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The ease with which Russia managed to surprise the political elites of the West with the events of early 2014 is dumbfounding. On the eve of the annexation of the Crimea, no one in the public space in Poland warned against the upcoming turn in the policies of Moscow. Representatives of the highest Polish authorities responsible for the security and foreign policy were clearly surprised with the developments. Undoubtedly, the “Crimean error” indicates that information that had been flowing from Russia for a long time was ignored as it did not fit into the policy adopted by the Polish authorities. From today's perspective, multiple signals can be indicated about the upcoming profound changes in the immediate environment of Polish security.When examining why the Polish authorities did not notice the upcoming shift in the politics of Russia, we should take into account the group thinking syndrome, described by Irving Janis. In this approach, group members try to minimize conflict and reach a consensus decision without critical evaluation of alternative viewpoints. This term has gained popularity in social psychology, but has also provided important research tools for the analysis of foreign policy, treated as a separate area in the context of international relations.
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Klebelsberg Kuno (1875-1932)
Nowadays, beside Governor Miklós Horthy, István Bethlen, Pál Teleki and Gyula Gömbös, probably the name of Kuno Klebelsberg comes up most frequently in the Hungarian media and in public discourse. We are concerning a real renaissance of dealing with him, however superficial they often are. Lately, several institutions have been named after Klebelsberg and he has become an almost cultic figure. Nevertheless, his cult frequently and unnecessary goes too far. In the past decades, many people have investigated his activity, but they have mainly concentrated on minor details. Following 1942, this have been the first book to attempt to summarize Kelbelsberg’s whole career, presenting the partly known and well-founded achievements in the politician’s performance and some of his unimplemented plans. It also designates the new direction of research on Klebelsberg: namely the significance of the lesser-known period of his life preceding his ministry of culture, when he started to build up himself. “I trust that my book, intended to be readable yet written with due scholarly background and citing many of Klebelsberg’s writings and the responses given to them, will contribute to the respect for my hero that he had well deserved. I also think it important that we should value him objectively and consider him not a semi-god but a man and politician. However excellent he was, as a fallible man, he also made mistakes when he sometimes perceived the possibilities before him and his country inaccurately. However, these facts do not detract from his merit but rather strengthen it because we can approach him through them.” Gábor Ujváry
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par madežev kranjske klobase v slovenski politiki, zapackanih v slovenskem časopisju do prve svetovne vojne
In the period between the Spring of Nations and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Carniolan sausage did not only fill stomachs. It was also a highly esteemed refreshment, a stimulant for what was initially nascent and later – in the final decades of the period under consideration – already completely awakened national identity. Carniolan sausage had a special place in the Slovenian society and culture. However, what about its place in the political life? It especially had a great symbolic potential and it was a strongly marked object, allowing for various uses. It was convenient, frequently available for various occasions and needs, among others also for a range of »political« applications. The following text limits itself to three Carniolan sausage stains in the Slovenian politics in the period under consideration, smearing the press: the wagging fingers of the Slovenski narod newspaper journalists at the »flexible« – the politicians of moderate national policy in the Taaffe period; the disputes within the socialist camp among Slovenians in the United States; and finally one of the biggest social-political scandals in Carniola before World War I, brought to the boiling point in the atmosphere of the ruthless liberal-clericalist struggle for authority during the so-called Theimer affair.
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This article examines the role of the historical arratives and of the "politics of history" in the domestic politics of Ukraine. It compares the role of emotions within nationalistic and socialist ideological discourses about history. It gives an overview on different elements of national and regional identity in the country. It enquires mainly differences in self- identification, practical language use, pluralistic religious orientations, and media use. Some of the heterogeneities emerged in the past during industrialization of Soviet Ukraine. It suggests that differentiation is not objectively given but produced and exploited by political contestation for power. A main field of political polarization consists in the politics of history. It debates the outcomes of the laws on decommunization and the responsibility both of intellectuals and politicians for the nationalization politics. At the end the article stresses the possible alternative outcomes of history politics on the stability of the Ukraine as a nation state.
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The constitution of the Evangelical-Lutheran Church in Kingdom of Hungary was established by the 1891-94 synod. This constitution had a tendency towards centralization and greatly restricted the autonomy of the church. The centralized administration rendered it possible for the leaders of the church to reduce the autonomy of Slovak Lutherans, who had majority in the Cis-Danubian district, by redrawing the borders of the districts. In the new districts the Slovak Lutherans found themselves in minority everywhere, losing their influence on decision making.This lead to the Žilina Declaration, which was signed by 68 north-west Hungarian Slovak congregations at the end of 1912 and the beginning of 1913. The declaration criticised the centralization and the concomitant tendencies towards Hungarian linguistic and the ideological nationalization of the church, and it even raised the issue of forming autonomous Slovak districts.The present study analyses the political context of the above mentioned document. The author uses primary sources because the topic lacks historiographical literature. The first research question of the study is whether the co-operation of the Slovak congregations was as an ad-hoc association or, rather, the result of the mobilisation of an institutionalized group. The second research question discusses the various representations of the relevance of the aforementioned congregational co-operation in the Slovak national narrative. In order to answer these questions the author relies on both political science theories and secularisation theories.
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In this article reflection outstanding example of the political, historical-philosophy and culturality-philosophy thought into the Ukrainian on the boundary XVIII–XIX-th century "The History of Rusov", which become to the spring accordingly cultural reception's in the creative work of the outstanding public benefactor at the Ukrainian and west European cultural. Characteristic role to the Novgorod-Siverskіy intellectual society into be created this is note book and the new conception of the development Ukrainian. Underline, what author "The History of Rusov" projection at the national, state political system and cultural regenerate, where Ukrainiany and Ukrainian present as the world phenomenon. Also reflection the special role historycal and cultural legacy in to formation of the national consciousness and Ukrainian national model new "hereditary of the chielf".
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The above speech was delivered by Gábor Jánossy, a member of Parliament, in the Hungarian Houses of Parliament on 26 October 1928. His protest was provoked by an interview with Sándor Hevesi, the Hungarian National Theater's director, which had been published few days earlier in the Pesti Napló (Pest Journal) on 21 October 1928.
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The importance of maritime shipping has increased so much since the Second World War, that the natural result has been an intensive development in shipbuilding all over the world. In the last ten years preceding the war, the volume of maritime transport grew at an average annual rate of 1 per cent, as compared with 6 per cent in the post-war period (up to 1961). According to Lloyd’s Register, in 1931 the total tonnage of the world merchant fleet amounted to 68,722,000 GRT (index figure 100) as against 135,916,000 GRT in 1961 (index figure 198).
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This paper analyses the destruction of the Govora Monastery by the boyar Albu the Great in mid fifteenth-century Wallachia. The main contention of the article is that this sacrilegious act was embedded in the struggles between different Wallachian noble groups competing for power. Thus, by devastating the monastery, Albu the Great was trying to strengthen his own position, while undermining that of the founder of the monastery, no other than Vlad the Devil, the lord of Wallachia. The Govora monastery played an important role in supporting and legitimizing Vlad’s rule, therefore any act of violence directed against it was actually aimed to its founder. A locus of history and legitimacy, the monastery had a significant capital of symbolic power that could be manipulated, destroyed or, on the contrary, restored. This is precisely what happed with Govora in the second half of the fifteenth century, when Vlad the Devil’s descendents took care to restore the family monastic foundation. Thus, Vlad the Impaler punished Albu the Great and his entire kin and, afterwards, Vlad the Monk and Radu the Great re-established the monastic estate by buying back two of its former villages, Glodul and Hinţa. The purpose of this article is to suggest that the fifteenth-century Wallachian monasteries were not solely a network of religious and economic centres, but also hubs of political power.
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Centenary activities of Community Centre "Miladinovi Brothers" are filled with significant educational and cultural events known at home and abroad.
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In 1914, the world community had the first opportunity to get acquainted with the magnificent work of leading scientists and public figures, the famous „Report of the International Commission for investigation the causes and conducting of the Balkan wars", known as the Carnegie poll.
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The coup d’état from February 1866 is the first event of this kind in the modern and contemporary history of Romania. Subsequently, similar scenarios occurred in 1930, 1940, 1944, 1947 and 1989, of course, with different purposes and different protagonists. But they can neither be compared, nor analysed from a similar perspective with the event from February 1866. The modern and contemporary “plotters” have presented their actions as “revolutions”, in accord with the will of the people, which represents an extreme position and a blameable historical fakery. On February 11, 1866, the planners of the coup d’état chased Alexandru Ioan I away for personal and group interests, being legitimated neither by the people, nor by the international conventions established by the Great Powers of those days. After 14 decades, even if the event could be thoroughly and honestly analysed, the explanations given by the historians generally don’t represent the result of a complete and non-partisan analysis. The article hereto embarks upon an analysis of the limits of the loyalty of politicians and responsible institutions, without laying the blame on anyone due to lack of proofs. Our contribution consists in presenting several essential aspects of the event: the irresponsibility of plotters who put the unified Romania – this centuries-old dream of the people – in danger, the lack of diplomatic and media aspects of the actions and, the most serious thing, the presentation of the “revolution” as a legitimate action performed in the name of the entire nation.
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Along with the differences between the various organizational units of the territoryin relation to the time and manner of conducting the fighting, Ilinden Uprising and its leaders largely reminiscent of the April Uprising and the apostles of the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee.
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