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Die in Estland im Zusammenhang der Neuordnung des Schulwesens 1918-1926 geführte Diskussion ist exemplarisch für die seinerzeit in Europa zu beobachtende Verbindung von Sprach- und Nationalitätenfragen mit der Reformierung der Schulsysteme. Im gleichen Maße, in dem 'Nationalität' als ein wesentliches Merkmal individueller und kollektiver Identitäten im späten 19. und zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts an Bedeutung gewann, avancierte Sprache, insbesondere in Ostmitteleuropa, zum wichtigsten Kennzeichen und Sinnbild nationaler Zugehörigkeit. Die Frage nach der Unterrichtssprache in den Schulen wurde damit zu einem nationalpolitischen Thema mit hohem Konfliktpotenzial. Die nach Erlangung der Unabhängigkeit von der Regierung Estlands ergriffenen Maßnahmen spiegeln einen durchaus zeittypischen Gegensatz wider. Einerseits wurde Estnisch zur alleinigen offiziellen Landessprache erhoben und vom Gesetzgeber in jeder erdenklichen Weise gefördert. Andererseits war die Regierung Estlands zugleich bemüht, der offiziell als Leitlinie der Weltpolitik geltenden und mit dem Namen des amerikanischen Präsidenten Woodrow Wilson verbundenen Vorstellung von der Gleichheit der Völker zu entsprechen. Aus diesem Grund wurde den Minderheiten in Estland Unterricht in der eigenen Sprache zugebilligt, und verglichen mit anderen Staaten im östlichen Europa war die Schulpolitik in Estland insgesamt toleranter. Minderheitenschulen wurden vom Staat gefördert, sofern in einem Ort mindestens 20 Schüler einer nicht-estnischen Bevölkerungsgruppe lebten, unabhängig vom prozentualen Anteil der jeweiligen Minderheit an der Gesamtbevölkerung. Das Recht auf Unterricht in der Muttersprache galt grundsätzlich jedoch nicht für die im Land lebenden Finnen und Ingrier (Ischoren), die wie die Esten zu den ostsee-finnischen Völkern gehören und die der Staat zu assimilieren hoffte. In gewisser Weise typisch für die damalige Zeit war auch die Forderung nach einer Garantie und weiteren Verbesserung ihrer Rechte, insbesondere auf sprachlichem Gebiet, welche die Minderheiten in Estland gleich nach der Unabhängigkeit des Landes erhoben. Das Gruppenbewusstsein und der Organisationsgrad der in Estland lebenden Deutschen, Russen und Schweden waren so ausgeprägt, dass es anfangs fast zwangsläufig zu Meinungsverschiedenheiten mit der estnischen Regierung kommen musste. Die Konflikte wurden jedoch recht bald durch die überwiegend liberale estnische Schulpolitik und die Verabschiedung neuer Schulgesetze in den Jahren 1919 und 1920 entschärft.
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Press and one of its branches, articles are considered to be one of the main sources in all areas of history, not just for cultural issues. The press and journals which are very important for both political and cultural history of Azerbaijan are well known in Turkey and therefore are not used in studies. In this article, based on the work of the Azerbaijan Academy of Sciences entitled "Azerbaycan Dövri Metbuatı 1832-1920 Bibliyografiya, Bakı 1987", the journals published in Azerbaijan and Georgia in this period are briefly introduced. In the article, it is presented in alphabetical order the journals, their editorials, publisher and journalists and given information about the publishing policy of the journals, the types of articles and the ideological direction. As the bibliography was from the Soviet era, the nationalist intellectuals and authors was not included, but those who served the Bolsheviks were presented with delicate expressions. It is reminded to the reader in the footnotes in the text when necessary.
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Če vzamemo v roke spomine akademika profesorja dr. Aleksandra Bajta, vidimo, da opisujejo, vsaj v delu, kjer zadevajo njegovo bivanje v Italiji od jeseni 1943 in v prvih mesecih 1944, pričakovano neobičajne doživljaje. Nakazal jih je namreč že v svoji biografiji univerzitetnega učitelja, objavljeni v letu 1957.2 V primerjavi s tistim, kar je o svojem pohajanju po italijanskih gričih napisal takrat, je veličanje sicer nekoliko skromnejše, toda opisi so vzlic temu zanimivi in lepo berljivi. Ni šlo za neuspešne diverzantske podvige v ta namen posebej zbrane skupine, ampak za veliko manjše ambicije, četudi ne za manj tvegane in manj mučne doživljaje. Mladi Aleksander Bajt takrat iz Ljubljane ni "emigriral" pred Nemci, pač pa zato, ker se je bal, da bi ga v domačih hribih partizani kar umorili, čeprav je bil le manj pomemben član Narodne legije. [...]
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The ease with which Russia managed to surprise the political elites of the West with the events of early 2014 is dumbfounding. On the eve of the annexation of the Crimea, no one in the public space in Poland warned against the upcoming turn in the policies of Moscow. Representatives of the highest Polish authorities responsible for the security and foreign policy were clearly surprised with the developments. Undoubtedly, the “Crimean error” indicates that information that had been flowing from Russia for a long time was ignored as it did not fit into the policy adopted by the Polish authorities. From today's perspective, multiple signals can be indicated about the upcoming profound changes in the immediate environment of Polish security.When examining why the Polish authorities did not notice the upcoming shift in the politics of Russia, we should take into account the group thinking syndrome, described by Irving Janis. In this approach, group members try to minimize conflict and reach a consensus decision without critical evaluation of alternative viewpoints. This term has gained popularity in social psychology, but has also provided important research tools for the analysis of foreign policy, treated as a separate area in the context of international relations.
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This article highlights ways in which British military and political personnel acted towards Croatian refugees fleeing the Communist takeover in the final stages of World War II and thereafter. Although events relating to the surrender o f various pro-German and anti-Communist forces at Bleiburg, a town in south Austria near the border with Yugoslavia, and the following quarrel over "war criminals" from Yugoslavia is a complex affair, this contribution examines sources shedding light on British perspectives on the Croatian part, notwithstanding that the developments and problems treated here also affected Serbian, Slovenian and (ethnic) German nationals. As a result of this study, the changes in the intentions of the decision makers in London as well as the principal-agent problem become transparent.
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This research was conducted in order to explain the historical process in a short, simple and plain way, compiling it together with the source scans of the information which has been going on for years, and to benefit the students who are still growing and the people who are interested in this field. For this, firstly the earliest historical development of sound education was briefly mentioned about the birth and study of it according to the schools, and the way of voice education firstly came to Turkey and tried to explain the way that it spread rapidly after the Republican period.
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The downfall of the communist system in Europe in 1989, during a peoples’ awakening of a kind, was very soon reflected upon the events occurring in Socialist Yugoslavia, where the Yugoslav Communist Union had, until that time, exercised absolute power. Under the pressure of the communist system having fallen down in Eastern Europe, the true power takeover happened in 1990, when – after the introduction of a multi-party system – the Communist Union disappeared from the Croatian political scene. Referring to and based upon articles from local newspapers, publications issued by political parties and other written sources, the author notes how hard the way to democracy had been and indicates to the emergence of political parties in the area of the then Bjelovar Municipality. The paper presents the election results in the Bjelovar area in detail.
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Študentské čistky na slovenských vysokých školách na prelome rokov 1948 a 1949
In her study, the authoress examines one of the ways the newly established Communist regime in Czechoslovakia was using since February 1948 in an attempt to build new loyal elites and to prevent the formation of non-conformist ones. The topic is the screening of study results and political reliability of Slovak university students, which took place at the turn of 1948 and 1949 under the euphemistic name “democratization campaign” or simply “democratization”. The authoress sets the campaign into a broader political framework and into the context of the ideological discourse of those days. In doing so, she compares it to a parallel, so-called “study screening” in the Czech Lands, and also sets it in the context of multiple waves of the “purging” of Slovak universities between 1948 and 1960, showing its connection with a subsequent purge launched in 1950 as part of a campaign against the so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalism. Using results of her research in Slovak archives, she describes and summarizes the organization, course, and outcome of the “democratization campaign”. The screening used both criteria related to study results (employed primarily to justify the screening) and political criteria (reflecting the true objective of the screening process); a combination of these two groups of criteria ultimately produced several categories of students. Every student was either cleared and allowed to study on, or expelled – either temporarily, for two to three semesters during which he or she was expected to work in production, or permanently. It should be noted that there existed substantial differences in numbers of expelled students among various universities and faculties, and the authoress is trying to find an explanation. Compared to the outcome of the “study screening” in the Czech Lands, that of the “democratization campaign” in Slovakia was generally more lenient, often falling short of radical expectations of its organizers. The authoress claims that Slovakia’s outcome reflects three factors: lack of and need for skilled experts in various fields compared to the Czech Lands, the weak position of the Communist Party among students and teachers at some Slovak universities, and the existence of an Appeal Commission at the Slovak Ministry of Education, Sciences and Arts which reversed or changed many expulsion rulings. The Appeal Commission’s chairman Ernest Otto and the Commissioner of Education, Communist writer Ladislav Novomeský (1904–1976), thus found themselves in a conflict with leaders of the University Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia, their more liberal approach to the “democratization campaign” contributing to their political and criminal persecution in the 1950s.
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Immediately after the end of World War II, Western Allies organized refugee camps in their occupation zones in Austria, Italy and Germany which existed until early 1950s. Foreign citizens, such as forced laborers and prisoners of concentration camps, who had been found mostly in Germany and Austria after the collapse of the German Reich, were placed in those camps, as well as military and civilian post-hostilities refugees fleeing from the Red Army and partisan-communist forces from Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. A great number of persons were extradited to their countries of origin on charges of war crimes. Among them were many Croats, primarily members of the Croatian armed forces and the Ustasha movement. The remaining refugees are displaced around the world especially in countries of South and North America and in Australia.
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Review of: Lutz Vogel - "Die Grafschaft Glatz. Neue Studien zu Geschichte und Literatur. Hrsg. von Jan Pacholski und Matthias Weber. (Schlesische Grenzgänger, Bd. 9.) Leipziger Universitätsverlag. Leipzig 2018. 234 S. ISBN 978-3-96023-173-8. (€ 32,–.)
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Nowadays, beside Governor Miklós Horthy, István Bethlen, Pál Teleki and Gyula Gömbös, probably the name of Kuno Klebelsberg comes up most frequently in the Hungarian media and in public discourse. We are concerning a real renaissance of dealing with him, however superficial they often are. Lately, several institutions have been named after Klebelsberg and he has become an almost cultic figure. Nevertheless, his cult frequently and unnecessary goes too far. In the past decades, many people have investigated his activity, but they have mainly concentrated on minor details. Following 1942, this have been the first book to attempt to summarize Kelbelsberg’s whole career, presenting the partly known and well-founded achievements in the politician’s performance and some of his unimplemented plans. It also designates the new direction of research on Klebelsberg: namely the significance of the lesser-known period of his life preceding his ministry of culture, when he started to build up himself. “I trust that my book, intended to be readable yet written with due scholarly background and citing many of Klebelsberg’s writings and the responses given to them, will contribute to the respect for my hero that he had well deserved. I also think it important that we should value him objectively and consider him not a semi-god but a man and politician. However excellent he was, as a fallible man, he also made mistakes when he sometimes perceived the possibilities before him and his country inaccurately. However, these facts do not detract from his merit but rather strengthen it because we can approach him through them.” Gábor Ujváry
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After the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's Sokol organisation was legally established in December 1929 and after the gymnastic organisations that refused to join the new Sokol organisation were abolished, a founding session followed, where the statute had to be confirmed and the Sokol organisation brought to life. In the following article we will analyse the formalisation of the new Sokol organisation in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
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After the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the establishment of the new Yugoslav state, Germans in the Lower Styria were not ready to accept new political circumstances. They explicitly disapproved of the new "Southern Slavic" state and strove for their inclusion into the "German Austria". This spurred the Slovenian authorities to become even more severe and determined in the implementation of the systematic policy of "nationalisation". Slovenians hastened to "rectify" the old injustices. Slovenian newspapers demanded "unscrupulous cleansing" of anything that was German or in any way reminiscent of the old Austria and the former German dominion. In the initial post-war years the "ethos of vengeance" absolutely prevailed over the sense of justice. After the overturn "different elements which sow the seeds of discontent with Yugoslavia" also appear and "deliberately disseminate horrible fabricated news". The authorities called upon the people to denounce the anti-state elements. Practically that was supposed to be the duty of each reliable Slovenian. The following discussion focuses on the denunciations based on the speech against the state, preserved in the documents of the District Court in Slovenske Konjice, and on the incidents which reflected national intolerance in the everyday life in the new state after the World War I.
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In her paper, the author deals with the interethnic relations in Yugoslavia and the phenomenon of Yugoslav integralism in the 1950's. This decade saw the resurfacing of the national question, essential for the preservation of Yugoslavia, which had been underestimated and ignored by the communists for over a decade. This attitude was partly rooted in their conviction that the question bad been definitely resolved with the revolution and the formation of a federal slate, and partly in the fear that a reopening of I be national question might provoke internal conflicts and a disintegration of Yugoslavia. Infatuation with workers' internationalism also played its part. In order to smooth over the interethnic differences they recoursed to the magic formula of "brotherhood and unity" to which was added, in the mid 1950's, the promotion of "Yugoslavism" i.e. an attempt to fashion a (super)ethnic, Yugoslav conscience.
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In the following discussion the author focuses on the role of Anton Korošec in the railway strike of April 1920, when as a Head of the Slovenian People's Party he was the Minister of Transport in Stojan Protić's government. After the government of the Kingdom of SHS abolished the collective labour agreement for transport workers, in April 1920 transport all over the state was brought to a halt by a railway strike. The workers on strike were joined by the communists, who saw the mobilisation of the workers as a strong political potential. In the years after the establishment of the Kingdom, the communists represented an influential political factor. In November of the same year, after the Constituent Assembly elections, they became the third most powerful party in the country. On 24 April the strike on the streets of Ljubljana transcended any democratic norms. After the police and military intervention, 13 workers died on the Zaloška cesta street. A few days before that, at the assembly of the Slovenian People's Party confidants in Ljubljana, Korošec had cautioned against the danger of the communist movement, while during the strike he refused to communicate with the railway representatives, claiming that the strike was illegal - that is, unannounced.
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The Committee Investigating The Crimes Committed By Occupiers And Their Accomplices was set up by the Slovenian National Liberation Movement in 1944 and continued working as a government body after the Second World War. Its task was not only to investigate the war crimes committed in Primorska, the Slovenian ethnic territory annexed to the Italian monarchy in 1918, but also to gather information on the specific, institutionalized violence exercised by the Italian state (through denationalization) and, in particular, the fascist forces between 1918 and 1941. In the paper, the author presents the scheme for ascertaining the various forms of pressure to which the population was subjected in the implementation of the denationalization policy, as well as the findings and their quantification.
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Še kot magister je kolega dr. Boris Mlakar - ob izjavi Predsedstva RS o narodni in državljanski umiritvi - napisal 20. marca 1990 za uredništvo "Borca" anketo o spravi. V njej je nekatera vprašanja zastavil tako, da je že sam in vnaprej postavil tezo, da je revolucija kriva za pojav oborožene in politično-policijske kolaboracije dela slovenske politike v času sovražne zasedbe, in v tem okviru še tezo o državljanski vojni kot določujočem dejstvu za oceno vsega tega dogajanja. S tega vidika je postavil v središče presoje "revolucijo" in ugotovitev, da "je torej tedaj bila revolucija v teku". K temu je pristavil svoje prepričanje, da je ravno to povzročilo, da so se tisti, ki so se te prihajajoče revolucije "bali", odločili za "protirevolucionarni upor", in to tako, da so se naslonili na okupatorja in sprejeli od njega orožje, kljub temu da so vedeli, da bodo označeni kot narodni izdajalci. [...]
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