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Historiografija Drugog svjetskog rata u Sloveniji između nauke i politike
4.50 €

Historiografija Drugog svjetskog rata u Sloveniji između nauke i politike

Author(s): Bojan Godeša / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This work presents different perspectives on events that occurred in Slovenia during the Second World War in light of the newest historiographical works. In particular, the author comments on various interpretations and reinterpretations present in the scholarly and political life of Slovene society. The author underscores the interpretation that the war was both a war of liberation and a civil war, which is in line with the results of the newest works.

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Među rodoljubima, kupusom, svinjama i varvarima
4.50 €

Među rodoljubima, kupusom, svinjama i varvarima

Author(s): Max Bergholz / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This essay has two objectives: first, to better understand how Yugoslavia's communist regime went about constructing an officially-sanctioned memory of the Second World War through the building of monuments and graves for “fallen soldiers” (pali borci) and “victims of fascist terror” (žrtve fašističkog terora); second, to analyze how Yugoslav citizens reacted to such “sites of memory” from 1947 until 1965. I begin with a brief introduction to the activities of the Association of Veterans of the People’s Liberation War (Savez boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata [SBNOR, and then renamed SUBNOR in 1961]), the organization that I consider as the main vehicle through which “memory activists” in Tito’s Yugoslavia acted. I then move to an analysis of public responses to their memory-making activities vis a vis graves and monuments By analyzing archival documents, newspaper articles, and especially letters written to newspapers, I argue that, while many people did respond positively to these officially-sanctioned “sites of memory,” others reacted in a myriad of directly and indirectly confrontational ways. Allowing weeds and grass to engulf graves; permitting pigs to forage in front of monuments and tying horses to them; building monuments to anti-communist forces; telling jokes about monuments and harassing people trying to visit them; and smashing plaques and monuments into pieces, sometimes on several occasions; all of these behaviors suggest that a serious disjuncture existed between the projects which SBNOR’s memory activists were engaged in and some segments of the population’s degree of acceptance of them. I see this disjuncture as exemplified in two types of directly and indirectly confrontational behaviors: first, as indifference or perhaps disconnectedness to officially-sanctioned memories; second, as conscious resistance to such forms of remembrance. At the same time, it is important to note that the documents which serve as the central empirical basis for this essay demonstrate that a sizable group of Yugoslav citizens were also very much mobilized with the veterans of SBNOR in the project of constructing, reproducing and protecting a set of heroic memories about the “People’s Liberation War.” Taken together, the conclusions of this essay suggest the need to revise the existing literature on the history of the memory of the Second World War in Yugoslavia in several ways. It has been suggested by some scholars (e.g., Hoepken, 1999; Denich, 1994; and Hayden, 1994) that the communist regime's “official memory” of the war was constructed for a repressed society, and that this memory dissolved under the pressure of intellectuals during the country’s final decade of existence. This essay, which pays close attention to societal reactions to officially-sanctioned war memories in Yugoslavia, presents a different dynamic. That is, people were neither totally repressed by a certain set of memories about the war, nor simply passive and ready to be awakened by a group of intellectuals. Ordinary people reacted to graves and monuments—two of the most ubiquitous manifestations of “official memory” in Yugoslavia—in their own ways and on their on terms from the moment that such sites of remembrance were constructed. And their reactions, while often quite positive, were also indifferent and, at times, directly and indirectly confrontational and subversive.

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Dan pobjede prema sarajevskom ratnom “Oslobođenju ” 1995. godine - šta nam kazuje jedna proslava?
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Dan pobjede prema sarajevskom ratnom “Oslobođenju ” 1995. godine - šta nam kazuje jedna proslava?

Author(s): Sonja M. Dujmović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This article analyzes the history of the “Victory Day” (V-Day) commemorative celebrations and compares it to the 1995 Liberation of Sarajevo. By tracing how the narrative of V-Day evolved over the past half century, Dujmović describes how the government used this celebration to mystically connect the past to the present, to manipulate history in the interest of contemporary political ideologies, and to symbolize the beginning of a new society and government. She notes that the purpose of such a celebration was to demonize the previous system and diminish its successes, to establish and strengthen notions of a homogenous community defined in opposition to its enemies, and to lay the foundations for a de-secular value system which can unify society. The celebration reveals, however, that a universal principle of citizenship is in a serious crisis; that community loyalty exists but that individuals are wary of it. Although the community is maturing, it is difficult for individuals to find alternatives to homogenous and isolated identities.

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Glasine o «Trećem svjetskom ratu » ili «novom preokretu» u Hrvatskoj 1945. godine
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Glasine o «Trećem svjetskom ratu » ili «novom preokretu» u Hrvatskoj 1945. godine

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

On the basis of archival sources and literature, this article demonstrates how a variety of rumours spread widely in Croatia during 1945 about the supposed eruption of a new world war, the Third World War, which, it was believed, would lead to a new upheaval in the foundations of the existing political and military conditions. Supporters of the Independent State of Croatia, saw in these rumours the last chance to avoid total defeat. On the other hand Partisans and communists believed these rumours were an attempt to destabilize the regime they established to recreate the Yugoslav state.

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Obračun s «narodnim neprijateljem » u Međimurju 1945.
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Obračun s «narodnim neprijateljem » u Međimurju 1945.

Author(s): Goran Hutinec / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Many important factors differentiate the fate of Međimurje from other Croatian regions during the course of the Second World War. At the end of the war, Međimurje was territorially attached to the People≫s Republic of Croatia, and the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia (Demokratska Federativna Jugoslavija – DFJ). These were not merely administrative-territorial changes, but deeper social changes. The new Yugoslavian state was established on the foundations of the National Liberation Movement (Narodnooslobodilački pokret – NOP), under the firm control of the KPJ (Komunistička partija Jugoslavije – Communist Party of Yugoslavia). One of the key processes which enabled the KPJ to impose its vision of political and social organization was the settling of scores with ≪enemies of the people≫, that is, the punishment of all those who were prominent in cooperating with the Tripartite Pact, and activities directed against the National Liberation Movement. Pronouncing political and military opponents enemies of the people became common practice in the communist-led Partisan movement relatively early on. In this way a blow was dealt to those who held opposite views and rivals who were put outside of the law and often threatened by execution without trial. During April 1945 there was no organized trials of enemies of the people. It appears that there were many cases of liquidation without trial. The documents that have been preserved suggest that the OZN (Odjeljenje za zaštitu naroda – the State Security Policy) prepared a list of individuals to be liquidated even before the liberation of Međimurje. These lists have not been preserved, so that it will never be possible to precisely deteremine the exact number or identity of the victims who suffered this fate at the time. Some of the enemies of the people were amnestied and allowed to go free before the death sentences were carried out. The first wave of amnesties came in the summer, when many who were arrested at the beginning of the liberation were freed. It is very hard to reconstruct the total number of people who paid the price of government repression during its settling of the score with “enemeis of the people.” A massive settling of scores with enemies of the people in Međimurje was concluded in the middle of 1946, even though sporadic cases continued to occur until the middle of 1947.

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Jugoslavija u američkoj vojnopolitičkoj strategiji odbrane zapada od SSSR-a 1950–1954.
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Jugoslavija u američkoj vojnopolitičkoj strategiji odbrane zapada od SSSR-a 1950–1954.

Author(s): Nemanja Milošević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Military-political relations between Yugoslavia and the USA (1950–1954) were very important part in geopolitical and strategic planning of the American foreign policy. After Tito-Stalin conflict in 1948 Yugoslavia was confronted with possible antagonism from the countries under the „Soviet umbrella”. This situation, precarious for Tito’s regime and survival of Yugoslavia, both in economic and political sense, dictated a slew toward the USA and Western countries. Soviet military threat was very realistic for Western analysts. As response to the Soviet threat, Western allies created a military alliance – the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949. This organization was very important for the future relations between Yugoslavia and the U. S. The first serious dialogues and contacts were initiated in 1950. Yugoslav authorities were afraid of the possible Soviet aggression. U. S. policy-planners, analysts and members of administration shared the same opinions and estimates. The war in Korea did not broadcast fears and pessimistic expectations on both sides. The result was Military Aid Agreement between Yugoslavia and USA, signed in November 1951 in Belgrade. Greece and Turkey joined NATO the same year. Those two countries had important role in Western strategic planning of defence against Eastern threats. Their position had directly closed Soviet output in the Mediterranean. Yugoslavia became more important not just as an example of „axle-pin strategy” but also as a strategic part of „defence-wall” against the Soviets. American policy-planners saw West Germany, Italy, Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey as „corner-stones” of that defence wall. Contacts between three Balkan countries started in 1952. The result was the Balkan Pact in 1953 and the Balkan Alliance in 1954. On the one side, American administration supported this Alliance because in that way Yugoslavia was much closer to the NATO, but, on the other, it slowed down negotiations between Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey because it wanted to have Italy in the Alliance as well. It would help the solution of the Trieste Crisis. The Trieste Crisis and the „Djilas Case” were problems which burdened relations between Yugoslavia and the USA. The agreement in 1954 between the USA, Great Britain and Yugoslavia about Trieste was a significant relief for both sides and helped further improvement in their relations.

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1968. година – повратна за Източна Европа
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1968. година – повратна за Източна Европа

Author(s): Iskra Baeva / Language(s): Russian Publication Year: 0

The year 1968 was one of crisis, both for Eastern and Western Europe. There was a similarity in student-riots (in France, Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia), but mutual differences were much greater. An attempt at revamping the social system which had been established after WWII under Soviet influence was made in Eastern Europe in 1968. The new leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, headed by Alexander Dubček undertook a reform with the goal of making the state socialism more democratic, in order to weld social security with human rights („socialism with human face”). In connection with reforms in the neighboring Czechoslovakia, Polish students stood up to protect intellectual freedoms. However, the government managed to stir up anti-intellectual and anti-Semitic sentiments and supress the dissatisfaction. Władisłav Gomułka came out against reforms. The changes in Czechoslovakia – abolition of censorship, preparation of the Action program with the aim of making socialism more democratic, economic reforms of Oto Šik – led to troubles in the relations between the countries of the Eastern Bloc. At meetings in Dresden (March 23), Moscow (May 8) and Warsaw (July 14–15), the leaders of the Warsaw-Pact countries increasingly criticized Czechoslovak reforms and demanded increasingly more determined that they be rescinded. Finally the danger of a reformist spill-over led to the decision to intervene militarily in Czechoslovakia on August 21, 1968. The military intervention changed the relations in Eastern Europe. Yu goslavia and Romania felt endangered and they reacted sharply. The suppression of the ”Prague Spring of ‘68” influenced mostly the attitudes of Eastern Europeans. They realized the preservation of the system and power was more important in the Eastern Bloc than the interests of the society.

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Југославија и блискоисточна криза 1967–1968. године
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Југославија и блискоисточна криза 1967–1968. године

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The crisis in the Middle East in 1967 left extremely durable marks not only on the relations in the Middle East, but also on global international relations. The vehemence of the conflict between Israel and the Arab nations caused the reaction not only of the countries from the region and both super-powers, but also of other major powers and smaller countries, particularly the non-aligned ones. As a non-aligned country with a tradition of very close ties with Arab countries, Yugoslavia took an active part in the events caused by the brief Third Israeli-Arab war in which the armies of the Arab nations had been routed. Ever since the crisis started, the Yugoslav administration reacted swiftly, participating in a number of actions aimed at helping the Arab countries and alleviating the consequences of the disastrous defeat of their armies. The Yugoslav diplomacy was particularly active in evacuation of the Yugoslav Blue- Helmet contingent stationed in Sinai, which was successfully done. Considerable military and economic aid was sent to the Arab countries. In the diplomatic field Yugoslavia advocated the interests of the Arab nations, insisting on a compromise solution – which at certain point led to a brief cooling of the Yugoslav-Arab relations caused by the rigidity of the Arab nations. The Yugoslav attempt at diplomatic mediation was based on day-to-day contacts with great powers, with an attempt at broader and more versatile engagement of the non-aligned countries with the aim of strengthening the position of the Arab countries. However, the crisis in the socialist world in 1968 and the aggravation of the conflict in the Far East, particularly the war in Vietnam, coupled with the transition of the process of solving the Middle East crisis into a slower, negotiatory phase, caused the Yugoslav diplomacy to show less interest in the removal of the consequences of the Middle East crisis.

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Slovenská armáda v plánoch československého ministerstva národnej obrany v Londýne v rokoch 1943 – 1944

Slovenská armáda v plánoch československého ministerstva národnej obrany v Londýne v rokoch 1943 – 1944

Author(s): Jozef Bystrický / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Súčasťou postupu príslušných orgánov československého ministerstva národnej obrany (MNO) v Londýne v rámci príprav prevratu na domácom území bola aj problematika slovenskej armády, resp. možnosti jej využitia a zapojenia do likvidácie režimu Slovenskej republiky a aktívneho vystúpenia proti nacistickému Nemecku. Až do vypuknutia Slovenského národného povstania tu prevládala nielen nádej, že v slovenskej armáde sa nájdu sily, ktoré ju dokážu previesť na platformu československé- ho odboja, ale aj skepsa, pochybnosti a nedôvera voči jej vyššiemu dôstojníckemu zboru. Dokumentuje to úroveň pozornosti akú v priebehu rokov 1941 – 1944 československé MNO venovalo rozpracovaniu opatrení na prípravu prevratu či povstania na Slovensku, meniaci sa charakter úloh a rozsah cieľov, ale aj prístup k riešeniu personálnych otázok.

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Die türkische Heeresmacht und ihre Entwicklung
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Die türkische Heeresmacht und ihre Entwicklung

Author(s): Heinrich Karl Abraham Imhoff / Language(s): German

The following is a brief presentation without numbers or tables. The decisive factor was the desire to give the reader, who today has to deal with a huge amount of material, a picture of the development of the Turkish army in a compact space without tireing him out with factual details, although the material often leads to debauchery in both military and technical terms tempted. For those readers who want to dig deeper, refer to the main sources (page 24), to the works of v. Hammer, Zinkeisen, Ritter von Sachs, etc., also referred to the publications in the "Militär-Wochenblatt" from 1908 onwards.

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Биография Мухаммеда Гирая IV

Биография Мухаммеда Гирая IV

Author(s): Mikhail M. Choref / Language(s): Russian Publication Year: 0

Обилие доступных материалов по истории Крымского ханства позволяют нам пересмотреть некоторые сложившиеся стереотипы. К примеру, мы считаем необходимым уточнить общепринятые на данный момент представления о Мухаммеде Гирае IV как о правителе. В предлагаемой статье мы приводим некоторые сведения из его биографии, сопровождая их необходимыми, с нашей точки зрения, комментариями.

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Izvješće križevačkoga pukovnika Johanna Josepha Herbersteina o Svidničkoj (Marčanskoj) biskupiji iz 1666. godine
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Izvješće križevačkoga pukovnika Johanna Josepha Herbersteina o Svidničkoj (Marčanskoj) biskupiji iz 1666. godine

Author(s): Zlatko Kudelić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The main focus of this paper is the analysis of the report of Johann Joseph Herberstein, the commander of the Križevci regiment and vice commander of Varaždin Generalate, on Bishopric of Svidnica (Marča) and the role of Bishop Gabriel Mijakić during the unrest in Krajina in 1666. Besides the reports of several bishops of Zagreb (Benedict Vinković, Peter Petretić and Martin Borković) as well as the reports of the several Jesuit priests on the unrest in Krajina, the Herberstein’s report is one of the most important historical documents for the research of the ecclesiastical union in the areas of Croatian-Slavonian Military Border as well for the research of Greek-Catholic Bishopric of Svidnica (Marča or Platea). According to Herberstein’s report, the main perpetrators of the earlier unrest as well as the unrest in 1666 were bishops of Svidnica and to them loyal priests and monks who had encourage local population by tendentious interpretations of their rights well known as Statuta Valachorum. Even more, Herberstein underlined the phony acceptance of the Church Union and the maintenance of the relations with orthodox patriarchs of Peć in spite of the fact that in order to be nominated the bishops of Svidnica they had to dismiss the subjection to the patriarchs of Peć and to stop the maintaining of any contacts with them. Due to the fact that Herberstein’s information are very similar to those of Peter Petretić, bishop of Zagreb, which can be found in his report from 1662, the author of this paper argues that Herberstein collected his information from Petretić’s report. Nevertheless, Herberstein put some of the responsibility for the unrest in Krajina in 1666 even on the Vienna court, because it has nominated the bishops of Svidnica from those candidates proposed by the local inhabitants, priests and monks, in spite of the fact that they could not reach the criteria of the Catholic Church as well as in spite that those candidates were bogus Greek-Catholics. Therefore, as the solution for the problems, Herberstein proposed replacing of the Bishop Gabriel Mijakić as well as the expulsion of those monks and priest who had just phony accepted the ecclesiastical union, and appointing of the new Greek-Catholic bishop of Svidnica more suitable to Catholic Church. Even more, the author argues that the Vienna court has not immediately reacted to the Herberstein’s report, but it was, together with other negative reports on Bishop Mijakić from 1667 and 1668, one of the arguments in replacing Bishop Gabriel Mijakić, although the official statement was that the bishop was replaced because of his role in the conspiracy of the Zrinski and counts Frankapani (1671). The reason for this different official statement was the fear of the Vienna court that the real reasons of the replacement of Bishop Mijakić – not accepting of the ecclesiastical union and maintaining the contacts with the patriarchs of Peć – would provoke new unrests of the Vlachs in Krajina. Therefore, the Vienna court had continuously underlined that Bishop Mijakić was punished by long sentence punishment because of his part in conspiracy of the Zrinski and Frankapani, for what there was no evidence at all. Nevertheless, the Vlachs had not forgotten him during his long lasting imprisonment and hoped that he would be freed and appointed once again for the bishop of Svidnica. This did not happen because Bishop Mijakić died in prison in 1686.

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Konteksti kishtaro-politik i qëndresës dhe luftërave të Gjergj Kastriotit, Skënderbeut
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Konteksti kishtaro-politik i qëndresës dhe luftërave të Gjergj Kastriotit, Skënderbeut

Author(s): Aurel Plasari / Language(s): Albanian Publication Year: 0

Qëndresa dhe luftërat antiturke të prijësit të epirotëve (simbas Barletit) ose arbërve (simbas jetëshkruesish të tjerë), Gjergj Kastriotit, u përftuan e u organizuan në një mjedis me historinë e vet dhe specifikat e veta faktike edhe për ç’i përket anës kishtare dhe, njëherësh për atë kohë, politike. Për kohën kur ai jetoi, veproi e luftoi krishterimi përfaqësonte një besim i cili kishte dinamikën e vet: përpiqej të përhapej, të projektohej, të fitonte terren, si dhe njëkohësisht të mbrohej duke ruajtur “domenet”.

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Die Schlacht bei Kaçanik und die Zussamenarbeit zwieschen Frederico Veterani und die Albaner im Jahre 1690
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Die Schlacht bei Kaçanik und die Zussamenarbeit zwieschen Frederico Veterani und die Albaner im Jahre 1690

Author(s): Nuri Bexheti / Language(s): German Publication Year: 0

Im Herbst 1689 mußte das osmanische Heer nach etlichen Niederlagen viele strategisch wichtige Städte im Moravatal verlassen. Die Kaiserlichen drangen vor, eroberten die Städte Niş, Vidin und Üsküb und hatten auch Sofya bereits im Visier. Am 1. Oktober zog sich Sultan Süleyman II. von Sofya nach Edirne zurück. Am osmanischen Hof war man sich schon bewußt, daß dies der letzte Zeitpunkt war, eine gründliche und schnelle Reform durchzuführen.

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Një vlerësim mbi kryengritjen shqiptare të vitit 1912, në Kosovë dhe në Maqedoni, bazuar kryesisht në raportet e zv. konsullit britanik në Shkup, Peckham
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Një vlerësim mbi kryengritjen shqiptare të vitit 1912, në Kosovë dhe në Maqedoni, bazuar kryesisht në raportet e zv. konsullit britanik në Shkup, Peckham

Author(s): Romeo Gurakuqi / Language(s): Albanian Publication Year: 0

Shqyrtimi i mëposhtëm është ndërtuar mbi dokumentacionin arkivor të konsujve të Mbretërisë së Bashkuar të Britanisë së Madhe, që gjendeshin në vitin 1912 në qendrat e tre prej kater vilajeteve shqiptare nën Perandorinë Osmane, pikërisht në pragun e pavarësimit të Shqipërisë. Bëhet fjalë për dosjet të nënkonsullatës britanike në Shkup të drejtuar nga Peckham, nënkonsullatës britanike në Monastir nga e cila kanë raportuar Greig dhe Morgan dhe nënkonsullatës britanike në Shkodër drejtuar nga Nikolla Suma, shkodran, të cilave u janë shtuar analizat përgjithësuese të Konsullit të Përgjithshëm Harry Lamb në Selanik.

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Lufta e Kosovës si shembull i ndërhyrjes humanitare
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Lufta e Kosovës si shembull i ndërhyrjes humanitare

Author(s): Rafael Biermann / Language(s): Albanian Publication Year: 0

Që nga fundi i Luftës së Ftohtë, asnjë konflikt nuk e ka ndarë aq shumë politikën ndërkombëtare sa Lufta e Kosovës. E kjo qëndron në atë se implikimet e saj normative e politike-praktike, shtrihen përtej rastit. Ato na konfrontojnë me fushat tensionuese të normave konkuruese, të cilat ne nuk mundim thjesht t`i shpërbëjmë, dhe shpesh ato ne i përceptojmë vetëm atëherë kur na detyron një ngjarje e jashtme sikurse rasti i konfliktit të Kosovës.

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Orgány vyšetřování protistátní trestné činnosti vojenských osob po roce 1948

Orgány vyšetřování protistátní trestné činnosti vojenských osob po roce 1948

Author(s): Stanislav Polnar / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Since the end of World War II, the investigation of anti-state delinquency of military personnel was realised by the military intelligence. It originated with Czechoslovak military units in the USSR and were influenced by Soviet security authorities. After 1945 and 1948 these bodies remained in the structure of the Ministry of National Defense, but from the beginning of the 1951 they moved to the structure of the Ministry of the Interior following the Soviet model. The legal status of these bodies was always unclear and did not correspond to the legal regulation. Another important article in the investigation of the political delinquency of soldiers was the military prosecutor’s office as part of the socialist-type prosecutor’s office, which was subjected to general trends in the regulation of criminal proceedings.

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Miejska partyzantka w wojnie o niepodległość Irlandii 1919–1921

Miejska partyzantka w wojnie o niepodległość Irlandii 1919–1921

Author(s): Michał Maciejewski / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The purpose of the following article is to present and analyse the tactical solutions employed by the Irish Republican Army and British forces in the Irish War of Independence in 1919–1921, particularly in the context of urban action. The article presents, the innovative methods of guerrilla warfare employed by the military wing of the Irish nationalist movement and the responses of British forces to these actions. The main issues covered in the text are: the Irish Republican Army's campaign against the Royal Irish Constabulary and the Dublin Metropolitan Police, the operation of the new British police units formed specifically to combat Irish separatism known as the Black and Brown and the Support Divisions, and the major combat operations carried out by the republican movement. In addition to analysing purely military operations, the article also describes the functioning of the intelligence services and the most important operations of the spy networks of both sides. In the context of Republican intelligence, the contribution of Michael Collins to the construction of an effective informant structure and the formation of a special liquidation group, the so-called Squadron, is particularly covered. From the perspective of the topic of the article, two specific moments in the Irish War of Independence were considered particularly significant. The first was the events of the so-called Bloody Sunday of November 1920 and the attack on the Customs House in Dublin on 25 May 1921. The article adopts a chronological structure, distinguishing three main phases of the conflict. The subject of the study was the testimony of the participants in the events described, found in the Bureau of Military History.

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Uzbrojenie oraz wyposażenie materiałowo-techniczne oddziałów inżynieryjnych Wojska Polskiego w latach 1945–2010

Uzbrojenie oraz wyposażenie materiałowo-techniczne oddziałów inżynieryjnych Wojska Polskiego w latach 1945–2010

Author(s): Robert Pietrygała / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The factor of material and technical equipment had a significant impact on the combat capability of military components; in addition to matters such as education and training of personnel training. In the entire post-war period; there was a significant progress and qualitative development in science; which influenced the search for newer and better technical solutions. This scientific and technical progress was very often used in military technology; especially in engineering troops. This was most visible in the technical equipment. The article discusses the above-mentioned aspects of the armament and the material technical equipment of the engineering units of the Polish Army in the years 1945-2010. The article is divided into three main parts: the first part describes the armaments used by the engineering troops; the second one presents technical engineering equipment in detail; and the third part contains information on material equipment. The article is supplemented witch numerous tables and lists of the equipment used.

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Visoko u doba Austrougarske uprave 1878–1918

Visoko u doba Austrougarske uprave 1878–1918

Author(s): Zijad Šehić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Od sredine XIX stoljeća, kada je pitanje raspada Osmanskog Carstva ušlo u akutnu fazu, porastao je interes evropskih država za Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Posljedica te nove politike bilo je otvaranje konzulata evropskih država u Bosanskom ejaletu: Austrije 1850, Francuske 1853, Velike Britanije 1856, Rusije 1857, Italije 1862. i Pruske 1864. godine. Poseban interes za Bosnu i Hercegovinu pokazivala je Austrija, koja je u Sarajevu otvorila generalni konzulat, a u Banjoj Luci, Brčkom i Mostaru vicekonzulate. Od tada se u Bosnu i Hercegovinu upućuju vojni i politički stručnjaci, novinari, putopisci, uhode... sa zadatkom da upoznaju i opišu zemlju i pridobiju stanovništvo za svoju politiku. Poraz Austrije u ratu s Francuskom (1859) i Pruskom (1866) preorijentisao je politiku Habsburgovaca na istok. Posljedica te političke preorijentacije bio je Šenbrunski sporazum, kojim je Rusija 1873. priznala Austro-Ugarskoj da ima vitalnih interesa u Bosni i Hercegovini. Austro-Ugarska je smatrala da zaposjedanjem Bosne i Hercegovine ostvaruje značajne ciljeve: u strateškom smislu osigurava posjedovanje Istre i Dalmacije, poduzima značajan korak u ekonomskom i političkom prodoru na jugoistok, sprečava stvaranje velike države na južnim granicama, osigurava svom kapitalu značajno privredno područje, a zaposjedanjem Bosne i Hercegovine bilo bi nepotrebno održavanje Vojne Krajine, jer bi ona tada preuzela njenu pograničnu ulogu.

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