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Press and one of its branches, articles are considered to be one of the main sources in all areas of history, not just for cultural issues. The press and journals which are very important for both political and cultural history of Azerbaijan are well known in Turkey and therefore are not used in studies. In this article, based on the work of the Azerbaijan Academy of Sciences entitled "Azerbaycan Dövri Metbuatı 1832-1920 Bibliyografiya, Bakı 1987", the journals published in Azerbaijan and Georgia in this period are briefly introduced. In the article, it is presented in alphabetical order the journals, their editorials, publisher and journalists and given information about the publishing policy of the journals, the types of articles and the ideological direction. As the bibliography was from the Soviet era, the nationalist intellectuals and authors was not included, but those who served the Bolsheviks were presented with delicate expressions. It is reminded to the reader in the footnotes in the text when necessary.
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The ease with which Russia managed to surprise the political elites of the West with the events of early 2014 is dumbfounding. On the eve of the annexation of the Crimea, no one in the public space in Poland warned against the upcoming turn in the policies of Moscow. Representatives of the highest Polish authorities responsible for the security and foreign policy were clearly surprised with the developments. Undoubtedly, the “Crimean error” indicates that information that had been flowing from Russia for a long time was ignored as it did not fit into the policy adopted by the Polish authorities. From today's perspective, multiple signals can be indicated about the upcoming profound changes in the immediate environment of Polish security.When examining why the Polish authorities did not notice the upcoming shift in the politics of Russia, we should take into account the group thinking syndrome, described by Irving Janis. In this approach, group members try to minimize conflict and reach a consensus decision without critical evaluation of alternative viewpoints. This term has gained popularity in social psychology, but has also provided important research tools for the analysis of foreign policy, treated as a separate area in the context of international relations.
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This article highlights ways in which British military and political personnel acted towards Croatian refugees fleeing the Communist takeover in the final stages of World War II and thereafter. Although events relating to the surrender o f various pro-German and anti-Communist forces at Bleiburg, a town in south Austria near the border with Yugoslavia, and the following quarrel over "war criminals" from Yugoslavia is a complex affair, this contribution examines sources shedding light on British perspectives on the Croatian part, notwithstanding that the developments and problems treated here also affected Serbian, Slovenian and (ethnic) German nationals. As a result of this study, the changes in the intentions of the decision makers in London as well as the principal-agent problem become transparent.
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This research was conducted in order to explain the historical process in a short, simple and plain way, compiling it together with the source scans of the information which has been going on for years, and to benefit the students who are still growing and the people who are interested in this field. For this, firstly the earliest historical development of sound education was briefly mentioned about the birth and study of it according to the schools, and the way of voice education firstly came to Turkey and tried to explain the way that it spread rapidly after the Republican period.
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Immediately after the end of World War II, Western Allies organized refugee camps in their occupation zones in Austria, Italy and Germany which existed until early 1950s. Foreign citizens, such as forced laborers and prisoners of concentration camps, who had been found mostly in Germany and Austria after the collapse of the German Reich, were placed in those camps, as well as military and civilian post-hostilities refugees fleeing from the Red Army and partisan-communist forces from Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. A great number of persons were extradited to their countries of origin on charges of war crimes. Among them were many Croats, primarily members of the Croatian armed forces and the Ustasha movement. The remaining refugees are displaced around the world especially in countries of South and North America and in Australia.
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Klebelsberg Kuno (1875-1932)
Nowadays, beside Governor Miklós Horthy, István Bethlen, Pál Teleki and Gyula Gömbös, probably the name of Kuno Klebelsberg comes up most frequently in the Hungarian media and in public discourse. We are concerning a real renaissance of dealing with him, however superficial they often are. Lately, several institutions have been named after Klebelsberg and he has become an almost cultic figure. Nevertheless, his cult frequently and unnecessary goes too far. In the past decades, many people have investigated his activity, but they have mainly concentrated on minor details. Following 1942, this have been the first book to attempt to summarize Kelbelsberg’s whole career, presenting the partly known and well-founded achievements in the politician’s performance and some of his unimplemented plans. It also designates the new direction of research on Klebelsberg: namely the significance of the lesser-known period of his life preceding his ministry of culture, when he started to build up himself. “I trust that my book, intended to be readable yet written with due scholarly background and citing many of Klebelsberg’s writings and the responses given to them, will contribute to the respect for my hero that he had well deserved. I also think it important that we should value him objectively and consider him not a semi-god but a man and politician. However excellent he was, as a fallible man, he also made mistakes when he sometimes perceived the possibilities before him and his country inaccurately. However, these facts do not detract from his merit but rather strengthen it because we can approach him through them.” Gábor Ujváry
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par madežev kranjske klobase v slovenski politiki, zapackanih v slovenskem časopisju do prve svetovne vojne
In the period between the Spring of Nations and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Carniolan sausage did not only fill stomachs. It was also a highly esteemed refreshment, a stimulant for what was initially nascent and later – in the final decades of the period under consideration – already completely awakened national identity. Carniolan sausage had a special place in the Slovenian society and culture. However, what about its place in the political life? It especially had a great symbolic potential and it was a strongly marked object, allowing for various uses. It was convenient, frequently available for various occasions and needs, among others also for a range of »political« applications. The following text limits itself to three Carniolan sausage stains in the Slovenian politics in the period under consideration, smearing the press: the wagging fingers of the Slovenski narod newspaper journalists at the »flexible« – the politicians of moderate national policy in the Taaffe period; the disputes within the socialist camp among Slovenians in the United States; and finally one of the biggest social-political scandals in Carniola before World War I, brought to the boiling point in the atmosphere of the ruthless liberal-clericalist struggle for authority during the so-called Theimer affair.
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This article examines the role of the historical arratives and of the "politics of history" in the domestic politics of Ukraine. It compares the role of emotions within nationalistic and socialist ideological discourses about history. It gives an overview on different elements of national and regional identity in the country. It enquires mainly differences in self- identification, practical language use, pluralistic religious orientations, and media use. Some of the heterogeneities emerged in the past during industrialization of Soviet Ukraine. It suggests that differentiation is not objectively given but produced and exploited by political contestation for power. A main field of political polarization consists in the politics of history. It debates the outcomes of the laws on decommunization and the responsibility both of intellectuals and politicians for the nationalization politics. At the end the article stresses the possible alternative outcomes of history politics on the stability of the Ukraine as a nation state.
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Në prag të nënshkrimit të Asociim Stabilizimit me Bashkimin Evropian, në shtypin shqiptar nisën replikat e ashpra midis Ismail Kadaresë dhe Rexhep Qoses, jehona e të ciht vazhdon edhe sot. Prej këtij debati, ku u përshinë gati të gjithë intelektualët dhe opinionbërësit më në zë brenda dhe jashtë kufirit shtetëror (deri te arbëreshët, shih Mandala & Marku, 2006), si edhe prej debateve të tjerë të ngjashëm që janë shfaqur më parë dhe herë pas here në shtypin shqiptar, krijohej përshtypja se çështja e integrimit të Shqipërisë në BE po debatohet seriozisht në publik. Mirëpo nuk është kështu. Si ndodh rëndom në këtë vend, debati Kadare-Qose, si edhe shumë të tjerë para tij, ishte tejet provincial, me gjithë përfshitjen në të të intelektualëve tanë të shquar. E quaj provincial, sepse nuk u fol mbi përfitimet e shoqërisë shqiptare prej procesit të anëtarësimin, detyrimet e Shqipërisë në këtë fazë të re të rrugës së integrimit, mbi ecurinë e reformave, mbi ngadalësimin apo edhe dështimin e tyre të dukshëm në disa drejtime, mbi altemativat e ofiuara për realizimin sa më mirë të objektivave të integrimit etj. E thënë shkurt, nuk ishte një debat politik. Debati u soll në mënyrë të ngushtë rreth pyetjes së çuditshme: a janë apo jo evropianë shqiptarët? Pse ndodhi kjo? Pse mendimi intelektual shqiptar është i paaftë të gjenerojë një debat politik mbi integrimin dhe ta lerë "integrimin" të përdoret vetëm në rrafshin e propagandës elektorale dhe të garës së rëndomtë të partive pohtike për të marrë flamurin e evropianizmit? Pse jem i një vendperiferik duhet të zhvillojmë vetëm debate publikeprovinciale?
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The constitution of the Evangelical-Lutheran Church in Kingdom of Hungary was established by the 1891-94 synod. This constitution had a tendency towards centralization and greatly restricted the autonomy of the church. The centralized administration rendered it possible for the leaders of the church to reduce the autonomy of Slovak Lutherans, who had majority in the Cis-Danubian district, by redrawing the borders of the districts. In the new districts the Slovak Lutherans found themselves in minority everywhere, losing their influence on decision making.This lead to the Žilina Declaration, which was signed by 68 north-west Hungarian Slovak congregations at the end of 1912 and the beginning of 1913. The declaration criticised the centralization and the concomitant tendencies towards Hungarian linguistic and the ideological nationalization of the church, and it even raised the issue of forming autonomous Slovak districts.The present study analyses the political context of the above mentioned document. The author uses primary sources because the topic lacks historiographical literature. The first research question of the study is whether the co-operation of the Slovak congregations was as an ad-hoc association or, rather, the result of the mobilisation of an institutionalized group. The second research question discusses the various representations of the relevance of the aforementioned congregational co-operation in the Slovak national narrative. In order to answer these questions the author relies on both political science theories and secularisation theories.
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In this article reflection outstanding example of the political, historical-philosophy and culturality-philosophy thought into the Ukrainian on the boundary XVIII–XIX-th century "The History of Rusov", which become to the spring accordingly cultural reception's in the creative work of the outstanding public benefactor at the Ukrainian and west European cultural. Characteristic role to the Novgorod-Siverskіy intellectual society into be created this is note book and the new conception of the development Ukrainian. Underline, what author "The History of Rusov" projection at the national, state political system and cultural regenerate, where Ukrainiany and Ukrainian present as the world phenomenon. Also reflection the special role historycal and cultural legacy in to formation of the national consciousness and Ukrainian national model new "hereditary of the chielf".
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The above speech was delivered by Gábor Jánossy, a member of Parliament, in the Hungarian Houses of Parliament on 26 October 1928. His protest was provoked by an interview with Sándor Hevesi, the Hungarian National Theater's director, which had been published few days earlier in the Pesti Napló (Pest Journal) on 21 October 1928.
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Author puts forth view that after 1945. the Third Reich became a topic to be reviewed not merely by historians. In the 1960’s lawyers also begin to analyse their own past. Professor Ilse Staff (born in 1928) is at the forefront of this movement. Her book „Judiciary in the Third Reich: A Documentation“, published in 1964, encouraged numerous German lawyers to face the evils of country’s authoritarian past. In his text, Vossius presents results of years of analysing the abuse of German law during Nazi rule. One of the main topics of his research is the role of notaries in the forced appropriation of property from the Jews. He closes his presentation in the following way: „We probably owe gratituted to total defeat of 1945 and the subsequent regime of occupation zones for being at all able to discuss this topic in Germany today. After the initial hesitation, this still lead to the regaining of conscience. I don’t know if world will necessary become a better place in this manner. Fritz Bauer once said „We cannot make Heaven on Earth, but each one of us is capable of contributing to making it Hell“. In this regard, casting a look backwards seems a better option than to overlook or repress such a problem“.
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The importance of maritime shipping has increased so much since the Second World War, that the natural result has been an intensive development in shipbuilding all over the world. In the last ten years preceding the war, the volume of maritime transport grew at an average annual rate of 1 per cent, as compared with 6 per cent in the post-war period (up to 1961). According to Lloyd’s Register, in 1931 the total tonnage of the world merchant fleet amounted to 68,722,000 GRT (index figure 100) as against 135,916,000 GRT in 1961 (index figure 198).
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The paper analyses how personalization of tragedy of the participants of WWII was used to strengthen Yugoslav-Soviet ties in the first days after the liberation of Yugoslavia. The text also analyzes the processes of rapprochement and of establishing closer ties between the two countries during 1960s when new forms of political and cultural cooperation were based on renewed remembrance of the courage of the participants in the war. Special attention was devoted to interpretations of WWII in contemporary historiography which unearthed new data and opened new perspectives. Turning to experiences of individuals was suggested as a possibility of drawing conclusions without ideological revisions of the whole history of 20th century.
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