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Result 11041-11060 of 11483
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Saveznički zračni napadi na Zagreb i okolicu 1945. godine
4.50 €

Saveznički zračni napadi na Zagreb i okolicu 1945. godine

Author(s): Marica Karakas Obradov / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Allied Air forces became an important factor in the military and political consideration of the territory of the Independent State of Croatia after the autumn of 1943, when they established bases in Southern Italy. At first, Allied Air forces struck at the territory of Dalmatia, but afterward they expanded their activities to the north. Zagreb and its environs were situated on the path of Allied Airforces directed at southern Germany, Austria and Hungary, consequently during 1944 and 1945 they were considered secondary targets, though sometimes they also became direct targets. In this period Allied Airforces bombed Zagreb, in varying degrees of intensity, 21 times, 11 of these attacks came in 1945, while the environs of the city were bombed or fired upon 44 times, 29 of those occurred in 1945. In these attacks, 554 persons (516 civilians, 38 soldiers) were killed, and 790 persons (741 civilians and 49 soldiers) were wounded. National Defense units carried the burden of the passive antiaircraft defense of people and property in Zagreb, while in the environs fire-fighters fulfilled this function. Zagreb and its environs, as was the case with all the other targets on the territory of the Independent State of Croatia, were attacked from the air for military-strategic reasons, as well as to break the morale of the population. The cost of these attacks was borne most often by the civilian population who paid for them with their lives and material goods.

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Година oпрезног испитивања: Југославија и диктатура у Грчкој у 1968. години
6.00 €

Година oпрезног испитивања: Југославија и диктатура у Грчкој у 1968. години

Author(s): Milan Ristović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The coup d’etat which was organized and executed with no particular difficulties by a group of army officers in Greece on April 21, 1967, headed by a „triumvirate” comprising two colonels, Georgios Papadopoulos and N. Makarezios, and a brigade general, Stulianos Patakos, was the culmination of a long political crisis, conflicts and enmities of leading political figures and their parties, the court and the Army. The imposition of military dictatorship dramatically contributed to deterioration of Yugoslav-Greek relations which were experiencing upturn until the spring of 1967. Strong anti-Communist orientation of the colonels’ regime and repression of political dissenters, particularly on the left, the use of propaganda slogans from the days of the civil war, coupled with annulment of some bilateral treaties previously concluded with the Yugoslav government, by the end of 1968 caused the relations between Belgrade and Athens to pass from the period of almost total political freeze in the beginning, to gradual, cautious sounding and eventually to the degree when they were brought to a level of restrained normalization. Such state of affairs, with occasional deteriorations and rapprochements, would last until the fall of the junta in 1974. The difficult relations between Belgrade and Athens during 1967–1968 (and later on until the end of the dictatorship) were analyzed in the context of the general deterioration of the international situation (Israeli-Arab war, the military intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Czechoslovakia, beginning of the new phase in the Cyprus-crisis, escalation of the war in Vietnam). They should also be seen as part of the Cold War, in which Yugoslavia played a particular, untypical role. Caution, restraint and careful deliberation about every move which the Yugoslav diplomacy made in connection with the colonels’ regime, were typical both for the beginning of the colonels’ regime in Greece and for the later years. Clear and overt disagreement with the dictatorship was mingled with frequent pointing out at the fact that Greece was a neighbouring country with whose internal affairs one shouldn’t interfere. Such an attitude didn’t mean complete passivity; parallel with significantly reduced relations with the Athens government, the Yugoslav side maintained ties with the Greek opposition, both with its members working in the country under difficult conditions, and with its most prominent leaders and groups of various ideological persuasions who waged their struggle to topple the dictatorship from exile. These relations were also a sign of the understanding that the colonels’ dictatorship was just a transient phase and that the opposition leaders in exile (K. Karamanlis, A. Papandreou) should be considered representatives of continuity, including the full reestablishment of bilateral relations that would be re-established once the dictatorship was brought down.

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Unutrašnjopolitičke i vanjskopolitičke aktivnosti Jugoslavije nakon intervencije Varšavskog pakta u Čehoslovačkoj 1968. godine
6.00 €

Unutrašnjopolitičke i vanjskopolitičke aktivnosti Jugoslavije nakon intervencije Varšavskog pakta u Čehoslovačkoj 1968. godine

Author(s): Hrvoje Klasić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Five countries of the Warsaw Pact committed the act of military aggression on Czechoslovakia in late August 1968. That was the culmination of pressure on the Czechoslovak political leadership aimed at putting an end to political, economic and social changes in that country. Tito’s Yugoslavia was a country which followed the developments in Czechoslovakia with particular interest. From the very beginning, the reaction of the Yugoslav political, but also general public was unanimous, and it boiled down to condemnation of the intervention and support for the Czechoslovak people and leadership. Parallel with the reactions to the situation in Czechoslovakia, a theory was launched, prophesizing the continuation of the military intervention precisely in Yugoslavia. In order to successfully defend the country, the Yugoslav political leaders started a number of activities in domestic and foreign policy. The activities in the internal policy comprised mobilization of the society on the one hand, and defensive military preparations on the other. The latter caused difficulties, not only due to the preponderance of the aggressor, but also due to the necessary changes in the existing defence system. In the field of foreign policy Yugoslavia strove to utilize the position she had been building up on the international scene for years. As one of the leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement, Yugoslavia also used Czechoslovakia’s example to stress the need for peaceful resolution of problems in the world. Furthermore, ever since the split with Stalin, Yugoslavia normalized her political and economic relations with the West. By keeping and even strengthening these relations in the new situation, the capitalist West stepped to the fore as one of the most important factors of the socialist Yugoslavia’s stability. The Yugoslav society of the second half of 1960s faced a number of problems, particularly of internal economic and political character. In the course of 1968 the dissatisfaction with the situation culminated in the students’ revolt and strike. The possibility of the country being endangered also from without at such a moment, poised an additional problem. However, despite fears and prognosis, the possibility of an attack from the East and the atmosphere created in connection with that, caused a reverse effect. The respect for the Party was renewed, the society was homogenized once again, and Yugoslavia’s reputation in the world was strengthened. The spoiled relations with the countries of the Warsaw Pact, particularly with the USSR, were not of long duration. Instead of a military intervention, the relations were completely normalized already next year. This normalization was hailed in Yugoslav, but also in the world public, as another victory over the „Big Communist Brother”.

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Az osztrák-magyar haderő magyar származású tábornokai és a Nagy Háború

Az osztrák-magyar haderő magyar származású tábornokai és a Nagy Háború

Author(s): Tibor Balla / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Act Names of the 1.200 active and reactivated Austro-Hungarian generals can be found in almost all works discussing the events of the Great War. In the first part of the paper regular features of this corps of Austro-Hungarian generals are analysed.

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Ръкопис за петте стъпала. Горин Но Шьо
8.00 €

Ръкопис за петте стъпала. Горин Но Шьо

Author(s): Miyamoto Musashi / Language(s): Japanese,Bulgarian

When the undefeated samurai Miyamoto Musashi retreated to a cave in 1643 and wrote The Book of Five Rings, a manifesto on swordsmanship, strategy, and winning for his students and generations of samurai to come, he created one of the most perceptive and incisive texts on strategic thinking ever to come from Asia. Musashi gives timeless advice on defeating an adversary, throwing an opponent off-guard, creating confusion, and other techniques for overpowering an assailant that will resonate with both martial artists and everyone else interested in skillfully dealing with conflict. For Musashi, the way of the martial arts was a mastery of the mind rather than simply technical prowess—and it is this path to mastery that is the core teaching in The Book of Five Rings. Written not only for martial artists but for anyone who wants to apply the timeless principles of this text to their life, the book analyzes the process of struggle and mastery over conflict that underlies every level of human interaction.

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TMC2017 Conference Proceedings
5.99 €

TMC2017 Conference Proceedings

Author(s): / Language(s): English

This volume brings together a selection of papers presented at the 5th Migration Conference hosted by Harokopio University Athens, 23-26 August 2017.This selection of papers presented at the conference are only a small segment of unedited contributions while many other papers have already been published in or submitted to edited books and refereed journals. There were a total of about 400 papers presented over 100 parallel sessions and three plenary sessions at Kallithea Campus of Harokopio University, Athens, Greece.The keynote speakers included Oded Stark, Saskia Sassen, Giuseppe Sciortino, Neli Esipova and Yuksel Pazarkaya.

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Da li je moguće izbeći rat u Evropi
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Da li je moguće izbeći rat u Evropi

Author(s): Timothy Garton Ash / Language(s): Serbian

„Mislim da će Putin investirati Kijev“, rekao mi je jedan Nato general. Na trenutak sam pomislio da sam ga pogrešno čuo, a onda sam shvatio da koristi ovu reč u starom vojničkom žargonu za opkoljavanje grada bez okupacije. Ta jedna reč pokazuje koliko smo nazadovali u Evropi tokom poslednjih 15 godina: od sveta u kom investirati znači ulagati novac u nešto, do sveta u kom investirati znači opsedati ga vojskom.

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Krimski transfer
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Krimski transfer

Author(s): Mark Kramer / Language(s): Serbian

Krim je bio sastavni deo Rusije od 1783, kada ga je caristička imperija anektirala deceniju posle pobede nad Otomanima u borbi kod Kozludže – do 1954. kada je sovjetska vlada izdvojila poluostrvo iz Ruske Sovjetske Federacije Socijalističkih Republika (RSFSR) i predala ga Ukrajinskoj Sovjetskoj Socijalističkoj Republici. Vest o transferu prenela je sovjetska štampa krajem februara 1954. osam dana pošto je Prezidijum Vrhovnog Sovjeta SSSR usvojio rezoluciju. Tekst rezolucije uz poneki umirujući izvodiz diskusije sa sednice Prezidijuma održane 19. februara, objavljeni su zajedno sa vrlo kratkim saopštenjem. Više detalja o transferu neće biti otkriveno do kraja sovjetske ere.

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Ukrajinsko-jugoslavenske veze
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Ukrajinsko-jugoslavenske veze

Author(s): Zlatko Dizdarević / Language(s): Bosnian

Postaje upadljivo proteklih sedmica kako se događaji u Ukrajini, pretežito u medijima na ovdašnjim prostorima, mimo svih drugih teorija uspoređuju i s “mogućnostima jugoslavenskog scenarija raspada”. Podjednako je upadljivo i kako se u argumentacijama zatu usporedbu upotrebljavaju različiti argumenti, ovisno o sredini u kojoj se teorije “jugoslavenskog raspada” spominju. Na stranu potpuno nesuvisle varijante poput one u pitanju političaru iz Ukrajine u ovdašnjim dnevnim novinama gdje se tzv. jugoslavenski scenarij povezuje s mogućnošću napada Rusije na Ukrajinu!? Kakve veze ima inozemna vojna intervencija s ondašnjim yu-raspadom.

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Ukrajina: šta će se sada dogoditi
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Ukrajina: šta će se sada dogoditi

Author(s): Ian Traynor / Language(s): Ukrainian

Za 14 godina koliko je na vlasti i koliko žali nad propašću sovjetske imperije, Vladimir Putin je započeo tri rata protiv ruskih suseda i protiv teritorija koje su nekada bile pod dominacijom Kremlja. Kao novoizabrani premijer 1999, pre nego što je postao predsednik na Novu godinu 2000, pokrenuo je rat u Čečeniji, brutalno gušeći oružanu pobunu protiv Moskve u severnom Kavkazu i sravnivši pokrajinsku prestonicu Grozni.

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Ruske intervencije: Kontrarevolucionarna sila
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Ruske intervencije: Kontrarevolucionarna sila

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov / Language(s): Serbian

Ključni zaključak o Rusiji, staroj i novoj, jeste da je ona kontrarevolucionarna sila: ruska spoljna politika posle Napoleonovih ratova, a naročito posle 1848. bez prekida je kontrarevolucionarna i konzervativna, čak i kada njome vladaju reformisti, kao na primer sada, u postsovjetskoj i posthladnoratovskoj Rusiji. Iako su njeni trenutni spoljnopolitički ciljevi ruski, instrumenti njenih intervencija, na primer u Siriji, ostaju sovjetski. Glavna razlika između nove Rusije i obe stare, i carističke i sovjetske, je odsustvo univerzalnih ideoloških opravdanja, bez obzira na pokušaje oživljavanja ideologije ruske kulturne i civilizacijske izuzetnosti, kao načina gušenja liberalnih promena u zemlji i (samim tim) van nje.

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Organizarea memoriei colective după 1989 în Cluj-Napoca.
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Organizarea memoriei colective după 1989 în Cluj-Napoca.

Author(s): Jakab Albert Zsolt / Language(s): English,Romanian

Transylvania, annexed to Romania in 1920, is a place of continuous Romanian-Hungarian conflicts. There is always a domain of conflict between the Hungarian minority and the Romanian majority represented by the construction, the invention and commemorative use of the past. In my ethnographic and socio-anthropologic analysis I focus on the "memory entrepreneurism", and foreground those interethnic relations and symbolic behaviours that stand behind it in the social context of the multiethnic Cluj-Napoca. The change of regime of 1989 brought along not only a political closure, but also one with on the framework of the imagined past. On the social level this resulted in the drama of the diminuation of belief in the institutions and authorities. The past constructed up to that point naturally lost its political legitimacy. There were two kinds of attitudes emerging within the self-legitimating strategies regarding the past. On the one hand the denial of continuity, the rejection of the past constructed by previous societies in the interest of the new historical order. This new historical order didn't wish to continue the previous economical, social and political relations. But on the other hand, in there was a rising need for historical depth: how can one legitimate the present and create a continuity in the historical space? Nevertheless, the new system considered it necessary to deduce the new social order from history. It had a need for the past also because it defined itself against the past, distancing itself from it: thus the past became surpassed and at the same time an example to follow. The period between 1989 and 2008 proved to be one of the most productive regarding the local construction of memory. Therefore my paper analyses the tendencies of post-1989 past construction. What previously exposed component of the past was made invisible by the new system? What was overtaken and what kind of new components were brought to the surface? What kind of conflicts were revealed, what kind of identity strategies, legitimating processes and national discourses were put into motion by the construction of the (new) memory?

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Bolje sprečen nego pravedan rat
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Bolje sprečen nego pravedan rat

Author(s): Noam Chomsky / Language(s): Serbian

Lideri Nato saveza objavili su da alijansa planira da ojača istočni front raspoređivanjem dodatnih trupa u Bugarskoj, Mađarskoj, Poljskoj i Slovačkoj – uključujući hiljade američkih vojnika – i slanjem „opreme koja će pomoći Ukrajini da se odbrani od hemijskih, bioloških, radioloških i nuklearnih pretnji“. I dok sama alijansa ne dostavlja Ukrajini naoružanje direktno, mnoge njene članice ovoj zemlji šalju oružje, uključujući projektile, rakete, mitraljeze i ostalo.

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Tranziciona pravda kroz vizuru građana i građanki Crne Gore
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Tranziciona pravda kroz vizuru građana i građanki Crne Gore

Author(s): Miloš Vukanović / Language(s): Montenegrine

Istraživanje javnog mnjenja o znanju i stavovima građana i građanki Crne Gore o ratnim zločinima i tranzicionoj pravdi sprovedeno je radi dobijanja godišnjeg presjeka podataka. Podaci su upoređivani, u dijelu istih pitanja, sa prošlogodišnjim sličnim istraživanjem Centra za građansko obrazovanje (CGO). Dodatno, po prvi put su unešena i pitanja koja osvijetljavaju percepcije građana i građanki o odnosu pravosuđa i određenih državnih institucija prema ratnim zločinima. Ovakvo redovno praćenje znanja i stavova javnosti daje i koristan uvid o efektima rada različitih društvenih subjekata u procesu suočavanja s prošlošću. Takođe, na ovaj način se dobija empirijska građa o ključnim pitanjima koja su obilježila politički i društveni životu protekloj godini, a vezana su za ova proces, i kakav je to uticaj imalo na društvo.

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Антиратне и мировне иницијативе у Србији током pатова деведесетих на простору бивше Југославије
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Антиратне и мировне иницијативе у Србији током pатова деведесетих на простору бивше Југославије

Author(s): Aleksandar Todosijević / Language(s): Serbian

Један од основних предуслова за миран и просперитетан живот у савременом друштву је мир. Мир обезбеђује услове за економски и привредни развој и општи друштвени напредак. Доприноси том циљу могу бити различити, а један од њих је могућ кроз образовање за мир. Учење о миру обухвата знања о мировним покретима, антиратним иницијативама, алтернативним начинима превазилажења и решавања сукоба, чињенице о разоружању, животној средини и одрживом развоју, људским правима, другим културама и религијама, различитостима и др.

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Antiratni pokret u Crnoj Gori
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Antiratni pokret u Crnoj Gori

Author(s): Igor Radulović / Language(s): Montenegrine

Od samog početka ratnih dešavanja na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije, crnogorske vlasti su se stavile na raspolaganju režimu Slobodana Miloševića. Sprovodeći politiku zvanične Srbije i JNA (kasnije Vojske Jugoslavije) crnogorsko rukovodstvo se oštro obračunavalo sa političkim neistomišljenicima i svojim oponentima. Osudama vladajućeg režima bili su izloženi protivnici rata (“domaći izdajnici”), zagovornici crnogorske nezavisnosti (“separatisti”) i kritičari aktuelnih političkih trendova.

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Transitional justice through the eyes of citizens of Montenegro
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Transitional justice through the eyes of citizens of Montenegro

Author(s): Miloš Vukanović / Language(s): English

A public opinion poll on the knowledge and attitudes of Montenegrin citizens about war crimes and transitional justice was conducted in order to obtain annual cross-sectional data. The data were compared, in the part of the same questions, with last year’s similar survey conducted by the Centre for Civic Education (CCE). Additionally, for the first time, questions were introduced that shed light on the perceptions of citizens about the attitude of the judiciary and certain state institutions towards war crimes. Such regular monitoring of the public’s knowledge and attitudes also provides useful insight into the effects of the work of various social actors in the process of dealing with the past. Also, in this manner, an empirical base is obtained concerning key issues that marked the political and social life in the past year, concerning this process, and the impact it had on society. For example, the issue of attitudes towards the genocide in Srebrenica marked the second quarter of the political life in Montenegro in 2021 and led to the first dismissal of a minister in the new Montenegrin Government, which was formed in December 2020. However, it is only this research that indicated that the dominant majority of Montenegrin citizens state that they know what happened in Srebrenica in 1995 (86%), than that twothirds of them define it as genocide, while the rest believe that it is a great war crime, but not genocide, or that there was a war in which people were killed on all sides. It is also interesting that with the controversial position of the former Minister of Justice, Human and Minority Rights, Vladimir Leposavić, that he is “ready to admit that the crime of genocide was committed in Srebrenica once it is unequivocally established “, more than half of the citizens did not agree, which could have been instructive for political decision-makers as well. However, on the other hand, the research indicated the overall complexity of Montenegrin society. Hence, the opposition parties, which initiated the impeachment of this minister due to his position on Srebrenica, are not significantly recognized by the citizens as political entities that advocate transitional justice. That points that their inadequate relation towards the issues of facing with past from the period when they had power has not been forgotten. The research is part of the “Dealing with the Past for the Future” project, which the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) is implementing with financial support from the U.S. Government, through the State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL).

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Građanska memorijalizacija u Bosni i Hercegovini i Republici Hrvatskoj
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Građanska memorijalizacija u Bosni i Hercegovini i Republici Hrvatskoj

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Since its foundation, along with field visits of places of suffering, the Association for Social Research and Communication has been working on collecting data on monuments built in local communities, which are dedicated to the wars of the 1990s. Thus, in 2016, UDIK presented the Central Register of Monuments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which contains data on more than 2,100 memorials, while in 2017 UDIK's team mapped over 1,200 memorials in the Republic of Croatia. This booklet provides a brief overview of developments on the issue of memorialization and the basic findings of UDIK's research on monuments in both countries.

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Търновска книжовна школа – пространства на паметта. Том 11
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Търновска книжовна школа – пространства на паметта. Том 11

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Bulgarian,Russian,German,Serbian,Old Bulgarian

The 𝑇𝑎𝑟𝑛𝑜𝑣𝑜 𝐿𝑖𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑟𝑦 𝑆𝑐ℎ𝑜𝑜𝑙 collections contain reports from the recurrent international symposium “Tarnovo Literary School”, which is the oldest and most respected forum on Old Bulgarian studies in Bulgaria and worldwide. It was held for the first time in 1971 under the auspices of UNESCO, and the first collection of articles came out in 1976. The𝑇𝑎𝑟𝑛𝑜𝑣𝑜 𝐿𝑖𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑟𝑦 𝑆𝑐ℎ𝑜𝑜𝑙 collections are among the most cited editions in the fields of Old Bulgarian studies and research into medieval Bulgarian spiritual and material culture from its pre-Tarnovo and Tarnovo periods, as well as on the cultural and literary ties between Byzantium, Bulgaria, and the Eastern Orthodox Slavic world. The main purpose of 𝑇𝑎𝑟𝑛𝑜𝑣𝑜 𝐿𝑖𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑟𝑦 𝑆𝑐ℎ𝑜𝑜𝑙 is to publish scholarly articles by Bulgarian and foreign researchers in the field of interdisciplinary medieval studies in order to explore the cultural and historical heritage of the Second Bulgarian Empire.

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Lessons learned after the implementation of the Dayton peace agreement
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Lessons learned after the implementation of the Dayton peace agreement

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): English

Over the past two and a half decades multiple problems have been identified in the implementation of the Dayton peace agreement. The process of development of the BiH society has generated some visible achievements that could lead to a stable development of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, at the same time, some halts in development of the BiH society and state are also notable. These halts have led to the deepening of the crisis in economic development, particularly since 2015. Namely, since 2015, several dozen thousands of young people have left Bosnia and Herzegovina and went to European counties in pursuit of economic prosperity.

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