University on grounds that it would cause a problem for the continuation of her marriage. Unlike Şükûfe Nihal who belongs to superior class, Yaşar Nezihe who was born into a poor family was able to continue her life of education for only one year. When she reached school age, she carried on school keeping it a secret for her father who did not let her go to school; however her father expelled her from home upon realizing this situation. Ahmet Rasim expresses that women who get education are regarded with suspicion in society. Without any doubt, poem-writing of women, whose education life is not welcome, would not be appreciated at all. The poet Lady Fıtnat from Trabzon repines that her first husband prohibited her to write poems. A memory of Lady Leylâ involving the poet Lady Feride is just one example showing the women who deal with poems and literature are not only found odd by some men but also by some women. The women who are supposed neither to read nor write will slide into a dangerous area when they attempt to write about love. Indeed, the female writers who have written about love have exposed to reactions of family, relative, and literature circles. Because of the oppression that family and literature circles create on women, women have had to cope with their own censorship before any external censorship while writing related to love. Lady Fıtnat from Trabzon expresses that female writers are shy about speaking of their love. And one of the poets who torturously undergoes the influence of public is the Persian Poet Furûğ Ferruhzad. She had to abandon family home due to a gossip coming up because of a poem of hers. Mr. Necati has charged Mihri Hatun, who wrote “a nazire” (a poem modeled after another poem in respect to both content and form) to him with impertinence. Indeed, female writers would not be wished to see by male litterateurs even in the beginning. Besides, Ahmet Rasim confesses he did not want to accept that a woman might have written it when he read a poem of Lady Mihrünnisa. Ellen Moers mentions how exchanges of literary life support literature, and how the English and American female litterateurs who are deprived of this exchange suffer. Unlike England and the USA, “woman” based on a tradition in literary and social life in France until the 17th century. Despite this, Moliere made a female literary circle the object of satire in his art of work Gülünç Kibarlar. However, most female writers who do not give up writing in spite of all the obstructions, have not got the attention that they deserve, nor have they been duly appreciated. The poet Lady Şeref has thrown the unjustice that is made to female poets into sharp relief in her poems. Actually, the matter ought to be gathered in the centerof being a poet, not a woman or a man. Without any doubt, it is necessary to be against all distinctive approaches. However, it is a historical fact that women are prevented either explicitly or implicitly in the world of poem as well as other fields.
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At present study is tried to be addressed the notion of “Turkism” and “Turkish nationalism” of Köprülü in the light of his general intellectual and academical perspective and standing. In the historical process towards the nation-state, the appealing and forming of “Turkish nationalism” in the form of both “cultural nationalism” and “political nationalism” as is represented in the public sphere is relatively embodied as an intellectual and political formation later than Ottomanism and Islamism movements. However, in the establishment process of the Republic, it relatively becomes dominant and functions as a cement for the building of a new nation-state in contrast with the other movements and to the extent the historical conditions also necessitated. In that process and the earlier period of the Republic, Köprülü renders sophisticated and deeper his notion of Turkism and Turkish nationalism by benefiting from the intellectuals like Yusuf Akçura and Ziya Gökalp besides the intellectual sources in the west. Additionally, he has a holistic concept of the history and improves a structural analyse which considers the historical events with the dimensions of the social, political, cultural and economical. His workings are formed in the wide range of the social history or historical sociology, the history of politics, cultural history, ethnography and the history of literature. He also takes into consideration together the “structure” and “change”. For Köprülü, the history has not any worth solitary and in itself. His main aim at dealing with the history and historical is not to do a pure historiography, but “to connect the social act to the thought” and find answer to the questions within the historical conditions of his period by creating a historical awareness. His nationalism notion also is a product of approach that grounds on territorial and historical one rather than racist and ethnical one.
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Erisirgil, a positivist intellectual who believes that social development is possible only when it is accompanied by science, states that social causes that effect revolution must be analysed through a scientific attitude in order to be able to form an understanding of the Turkish Revolution and to make assumptions on its future. To Erisirgil, we can perceive the occurrence of revolution as we experience it. However, perceiving it may not be enough to understand and relate it. Unless we contemplated the causes of the perceived thing, systematized it and determined its philosophy, it would not be possible for it to be understood and adopted. That’s why, a stream of thought or a social change may possibly turn back to its position in the past if its ideology is not soundly established. Through a holistic perspective, Erisirgil defines the Turkish state as a whole with its new social understanding, the institutions that are based on this understanding and its approach to economy. And this whole must be scientifically analysed. Explaining the relation between modernity and secularity, Erisirgil asserts that “Revolution has necessitated the secular state”. To him, state, in this century, appears to be a secular institution. For a state to be an institution serving ethereal purposes, It must be devoid of ıts an entity as a state. It is not possible for a state to survive today if it is devoid of a secular content. To Erisirgil, for a state to preserve its existence, it has to struggle to rid itself of the dominance of ideas and groups that exert themselves as ethereal. This also complies with the nature of religion. From a secular viewpoint, Erisirgil also suggests that religious issues must be treated separately from state matters and revolution maintains the state independence as well as offering freedom to religion by directing it to its own premise.
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Nasreddin Hodja is a Turkish anectode hero, who lived in Anatolia on 13th century. His anectodes were written since 16th century and remained until today. Turkish folk avanged their right from Timur by Nasreddin Hodja. For this very same reason, Timur was shown as coeval with Nasreddin Hodja and Nasreddin Hodja was always emphasized as superior to him in these anectodes. Tamerlane and Nasreddin Hodja anecdotes, those were taken part in some old manuscripts starting Evliya Celebi’s Seyahatname and published to the present Nasreddin Hodja’s printed books. Tamerlane and Nasreddin Hodja anecdotes are compiled in written and oral sources and also in 107 anecdotes of 1555 anecdots included in the book Nasreddin Hoca ve 1555 Fıkrası [Hodja Nasreddin and His 1555 Anecdotes]. 36 of those were compiled from Anatolia, 47 of those were compiled from Uzbekistan and 24 of those were compiled from Azerbaijan. Were understand from the published books in Uzbekistan that Tamerlane and Nasreddin Hodja anecdotes were very much popular and always be described anecdotes. Starting from Goethe, Tamerlane and Nasreddin Hodja anecdotes were be met with interest by some foreign writers in the west. For example Goethe has included a Tamerlane and Hodja Nasreddin anecdote in his West-östlicher Diwan work. This article consists of Timur and Nasreddin Hodja relationship using the anectodes that are generated in time starting with the oldest writings. This book includes but not limited to the anectodes that were compiled in Anatolia and also in Middle East.
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The article discusses the second phase of using the army in the conflict between thegovernment of the Agrarian Union and the IMRO.
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The article summarizes the main opinions on the Macedonian issue spread between the twoworld wars among French political observers and experts on the Balkans.
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The analysis examines the nature of the political system of the Republic of Macedonia - it presents the level of its democracy (polyarchic) in comparative historical perspective(within the last decade).
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The article presents the legal and purely professional activity of one of the founders of the IMARO - Dame Gruev.
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This study traces the development of relations between the Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization (IMARO) and specifically one of its creators - Damyan Gruev and the winners of the Serbian national idea in Macedonia, carried out in the form of educational and armed propaganda at the end of XIX and early XX centuries.
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Htjeti ući u trag ≪Europi≫ znači pokušati razumjeti onu povijesnu moć koja danas najizrazitije oblikuje i mijenja naš svijet. Ipak Europa nije, čisto zemljopisno, nekakva razgraničiva količina zemlje. Tako gledana, ona je samo privjesak Azije. Već zemljopisno Europa je samo zbog toga jedan kontinent, jer ona je više od zemljopisne oznake. ≪Europa≫ nije identična sa ≪Zapadom≫, naprotiv! Europa ima dvoja pluća, dok ≪jednokrilni Zapad≫ (ako se ne primjenjuje kao ideološki borbeni pojam) označava zapadno-latinsko kršćanstvo i germanske narode. Iznimke kao Poljska i Mađarska to potvrđuju. Zato će i europsko ujedinjenje u 2004. godini – iznimka kao Grčka ostaje poput opasnog sjećanja na veće jedinstvo – obuhvatiti činjenično samo ≪Zapad≫. Ali Europa znači više.
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Throughout the history, Hungarians having relations with Turks as their common geography settled Volga region the Kuban River from Eurasian plains had entered under the domination of the Caspian, at the end of the 9th century they immigrated to today’s homes. Besides Budin invasion by the Turks in 1686 and Hungary’s was brought under control, the fact that 150-year siege to take place has left several features will forever impact in the Hungarian culture and language. Within the context of Turkish-Hungarian cultural interaction the data showing the effects of Turkish in the Hungarian culture, in addition to traditions and vocabulary, the narrations such as legends, folk tales in oral literature involve. However, until today, in the frame of Turkish-Hungarian relations among these oral narrations shows the relations between two nations, what is unknown genre -especially in Türkiye- in oral literature is the ballad. In European culture, one of the genres in oral literature and oral music which is one of the basic types of ballad, a story told with music that often anonymous and unique musical narrative is a kind of radical. This limited study, compiled by the Hungarian oral culture is described in a sample group of ballads, old style that characterized the nature of the motion is attributed to the type of Turk, the image of Turk will be tried to portray. The basic data used and reviewed examples of the Hungarian ballad, is based on Hungarian Ballads and the European Ballad Tradition with his two-volume immortal work by Lajos Vargyas, the most comprehensive research on Hungarian folk ballads and the study of Ildikó Kriza (1980) Hungarian Folk Ballads and Nepdalok es Balladak Egyal-Dunai Szekely Közössegböl by Ujvary Zoltan (1968) who researched on the various aspects of Turk figures in Hungarian folk theater. In addition, another study of Lajos Vargyas (2005) Europa Diakkönyvtar/ Magyar Nepballadak.
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İlkin genel bir çerçeve çizmek gerekirse… E.J. Zürcher, kitabının temel tezi veya ana düşüncesi olarak; Milli Bağımsızlık Savaşı üzerinde, sanıldığının ötesinde İttihatçılık’ın son derece etkin ve belirleyici bir rol oynadığını ileri sürüyor. “Resmi-ortodoks” yaklaşımların halen egemenliğini sürdürdüğüne işaret ettiği Türk tarih yazıcılığının, bu gerçekliği ya bilerek çarpıttığını ya da görmezden gelerek atladığını vurguluyor. Nitekim 1919 ile 1926 yılları arasını kapsayan süreç, Zürcher’e göre, İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti’nin (İTC) içinden süzülüp gelmiş olan Kemalist hareketle, aynı yapının uzantıları sayılabilecek diğer siyasal akımların adeta örtük bir mücadelesine tanıklık etmektedir. Dolayısıyla Atatürk dönemi, İttihatçı dönemden belirgin bir kopuşu yansıtmamaktadır; tersine yadsınamaz bir süreklilik söz konusudur.
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