POLKAI REIKIA DVIEJŲ
Rec.: Robert Frost, The Oxford History of Poland-Lithuania, Volume I: The Making of the Polish-Lithuanian Union, 1385–1569, Oxford University Press, 2015.
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Rec.: Robert Frost, The Oxford History of Poland-Lithuania, Volume I: The Making of the Polish-Lithuanian Union, 1385–1569, Oxford University Press, 2015.
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Rec.: Justinas Dementavičius, Tarp ūkininko ir piliečio: modernėjančios Lietuvos politinės minties istorija, Vilnius: Lietuvos istorijos instituto leidykla, 2015.
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Venclovas Agripa Lietuvis (about 1529-1597) - known in the 16th century, a member of society and culture of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, diplomat, Livonian affairs specialist on the second half of the year. He was repeatedly entrusted with representing the Lithuanian-Polish state in Livonia. 1563 he became the secretary of the king, in 1574 - Seaman Marshal, 1575 - The Grand Duke of Lithuania. 1586 appointed in Minsk, and in 1588 - Smolensk castle
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"Lithuanians will collapse." They were almost never free. When it was, it was dictatorship. Sacrifice worthy people. I understood that if Gorbachev had to seize power, "François Mitterand, President of the French Presidency, met with such words the announcement of the independence of Lithuania on March 11, 1990. Together with the American historian Larry Wolff, it can be assumed that such a 20th century attitude of a Western official towards the "political barbarians" living in the East is likely to be determined as early as the eighteenth century. French stereotypes of European imagery created by the French scholars and have not yet eroded.
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Codification processes in The Grand Duchy of Lithuania during the 16th century show a rapid transformation of judicial awareness. In this case, the shift of the judicial awareness of the governing elite was caused by few conditions that distinguished this sociopolitical stratum from the estate of nobles. First, members of the governing elite were judges and consumers of the judicial system, while the rest of the nobility were just consumers; this caused a formation of a binary relation with the law. Second, the higher political and social-economical position provided advantages in a judicial process and supported a hierarchical approach to the courts of law, which could cause judicial nihilism in the perception of law and justice. Third, members of the governing elite represented different political groups, had different political, social and economic potential, had become members of this group through different means; these and other individual experiences had eclecticized the legal awareness. These conditions generated a symbiosis of archaic and new judicial ideas, which formed a qualitatively new perception of law, justice and the judicial system.
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The subject of this article is Bartosz Taborowicz, known as Alexander Jagiellon’s hospodar marshal. He was the brother of the Bishop of Vilnius, Wojciech Tabor, and lived in his shadow, which is why he himself never became the object of an individual study. What we knew so far was that Bartosz’s political career was dependent on Wojciech’s reputation, and that Bartosz’s estate was the result of his own actions taken at the court and of his marriage with Hanna Niemirowicz. The article presents little known aspects of Bartosz’s career, such as his appointment as commissioner to demarcate the border between Poland and Lithuania. The text also broadly presents Bartosz’s family, revealing unknown facts regarding his descent, which is also important in the context of Wojciech Tabor. Even though much has been written about the latter, not much is known about the Tabor family.
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Reinhartas Koselleckas (1923–2006) buvo dar tik pradėjęs rengti savo disertaciją, kai 1951 m. Berlyno laisvojo universiteto Istorijos institutas buvo pavadintas autoritetingiausio XX a. pirmosios pusės Vokietijos istoriko Friedricho Meinecke’ės vardu. Kaip mėgstama sakyti apie ilgai gyvenusius ir dar daugiau nuveikusius žmones, tai buvo epochos, gal net ir kelių epochų žmogus. Ne tik per Leopoldo von Ranke’ės 1886 m. vykusias laidotuves, bet ir gyvai susidūręs su XIX a. Vokietijos istorijos mokslo Olimpo dievais. Pats šią viršūnę pasiekęs XX a. pirmaisiais dešimtmečiais, jis tapo tikru istorizmo, kurį vadino viena didžiausių vokiškų dvasinių revoliucijų, kokias yra išgyvenęs Vakarų mąstymas, apologetu, gynusiu šią vokiškosios dvasios apoteozę nuo bet kokių, dažniausiai savo paties germaniškųjų gentainių, išpuolių. O tokių būta, ir ne vieno. Ne veltui Veimaro Vokietijoje radosi tekstų, konstatavusių istorizmo krizę. Krizę, su kuria sizifiškai grūmėsi Meinecke’ė (Die Entstehung des Historismus, 1936), ir krizę, į kurią filosofiškai daugiasluoksniškai žvelgė Koselleckas, galima įvardyti universaliu (teologijos, mokslo, kasdienybės požiūriu), visus žmogaus istorinius laikus siejančiu bendruoju vardikliu, viena iš koseleckiškųjų atsikartojimo struktūrų.
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Apie Arnaud Parent disertaciją „Prancūzai Abiejų Tautų Respublikos pertvarkyme Stanislovo Augusto valdymo laikotarpiu (1764‒1795 m.)“ ir jos gynimą
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Arnaldo Momigliano (1908–1987) yra žinomas XX a. italų istorikas, išgarsėjęs savo darbais apie Antikos pasaulio istoriją. Jis taip pat labai svarbus savo istoriografiniais tyrimais. Knyga The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), paremta jo skaitytomis paskaitomis, skirta apmąstyti šiuolaikinės Vakarų istoriografijos intelektinius ir metodologinius pamatus XX a. antroje pusėje ryškų poslinkį nuo politinės prie socialinės istorijos patyrusios istoriografijos kontekste. Momigliano parodo modernios istoriografijos ištakas Antikos istorikų darbuose, keldamas klausimus apie antikinę graikų ir žydų istoriografiją ir kodėl Vakarų tradicijoje įsigalėjo graikiškoji, kodėl autoritetingiausiu Antikos istoriku tapo Tukididas, o ne Herodotas, kaip antikvarinis domėjimasis paveikė šiuolaikinės istorijos formavimąsi, kaip graikų istoriografija buvo romanizuota. Šios knygos skyrių „The Rise of Antiquarian Research“ iš anglų kalbos vertė Mingailė Jurkutė.
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Ceasar’s propaganda consisted of two parts. First part included his staff officers and magistrates who were, on his behalf, in conflict with the optimates opposition in Rome.Caesar’s Commentaries on Gallic and Civil wars, where he personally exposed his actions during eleven years of active campaigning, were the second part of propaganda. Through his Commentaries, Caesar managed to establish certain narrative strategies towards hisa rmy, Roman people and his political enemies (i.e. thus creating his public image). The objective of this paper is to present narrative strategies (which contained certain patterns) by which Caesar tried to impose personal virtues on different categories, so he could earn proclamation as a man of virtus.
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In 1472 Matthias, king of Hungary, as patronus universalis of all the churches in the kingdom, granted to the community of Bistrița the right of patronage over the parish churches from Dipșa, Dumitra and Lechința. As royal possessions, these settlements located in the Bistrița district already had the privilege to elect their parish priest and to manage the revenues of their own churches. The deed of King Matthias suppressed this right in favour of Bistrița, a town that managed to impose itself as an administrative centre of the “province”. The action also involved the bishop of Transylvania, as the city and district of Bistrița were part of the diocesan authority. This is the only case in the Transylvanian area, in which an urban community acquired the right of patronage over the parishes in the seat or district it represents. Extended in 1526 over all parishes in the district, this authority will be exercised by the urban community of Bistrița until the beginning of the 19th century.
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he ransom of the lord of Moldavia, Gheorghe Duca, consisting of money and precious objects, was collected in Constantinople by the wife of the former woivode and then transported and confiscated in Transylvania. It was demanded by Jan Sobieski, King of Poland, as a reward for the release of the captive. Despite some claims made at some point by the Transylvanians in front of the Sublime Porte, the Poles did not take possession of the ransom. Gheorghe Duca’s treasure also tempted the Turks but without any chance of success. However, the Transylvanians skilfully and successfully navigated between the two claimants, taking the most advantage of the risen opportunity. The meticulous inquiry undertaken at the request of the Viennese court, under military pressure, revealed that the nobility of Transylvania, especially those who held office sin the Princely Council between 1685-1690, a group led by Michael Teleki, took advantage of the money and precious objects of the former Moldavian lord. Banffi, the first governor of Transylvania, did not remain uninvolved either. Some of the 18,000 golden coins ended up in the tribute of Transylvania, other in the hands of Generals Piccolomini, Veterani, etc. The efforts of Duca’s successors after more than two decades did not yield any results, and the money was never recovered.
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This article follows mainly the ideological evolution of the National Peasants Party in the postwar period, in the context of Romania’s sovietization process. The main argument that it brings forward consists in the fact that the role of the party after 1945 is not so democratic as it is usually presumed, PNȚ contributing to a great extent to the political, economic and social instability that characterized the 1944-1947 period.
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This study explores the issue of the factors which prompted the adoption of the Phanariot reforms in the Romanian historiography. Analyzing the problem from a historiographical point of view, a distinction of the factors advanced for the explanation of the reforms is made: structural socio-economic (the fiscal and demographic crisis), cultural (in influence of the Enlightenment) and geopolitical (the influence of the Habsburg administrative practices in Oltenia and Transylvania). In order to clarify the role played by these factors, the arguments expressed in the Romanian historiography with regard to this issue are reviewed and an assessment of each explanation is proposed, highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of each. The explanations advanced until now correspond to different analytical levels: the social and economic factors are the deep forces which determine the reforms, the cultural factors pertain to the biography of some Phanariot princes, whereas the geopolitical factors represen the geopolitical circumstance. The study supports a multifactorial explanation of the reforms andit suggests that the Habsburg administrative model played a more important role than historians had acknowledged and suggests a hypothesis for future research of this issue.
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After the change of political regime, with the new Liberal period inaugurated through the October Diploma, a new activity in the political reorganization of the Great Principality of Transylvania ensued. In a first phase, the political situation benefited the Hungarian political movement which intended to apply the older laws from the years 1847-47, in spite of the intentions of the national movements of Romanians and Transylvanian Saxons, which had specific political aims. In this new context, the appointed Court Chancellor Kemény was commissioned to hold a consultation with the representants of the Transylvanian nationalities in order to outline the principles for a provincial Diet. This paper aims to present the context of this debates, based on the edited and archival information, mainly on the conclusion of the chancellor, annotated by Joseph Bedeus junior, a political figure of the Transylvanian Saxons and based on documents regarding the political attitudes of the Saxons at these consultations. All this information outlines the political attitudes and disputes among the Hungarians, Romanians and Saxons, in a highly important political process leading to the provincial Diet and to a political rebuilding of this highly complex province.
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The second half of the 5th century was a period when military-political leaders such as Marcellinus and Julius Nepos with their base in the province of Dalmatia, its center Salona, tried to impose themselves as one of the decisive factors in military-political issues of the central Mediterranean. At the local level, Salona was the center in relation to the rest of the province, and the analysis of the available source material shows that this relationship was not without problems either. The separation of the provinces from the control of the center reached its peak in the Roman Empire in the 5th century, which did not bypass the province of Dalmatia either. The geographical proximity of Italy ultimately in the case of Dalmatia played a role in the center regaining control of the periphery.
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The aim of the paper is to present the leadership role of the Primate of Poland, Stefan Wyszyński, in the Presidium of the Polish Episcopal Conference (1949–1953, 1956–1981). The main research problem is the description of Cardinal Wyszyński’s participation in the work of the Presidium of the Polish Episcopal Conference, his impact on this assembly and the assessment of the effects of his activity. The following hypotheses can be formulated: 1) in the analyzed period, Stefan Wyszyński had a key influence on the activities of the Presidium of the Polish Episcopal Conference; 2) activities undertaken by Stefan Wyszyński in the Polish Episcopal Conference were of decisive importance for the relations between the state and the Church; 3) Stefan Wyszyński undertook multi-directional and multi-faceted initiatives. Research based on the historical (genetic) method and content analysis allows the author to present the following factual data. Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński played a crucial role in the post-war history of the Catholic Church in Poland. After being appointed Primate, he served as President of the Polish Episcopal Conference in the years 1949-1953 and 1956-1981. Since 1969, he had also chaired the Presidium of the Polish Episcopal Conference and the main tasks of this body under his leadership included: 1) development of projects, schemas and guidelines to pastoral letters and other public addresses of the Catholic Church; 2) an analysis of the current situation of the Catholic Church; 3) coordination of the activities of other committees and sub-committee of the Bishops’ Conference. Taking into account the basic directions of work of the Polish bishops, resulting from the social and political situation in those times, issues being strictly under the control of the President of the Presidium of the Polish Episcopal Conference can be defined. Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński was personally responsible for: 1) specifying the main directions and contents for pastoral teaching; 2) shaping relationships with the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL); 3) managing the personnel policy of the Episcopate in its part concerning the nomination of bishops; 4) initiating changes in the organisational structure, objectives, tasks and the legal status of the Polish Episcopal Conference. These problems are discussed in more detail further in the paper, although it should be emphasised that they do not exhaust the extensive range of issues for which the President of the Presidium of the Polish Episcopal Conference was responsible. Among others, the following issues were not analysed: 5) coordination of contacts with the Holy See and foreign episcopal conferences, and 6) a strict control over the process of reception and implementation of the resolutions of the Second Vatican Council. Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński’s contribution to the activities of the Presidium of the Polish Episcopal Conference still remains an issue that requires a comprehensive, complete and exhaustive study. Indeed, it is not possible to understand the processes that took place in the Catholic Church in Poland and its relations with the Communist state without this fundamental knowledge.
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The article, based on general methodological approaches applicable in the theories of memorial culture and places of memory and historiographical materials, provides an analysis of the interaction between the “dark heritage” and the discourses shaping the politics of history, the uses of the “dark heritage” objects and the site of the Macikai camps. The article gives an historical overview of the Macikai camps and provides an account of the current state of research of the “dark heritage”, and the heritage of military and defence works in Lithuania. It examines the creation of Holocaust memorials as examples of European “dark heritage” and related controversies, and includes recommendations for the patterns of representation and content of exhibitions at the “dark heritage” Macikai site.
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