Paris Conference 1946 – organizational principles of the Peace Conference

Author(s): Štefan Šutaj / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2015

The Paris Peace Conference 1946 in a significant manner interfered into the European andCentral European politics. It became a place of confrontation but also a place of formationof basic lines of post-war political orientation and international political status of participatingand involved countries. The preparations of peace agreements with Italy, Romania,Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland during the Potsdam Conference (July – August 1945) wasdelegated to the Council of Foreign Ministers, composed from representatives of SovietUnion, USA, Great Britain and China. The Council of Foreign Ministers submitted to theParis Peace Conference held from 29 June 1946 till 15 October 1946 elaborated proposals of peace agreements. The paper is dealing with mechanism of functioning of the Peace Conference (participants,invited states, relations toward hostile states). The paper is mapping overall activities ofPeace Conference, activities of individual institutions (the Committee of Conference, commissions(political and territorial, economic and special commissions such as the MilitaryCommission, the Commission for Processual Issues, the Comission for dealing with Press,the Editorial Commission, the Legal Commission and the General Commission), sub-commissionsand processual issues of Peace Conference activities.A special attention is given to the Political and Territorial Commission for Hungary, in frameof which were taken into consideration demands, additions and amendments brought-upby Czechoslovakia. In this context attention is given also Czechoslovak and Hungarian delegationsand conditions in which both delegations were working. Primary attention is givento Czechoslovak demands submitted to the Peace Conference.The Conference approved a list of recommendations to the peace agreements. Consequentlythe Council of Foreign Ministers elaborated definitive versions of peace agreementsduring the session in New York on December 1946. The signing of peace treatieswas done on 10 February 1947 in Paris.

QUELQUES CONSIDÉRATIONS SUR LE CONTEXTE DES PREMIERES MANIFESTATIONS DE L’EXTRÊME DROITE DANS L’ENTRE-DEUX-GUERRES EN ROUMANIE

Author(s): Paula Mureşan / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2019

ROMANIA AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR FACED A NEW DIFFERENT REALITY. IT DOUBLED ITS POPULATION AND TERRITORY BY JOINING TRANSYLVANIA, BESSARABIA AND BUCOVINA AND GRANTED THE RIGHT TO UNIVERSAL, DIRECT AND SECRET VOTE TO MEN. THESE THREE NEW COORDINATES MEANT TAKING STEPS TO MEET THE NEW INTERNAL AND INTERNATIONAL REQUIREMENTS. THUS, ROMANIA ADOPTED A NEW CONSTITUTION IN 1923, WHICH REPRESENTED A HUGE STEP IN ITS MODERNIZTION PROCESS.

Power, Infirmity and ‘Disability’. Five Case Stories on Byzantine Emperors and Their Impairments

Author(s): Christian Laes / Language(s): English Issue: 1-2/2019

Based on fi ve case stories, this article deals with the relation between power and infirmity in the Byzantine empire. It appears that to deal with imperial imperfection practical solutions were often preferred. The idea that a healthy state needed a strong emperor was thus to a certain degree negotiable. At the same time, this study explores the subject of disability and Byzantine emperors. Accusations of impairment often were fl uid and rhetorical. Though the anecdotal character of the evidence presents us with real-life evidence on living with a disability, it is primarily the rhetorical and metaphorical aspect that needs to be taken into account.

DEPUTAȚI BUCOVINENI ÎN PARLAMENTUL ROMÂNIEI ÎNTREGITE. BENNO STRAUCHER (LEGISLATURA 1920–1922)

Author(s): Rodica Jugrin / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 2/2020

An important leader of the Jewish community in Bukovina, Benno Straucher represented its interests both in the Bukovinian Parliament (where he had a long term as deputy of the city of Chernivtsi) and in the Viennese Parliament. He campaigned for the recognition by the Habsburg central authorities of the Jews of the Empire as a distinct nation, not only as a religious denomination, but equal in rights to other nationalities, while also being involved in defending the interests of his compatriots in Romania and Russia. This desideratum of the Bukovinian Jews will find its solution in the new legislative framework of the Romanian Kingdom. After 1918, Straucher continued his political activity in the new Romanian Parliament, fighting for the maintenance of the rights of the Jews of Bukovina. He protested against the unification policy promoted by the governments of Bucharest, especially in the field of education. In the 1920–1922 legislature, Straucher argued on issues related to unification and the situation of the Jews in Bukovina after 1918 (two of his debates are presented in the appendix). He also, together with other parliamentarians from Bukovina, initiated or supported several bills presented in this legislature. Throughout his career, Straucher has distinguished himself by condemning the spread of any form of anti-Semitism.

Specyficzna rola Polski w niemieckiej ekspansji gospodarczej w okresie międzywojennym (1918–1939). Porównanie z czterema rolniczymi krajami Europy Południowo-Wschodniej: Bułgarią, Jugosławią, Rumunią i Węgrami

Author(s): Zbigniew Klimiuk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 33/2020

Polska jako dostawca surowców i jako rynek zbytu dla gotowych towarów znajdowała się w okresie międzywojennym w strefie zainteresowań handlowych Niemiec. Istniały przesłanki dla korzystnej wymiany handlowej z Polską. Rynek polski i rynek niemiecki były w większym stopniu rynkami kompensacyjnymi niż konkurencyjnymi. Niemcy miały dodatni bilans w handlu produktami gotowymi, ujemny we wszystkich innych grupach. Polska przeciwnie, miała ujemny bilans w handlu wyrobami gotowymi, dodatni w zakresie artykułów spożywczych, zwierząt żywych, surowców i półfabrykatów. Na przeszkodzie szerokiemu rozwojowi stosunków gospodarczych polsko-niemieckich stały dążenia obydwu państw do zmiany struktury gospodarczej. Zasadniczy kierunek polityki rolnej Niemiec był sprzeczny z dążeniem Polski do zwiększenia eksportu rolnego do Niemiec, natomiast Polska, rozwijając swój przemysł, chciała go ochronić przed niemiecką ekspansją przemysłową. Wzajemna konkurencja istniała w takich dziedzinach gospodarki jak produkcja węgla kamiennego, produkcja hutnicza i wyrobów przemysłu drzewnego. Pomimo tych sprzeczności obroty z Rzeszą były najpoważniejszą pozycją w handlu zagranicznym Polski. Polska była tylko jednym z krajów tzw. biednej Europy (i to bynajmniej nie typowym), na który skierowała się niemiecka ekspansja towarowa. Najważniejszym obszarem ekspansji były cztery rolnicze kraje Europy Południowo-Wschodniej: Bułgaria, Jugosławia, Rumunia i Węgry. Zostały one w najwyższym stopniu poddane wpływom Niemiec. Na skutek swojej mniejszej roli w produkcji zbóż i innych artykułów żywnościowych oraz surowców, jak również w rezultacie dużego spadku obrotów w czasie wojny celnej uzależnienie polskiego handlu zagranicznego od Niemiec (nawet po przyłączeniu Austrii) nie było tak duże jak w Bułgarii, Jugosławii czy na Węgrzech. Natomiast większą rolę odgrywała Polska jako kraj tranzytowy i „przedmurze kapitalizmu” na Wschodzie. Dlatego też zainteresowanie nią było z tego punktu widzenia bardzo duże, o czym może świadczyć fakt poważnych lokat kapitału niemieckiego.

Obecność Romów w Niderlandach od XV–XIX wieku

Author(s): Łukasz Zweiffel / Language(s): Polish Issue: 33/2020

Historia relacji Romów z mieszkańcami Niderlandów, stosunku instytucji państwowych do tej grupy etnicznej, jest szczególnie w Polsce obszarem nieznanym, polscy badacze zajmujący się tą problematyka skupiają się przede wszystkim, co jest zrozumiałe, na dziejach Romów w Polsce czy w Europie Środkowej, dlatego celem autora było poszerzenie stanu wiedzy na temat Romów, wykorzystując źródła i fakty nieznane w polskojęzycznej literaturze.

German Unification in the Works of British and American Researchers in 1945–1949: Pro et Contra

Author(s): Iryna Kaviaka / Language(s): English Issue: 34/2020

In the paper, the main approaches of British and American researchers to the analysis of German unification prospects in 1945–1949 are stated. The key arguments of supporters and opponents of the united Germany are determined, chronological periods of each approach’s prevalence on the pages of foreign publications established, and the key historical events that determined the final predominance of the supporters of the Germany’s partition identified. Finally, two main trends within the framework of this approach are stated, and the essential characteristics of them defined.

Agamben’s Two Missing Factors: Understanding State of Emergency through Colonialism and Racial Doctrine

Author(s): Punsara Amarasinghe,Sanjay Kumar Rajhans / Language(s): English Issue: 34/2020

The ideas of state of exception and sovereignty presented by Italian political philosopher Giorgio Agamben in the aftermath of post September 11 context generated a new discourse in the realms of public law and political philosophy on how law and its protection becomes invalid under state of exception. Agamben showed how suspension of constitutional liberties within so called state of exception legally erases any status of an individual regardless of international legal or constitutional norms. However, this article seeks to examine how Agamben had excluded the nature of state of emergency doctrine in colonial societies under European colonialism, where emergency regulations were frequently adopted by colonial masters in subordinating the colonized; at the same time, this article will focus on the racial element appearing behind enacting state of emergency in both colonial era and modern states. The objective of this article lies in underpinning the much important, yet neglected two factors in the whole state of emergency scenario. The results emerging from this article will demonstrate how Eurocentric academic thinking has abandoned some real pertinent issues in constructing the notion on state of emergency.

Polish Military Assistance to Its Ally, the Ukrainian People’s Republic, in 1920

Author(s): Zbigniew Karpus / Language(s): English Issue: 34/2020

As part of a political agreement regulating Poland’s relations with the Ukrainian People’s Republic signed in Warsaw on April 21, 1920, the Polish side officially recognized the UPR’s government with Simon Petlura at its head and committed itself to help the UPR form Ukrainian troops on the Polish territory. The paper discusses the details of the concluded agreement and the manner and conditions of its subsequent implementation.

MAREA NEAGRĂ – DIN NOU PONT FĂRĂ HEGEMON, DIN NOU TEATRU HIBRID

Author(s): Dorin Popescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: I seria 3/2019

All the specific geopolitical turbulences of the last few years represent expressions of the attempts of the great actors to create favorable negotiating positions for the new formats of revision of the current global order. Currently, the implicit conventions underlying the current geopolitical model seem to be exhausted. We are witnesses of the paradigm of dismantling the current global political order and creating anew global geopolitical paradigm. In our opinion, the creation of operating theaters for the formal antagonism particularizes the new geopolitical paradigm of all previous models. Previous geopolitical models relied on the consensual recognition of a direct confrontation space/territory as a paradigmatic expression of the geopolitical model,while the new paradigms require masking/camouflage of ideological conflict territories through artificially created theaters of operations (military priority). In the epic of the new geopolitical paradigm, the tendency to artificially formalize a confrontational theater that masks the authentic intentions of the great political actors has the essential role. The most advanced unconventional technologies for testing the new props of geopolitical negotiation seem to belong to the Kremlin. Russia moves in Syria only military but geopolitically into the wider Black Sea area. The Black Sea region has a special significance in the recent geopolitical calibration of the Kremlin. The wider Black Sea region represents for the Russian Federation the real tactical field that tests its geopolitical resistance to the Euro-Atlantic political advancement and also the strategic vector of Russia's course in the new geopolitical context, the geographical and geopolitical perimeter that decides on its future positions in the negotiations on the new world order. The replies of the other global Black Sea actors seem not to have reached the refined level of the Kremlin. Our suggestion is that we must read the geopolitical processes taking place in the wider Black Sea area as an expression of geopolitical competition, in an unofficial perimeter, between the great political actors, with the goal of creating geopolitical dividends in ongoing negotiations for a new global order. All this geopolitical texture makes the Black Sea region the perfect polygon for new tests on the negotiations on the new global order. In the penumbra of battles for the public, this region will provide the alchemical combination for the new world order.

Влияние раздоров в руководстве Азербайджанской Советской Социалистической Республики в 1920-х годах и их влияние на политико-экономическую жизнь страны

Author(s): Gunel Kamil Mammadova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 04/2021

This article studies the disagreements in the leadership of the Azerbaijan SSR in the 1920s and the effect of these contradictions on the political and economic life of the republic. The research material is historical documents and historical and theoretical literature. The research topic is relevant, as it provides undeniable historical facts about the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. For the first time, the article analyzes the historical events of those times from the point of view of modern historical events they are interconnected with. It also examines the status of the Azerbaijani language in such a difficult historical period. In the course of the research, the historical-descriptive method and the method of historical analysis were used. As a result of the study, it was revealed that in 1920 intra-government disagreements and disputes began with the creation of the Soviet government between nationalist-minded forces and the Bolshevik forces of Armenian origin emissaries of Moscow. This strife ended in the defeat of the Azerbaijani national communists due to the unequal distribution of forces. Thus, the Central Bolshevik government and its Baku emissaries of non-Azerbaijani origin removed the obstacles that contradicted their policy in Azerbaijan and began to implement in full force the chauvinist national policy under the veil of international philosophy. Summing up, the author points out the causes of strife and disagreement among the authorities of Azerbaijan in the 1920s. He notes that these reasons were negligence and disrespect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, wealth, language, religion and national traditions, peasants and intellectuals of Azerbaijan. This attitude was also observed in the field of economic issues. This study's presented materials and conclusions can be useful for historians and further research in this direction.

PRILOZI RADOJA M. JANKOVIĆA POLITIČKOJ ISTORIJI SRBIJE

Author(s): Danica Otašević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2021

МОДЕРНІЗАЦІЯ ПОЛІТИЧНОЇ СИСТЕМИ ЯПОНІЇ: ВІД МІЛІТАРИЗМУ ДО НЕОЛІБЕРАЛЬНОЇ ДЕМОКРАТІЇ

Author(s): Liudmyla Mykolaivna Herasina / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

After Japan’s defeat in World War II, its political system underwent a gradual modernization from militarism to neoliberal democracy. Radical changes in the structure, functions and the nature of the country political system differed in special political and legal aspects: in the form of the government, parliamentarism, a party system, governance. During this period, Japan went from a bureaucratic authoritarian system to a modern, conciliatory political system.

Kryzys berberyjski z 1949 roku – zapomniany epizod historii algierskiego ruchu niepodległościowego

Author(s): Rafał Kobis / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 2-3/2020

The main subject of the article is the issue of the ‘Berberist Crisis’ of 1949, which has shaken the Algerian national movement in the late 1940s. Its first act was an unprecedented speech by a young Paris law student and a high-ranking member of the national movement structure Rašīd ‘Alī Yaḥya. During one of the party meetings, this activist from Berber-speaking Kabylia region appealed to those gathered to discuss the official proposal, which explicitly condemned the “myth of Arab-Muslim Algeria”. The controversial proposal was not only put for discussion but also voted with 28 votes in favour and 4 against. In Algiers, the action of Kabyle activists was read as an act of disobedience and even potential secession, as a result of which the Parisian structures of the Movement were immediately dissolved. In practical term, this meant the beginning of the fratricidal struggles within Algerian national movement, which on the eve of the outbreak of the War of Independence almost led to its split. The events of the ‘Berberist Crisis’ of 1949 have permanently entered the history of difficult Arab-Kabyle relations in independent Algeria, becoming largely the first act of conflict between the two largest ethnic groups in this country.

Arab nemzeti tudat a kora újkori Szíriában

Author(s): Steve Tamari / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2017

The study of the Arabs of the Ottoman Empire has entered a new phase during the first two decades of the 21st century. Whereas economic and social history dominated the scholarship of last generation, younger scholars have increasingly turned to cultural and intellectual history. The study of Arab ethnic identity holds significant potential as a subject that can contribute to exploring the continuities between pre-modern and modern Arab history despite the fact that Western historians in particular continue to dismiss the suggestion that modern Arab nationalism had pre-modern antecedents. The article analyzes two questions, one more specific and empirical, the second more general and theoretical. First, what were the constituent elements of Arab identity as understood by the ‘ulama’ of this period, what, in the final analysis, distinguished Arabs from others. Secondly, what are the theoretical implications of the existence of Arab ethnic consciousness prior to the rise of nationalism for our understanding of concepts like “the nation” and nationalism itself, and was there an Arab nation before the rise of nationalism?

Szíria – egy útját kereső régi-új ország

Author(s): Dániel Sógor / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2017

Syria is no doubt in the center of interest in these days, most especially for the ongoing war there, and its consequences both to the region, and to the world in general. Yet the general knowledge is relatively low about this unique Arab country. Articles and news are plenty indeed, focusing on daily events, but the reasons behind them are seldom well explained. Syria has a complex and very puzzling modern history, which in a nutshell reveal most of the typical problem of the Arab Middle East. When this ancient country gained a brand new statehood in 1946 it was a pawn in the hands of the regional powers, drifting between them. But by the late 1970s Syria gained its own content and power, and started to effect the regional realities much more, then those effected Damascus. This transformation, however, was not without deep struggles – political, ideological, and social –, which this country had to fight through. This article tries to summarize the most significant features of this still ongoing transformation.

Felkelők, terroristák és az állami erőszak a szíriai konfliktusban

Author(s): Erzsébet N. Rózsa / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2017

The prolonged Syrian civil war has reflected the long-standing heterogeneity of the Syrian society. This also applies to the various groups which have been conventionally defi ned as the ‘Syrian opposition’ although these movements substantially diff er from each other in many respects. After the internal tensions escalated into a full-scale civil war, the Assad regime started talking about military actions against terrorism, while the opposition groups and most foreign observers blamed ‘state terrorism’ for the widespread violence occurring in the country. Trying to find a working definition of ‘terrorist’ in a rapidly changing operative situation, the article analyses the actors of the Syrian conflict and argues that three main groups can be identified as responsible of violence: the Syrian state defi ned as the Assad regime and its military apparatus; opposition groups also performing armed resistance against the government; and finally those organizations, the al-Nusra Front and the Daesh, which have been recognized as terrorist groups by the international community.

ALEGERILE PARLAMENTARE DIN DECEMBRIE 2012. STUDIU DE CAZ: JUDEŢUL DOLJ

Author(s): Mihaela Bărbieru / Language(s): Romanian Issue: XIV/2013

The author has in view the correct exposure, at the national level and especially at the level of Dolj county, of the events related to the parliamentary elections in December 2012. The electoral campaign, the debates between the candidates, and the election results are analyzed on the basis of the statistics provided by the National Institute of Statistics, the Department of Statistics of Dolj County, the database of the parties involved in the elections, as well as numerous articles published in local and national press.

Lehet-e jövője a múltnak?

Author(s): Gábor Schweitzer / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1-2/2021

A History of the Hungarian Constitution Law, Government and Political Culture in Central Europe. Edited by Ferenc Hörcher and Thomas Lorman I.B. Tauris, Bloomsbury Publishing, London – New York, 2019. xvi + 366 oldal, ₤ 76

Serbia and Southeastern Europe between Global and East European History

Author(s): John R. Lampe / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

Drawing on a half century of Balkan research and publication that started in Belgrade, John Lampe reviews three new Western histories of the region and their attention to Serbia from prominent Western historians. Germany’s Calic examines only Southeastern Europe, while Connelly from the US and Bideleux and Jeffries from the UK include the Balkans in their volumes on Eastern Europe.