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The review of: Samo Kristen, Meje in misije. Dileme slovensko-hrvaške razmejitve v Istri v vojaškem, političnem, diplomatskem in obveščevalnem metežu II. svetovne vojne. Društvo 2000, Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja. Ljubljana 2006, 410 strani.
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The review of: Nina Vodopivec, Labirinti postsocializma: socialni spomin tekstilnih delavk in delavcev. Institutum Studiorum Humanitatis, Fakulteta za podiplomski humanistični študij, Ljubljana 2007, 224 str., ilustr. (Knjižna zbirka Documenta / ISH; 16)
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After the invasion of the Chinese territory by Western imperialist forces in the nineteenth century, the Qing Dynasty was forced into signing agreements which heavily compromised its sovereignty. The Chiflese people suffered numerous humiliations and defeats at the hand of the foreigners who ruthlessly imposed political, economic and cultural changes which clashed with the traditional Chinese values and views. They were met with strong resistance, culminating in 1900 with the so-called Boxer Uprising (or Rebellion). A popular imperialist movement developed under the leadership of a clandestine society that called themselves 'Fists of Righteousness and Harmony' (Yihequan) and were known among foreigners as the Boxers. The movement also enjoyed the support of a xenophobic and conservative Empress Cixi who incorporated the rebels into her army and, on 19 June 1900, declared war on the imperialist powers. After almost two months of battles, the movement was finally suppressed by a combined army of eight countries (Great Britain, United States of America, Germany, France, Russia, Japan, Italy and Austria-HwIgary), The Qing Dinasty was forced into signing a peace treaty, thereby accepting stringent conditions dictated by the foreigners. As a result, the foreign occupying forces further strengthened their presence on Chinese soil.
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One of the vital issues for the Slovene nation after the disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1918 was the unification of all Slovene ethnic lands under a new Yugoslav state. One of such lands was also Prekmurje, whose integration with the main national territory was unanimously supported by all Slovene political parties - the Catholic oriented Slovene People's Party, the liberal oriented Yugoslav Democratic party and the Marxist oriented Yugoslav Social-Democratic Party. The Slovenes in Prekmurje themselves massively expressed the same determination on several occasions. The diplomatic battle for the formal annexation of Prekmurje to the Kingdom of SCS was won at the Paris Peace Conference through the efforts of the Yugoslav delegation. The main credit went to the Slovene members of the delegation and, in particular, Matija Slavic, an expert on Prekmurje. His vast knowledge of its ethnic, linguistic, geographic, economic and historical aspects decisively contributed towards the adoption of the resolution on 9 July 1919, with which the Conference's Supreme Council awarded Prekmurje to the Kingdom of SCS. With the Council's approval, the Yugoslav army occupied the region on 12 August 1919. The unification of the Prekmurje Slovenes with the main national body immediately after the First World War was an act of highest national significance. With it, one of the historical foundations for the territorial integrity of the present Republic of Slovenia had been laid.
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Whereas other European countries started preparing supplies for wartime conditions already in the second half of the 1930s, Yugoslavia (Slovenia) only started addressing this issue immediately before the outbreak of the Second World War. Slovenia thus found itself in a whirlpool of dearness already by the end of 1939 and, a year later, facing a shortage of basic necessities. The governing bodies attempted to tackle the emerging needs with various measures and were soon compelled to introduce rationing and directed economy. The (un)successfulness of these measures became obvious immediately after the occupation.
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The author deals with the enlistment of Slovenes in the German army during the Second World War, using as an example the village of Sveti Tomaž in Slovenske Corice. After March 1942, as elsewhere in Lower Styria, the German occupier carried out enlistment of the military conscripts from Sveti Tomaž born between 1908 and 1928 (partly also 1929). The dates of their enlistment coincide with those of the inhabitants from the Ptuj District. In the absence of records, the exact number of those enlisted from Sveti Tomaž remains unknown and only approximate figures have been established.
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Using extensive literature and some archive sources, the author explores the ideological and political bases of various forms and degrees of the collaboration with occupying regimes in selected European cauntries during the Second World War. Individual cases are then briefly compared with the situation and events in the occupied Slovenia. He concludes that, in Western Europe and the Baltic states, the main ideological role was played by extreme nationalist movements. In this respect, there were also attempts to create some kind of Fascist International, which the Nazi leadership intended to mobilise in its campaign far the so~called 'new Europe'. In some areas, anti-Semitism and anti-Communism, i.e. the fear of a Soviet domination, featured prominently. The latter, reinforced by the violent attitudes of the partisan movement, was typical of Slovenia. Everywhere, the emergence of collaboration was connected with survival and opportunism, although the latter may only be classified as an ideological basis conditionally.
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Mednarodna znanstvena konferenca: Revizija prošlosti na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije, Sarajevo, 3. - 4. november 2006
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V mestu nasprotij in temperamenta - nekateri so ga nekoe opevali kat kontinent, za Goetheja je bil mesta, v katerem si moral biti iilav in trd, da si obdrlal glavo nad vodo-, se je za sodelavee projekta ERA- European Resistance Archive, Arhiv evropskega odpornistva, 7. maja 2007 zgodil pomemben dogodek. [...]
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Simpozij "Prežihov Vorane - Lovro Kuhar: pisatelj / politik / patriot", Dunaj 19. - 20. april 2007
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The review of: Marko Zajc, Kje se slovensko neha in hrvasko začne: slovensko hrvaška meja v 19. in na zacerku 20. stoletja. Madrijan, Ljubljana 2006,391 strani, ilustrirano.
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The review of: Ministarstvo prosvete i ministri Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca i Kratjevine Jugoslavije 1918-1941. Pedagoski muzej, Beograd 2000, 160 strani.
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In the following article the author analyses the end of World War II in the Independent State of Croatia (ISC=NDH), which was on the losing side. The new victorious authorities dealt with the "potential enemy" severely. The overall relations and forces were not favourably inclined to the NDH leadership at that time, and the author of the article studies the factors which encouraged the large army and also civilian population to retreat towards the British Occupation Zone in Austria. She describes how the retreat was carried out, the direction of their movements and the consequences.
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In the following article the author focuses on the strategic and military importance of Slovenia in the time of the Yugoslav orientation towards the West in the beginning of 1950s. This was reflected in the involvement of Yugoslavia in the program of military assistance from the West and the conclusion of the Balkan Pact with Greece and Turkey. The strengthening of military forces in the satellite states of the Soviet Union and very prominent Soviet military contingents in Austria and Hungary called for coherent plans of the Yugoslav Peoples' Army and its western and southern allies for the defence of the sensitive Ljubljana Gateway in order to prevent the breakthrough of Soviet and their satellite states' forces into Northern Italy and the endangerment of the Western posts in this part of the Mediterranean.
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The following article offers a chronological overview of the relations between Yugoslavia and Albania in the post-war period. The majority of the text focuses on the trade in goods, which was the only contact between the two countries in certain periods, and it also describes the political situation every time, since all the contacts between the two states should be considered in light of mounting or decreasing political tension.
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The review of: Christon Klosch, Des Führers heimliche Vasallen. Die Putschisten des Juli 1934 im Kärntner Lavanttal. Czernin Verlag, Wien 2007, 256 strani.
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The review of: Alfred Elste, Michael Koschat, Paul Strohmaier, Opfer, Tater, Denunzianten. "Partisanenjustiz" am Beispiel der Verschlcppungen in Karnten und der Steiermark im Mai/Juni 1945: Recht oder Rache? Mohorjeva/Hermagoras. Klagenfurt/Celovec – Ljubljana/Laibach - Wien/Dunaj 2007, 488 strani, ilustrirano
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The review of: Iz zgodovine Celja 1945-1991. Muzej novejse zgodovine, Celje 2006, 286 strani, ilustrirano (Odsevi preteklosti)
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The author describes the echoes in Slovenia and Yugoslavia to the 1956 Hungarian uprising in the context of the domestic and international political circumstances in the mid 1950's. Using the Yugoslav archive sources; she also discloses the Slovene and Yugoslav behind-the-scenes politics as well as the critical response of the intelligentsia to the unrest in the neighbouring country.
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On the basis of the reports and articles published in Yugoslav and Slovene dailies and other periodicals, such as Naši razgledi (Our Views), the author shows how the Yugoslav public was informed about the uprising that took place in Hungary at the end of October and the beginning of November 1956. The attitude of the Yugoslav political leadership towards these events is also presented. The Yugoslav leadership sympathised with the uprising, and the massive movement that had triggered it, only as long as it appeared to have been under the control of the Hungarian government and the Communist Party, and the rebel demands were limited to the reform of the socialist system. While supporting those tendencies that could bring Hungary to the "Yugoslav path", the Yugoslav leaders firmly opposed any political changes and decisions that might have jeopardised its single-party socialist system.
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