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The ease with which Russia managed to surprise the political elites of the West with the events of early 2014 is dumbfounding. On the eve of the annexation of the Crimea, no one in the public space in Poland warned against the upcoming turn in the policies of Moscow. Representatives of the highest Polish authorities responsible for the security and foreign policy were clearly surprised with the developments. Undoubtedly, the “Crimean error” indicates that information that had been flowing from Russia for a long time was ignored as it did not fit into the policy adopted by the Polish authorities. From today's perspective, multiple signals can be indicated about the upcoming profound changes in the immediate environment of Polish security.When examining why the Polish authorities did not notice the upcoming shift in the politics of Russia, we should take into account the group thinking syndrome, described by Irving Janis. In this approach, group members try to minimize conflict and reach a consensus decision without critical evaluation of alternative viewpoints. This term has gained popularity in social psychology, but has also provided important research tools for the analysis of foreign policy, treated as a separate area in the context of international relations.
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Klebelsberg Kuno (1875-1932)
Nowadays, beside Governor Miklós Horthy, István Bethlen, Pál Teleki and Gyula Gömbös, probably the name of Kuno Klebelsberg comes up most frequently in the Hungarian media and in public discourse. We are concerning a real renaissance of dealing with him, however superficial they often are. Lately, several institutions have been named after Klebelsberg and he has become an almost cultic figure. Nevertheless, his cult frequently and unnecessary goes too far. In the past decades, many people have investigated his activity, but they have mainly concentrated on minor details. Following 1942, this have been the first book to attempt to summarize Kelbelsberg’s whole career, presenting the partly known and well-founded achievements in the politician’s performance and some of his unimplemented plans. It also designates the new direction of research on Klebelsberg: namely the significance of the lesser-known period of his life preceding his ministry of culture, when he started to build up himself. “I trust that my book, intended to be readable yet written with due scholarly background and citing many of Klebelsberg’s writings and the responses given to them, will contribute to the respect for my hero that he had well deserved. I also think it important that we should value him objectively and consider him not a semi-god but a man and politician. However excellent he was, as a fallible man, he also made mistakes when he sometimes perceived the possibilities before him and his country inaccurately. However, these facts do not detract from his merit but rather strengthen it because we can approach him through them.” Gábor Ujváry
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par madežev kranjske klobase v slovenski politiki, zapackanih v slovenskem časopisju do prve svetovne vojne
In the period between the Spring of Nations and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Carniolan sausage did not only fill stomachs. It was also a highly esteemed refreshment, a stimulant for what was initially nascent and later – in the final decades of the period under consideration – already completely awakened national identity. Carniolan sausage had a special place in the Slovenian society and culture. However, what about its place in the political life? It especially had a great symbolic potential and it was a strongly marked object, allowing for various uses. It was convenient, frequently available for various occasions and needs, among others also for a range of »political« applications. The following text limits itself to three Carniolan sausage stains in the Slovenian politics in the period under consideration, smearing the press: the wagging fingers of the Slovenski narod newspaper journalists at the »flexible« – the politicians of moderate national policy in the Taaffe period; the disputes within the socialist camp among Slovenians in the United States; and finally one of the biggest social-political scandals in Carniola before World War I, brought to the boiling point in the atmosphere of the ruthless liberal-clericalist struggle for authority during the so-called Theimer affair.
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This paper analyses the destruction of the Govora Monastery by the boyar Albu the Great in mid fifteenth-century Wallachia. The main contention of the article is that this sacrilegious act was embedded in the struggles between different Wallachian noble groups competing for power. Thus, by devastating the monastery, Albu the Great was trying to strengthen his own position, while undermining that of the founder of the monastery, no other than Vlad the Devil, the lord of Wallachia. The Govora monastery played an important role in supporting and legitimizing Vlad’s rule, therefore any act of violence directed against it was actually aimed to its founder. A locus of history and legitimacy, the monastery had a significant capital of symbolic power that could be manipulated, destroyed or, on the contrary, restored. This is precisely what happed with Govora in the second half of the fifteenth century, when Vlad the Devil’s descendents took care to restore the family monastic foundation. Thus, Vlad the Impaler punished Albu the Great and his entire kin and, afterwards, Vlad the Monk and Radu the Great re-established the monastic estate by buying back two of its former villages, Glodul and Hinţa. The purpose of this article is to suggest that the fifteenth-century Wallachian monasteries were not solely a network of religious and economic centres, but also hubs of political power.
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Centenary activities of Community Centre "Miladinovi Brothers" are filled with significant educational and cultural events known at home and abroad.
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In 1914, the world community had the first opportunity to get acquainted with the magnificent work of leading scientists and public figures, the famous „Report of the International Commission for investigation the causes and conducting of the Balkan wars", known as the Carnegie poll.
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The coup d’état from February 1866 is the first event of this kind in the modern and contemporary history of Romania. Subsequently, similar scenarios occurred in 1930, 1940, 1944, 1947 and 1989, of course, with different purposes and different protagonists. But they can neither be compared, nor analysed from a similar perspective with the event from February 1866. The modern and contemporary “plotters” have presented their actions as “revolutions”, in accord with the will of the people, which represents an extreme position and a blameable historical fakery. On February 11, 1866, the planners of the coup d’état chased Alexandru Ioan I away for personal and group interests, being legitimated neither by the people, nor by the international conventions established by the Great Powers of those days. After 14 decades, even if the event could be thoroughly and honestly analysed, the explanations given by the historians generally don’t represent the result of a complete and non-partisan analysis. The article hereto embarks upon an analysis of the limits of the loyalty of politicians and responsible institutions, without laying the blame on anyone due to lack of proofs. Our contribution consists in presenting several essential aspects of the event: the irresponsibility of plotters who put the unified Romania – this centuries-old dream of the people – in danger, the lack of diplomatic and media aspects of the actions and, the most serious thing, the presentation of the “revolution” as a legitimate action performed in the name of the entire nation.
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Along with the differences between the various organizational units of the territoryin relation to the time and manner of conducting the fighting, Ilinden Uprising and its leaders largely reminiscent of the April Uprising and the apostles of the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee.
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Since 19th century, during the nation-state establishment periods and through 20th century, political roles were attributed to the youth, which were the result and the representation of the modernity. These roles have differed in different periods of the nations depending on the socio-economic and cultural changes, while the concept of youth is affected by such changes. There is a common discourse in Turkey which supports that after the military coup on September 12 and neoliberal policies applied by Turgut Özal’s government in Turkey, the youth became apolitical and a generation that stayed out of the politics was created. Did the September 12 regime really meant to have youth stay out of the politics? In this article, the effort of September 12 restorations towards rebuilding the youth will be analyzed through a collective work titled “Ataturk and Youth” published by National Education, Youth and Sports Ministry Youth Services General Administration.
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In the first years after the liberation, Varna became a centre of attraction for Bulgarians – refugees from Macedonia. Coming into the large port city of liberated Bulgaria, refugees were organized in societies, fraternities, committees.
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The author starts its presentation with the issue of common perception regarding the “Great Illusion” about peace and war in 1914.He underlines the background for a conflict of great proportion, the balance of power of that time, and the causes of WW I .The article shows how the Central and East European Powers developed a conservative approach of European and International System during a period when there were many inputs for changing the old international system in order to implement new international policies for a new world order.
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