"AUTOBIOGRAFSKI UGOVOR" RATNOG PISMA S POTPISOM ALENKE MIRKOVIĆ I GROZDANE CVITAN

Author(s): Miranda Levanat-Pericic / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 2/2016

This paper deals with the relationship of the wartime literature and the autobiographical discourse in the fictional and non-fictional texts written by two contemporary Croatian authoresses, Alenka Mirković and Grozdana Cvitan. From the receptional point of view, when the autobiographical discourse connects with the wartime themes, the importance of the social status of the author is substituted by the socially important topics, and the question of “who has the right to the story of his own life” (Velčić 1991) turns into a question of “what is a socially relevant theme?” Prevalence of topics that are important to collective memory in wartime literature is almost self-explanatory; this kind of topic is selected by Alenka Mirković in her Vukovar war chronicle 97.6 Mhz. Glasom protiv topova. Mala ratna kronika ((11996, 22011). While the novel written by Alenka Mirković meets the reader’s expectations by offering “autobiographical contract” (Ph. Lejeune) in which the name on the cover guarantees the identity of the author and the narrator, in short stories written by Grozdana Cvitan, Psi rata i druge bestije (2007), a war reality becomes awider framework of literary (self)reflection with an absence of documentarity. Although in her war stories there is no classic autobiographical contract (since there is no correspondence between the name of the author and narrator), the character of the narrator who listens leaving the others to become the main protagonists, guarantees an authentic cover for mediation of autobiographical testimony.

"Detskí vojaci" na stránkach zahraničných učebníc dejepisu

Author(s): Adam Suchonski / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 1/2009

Despite the two great wars in the 20th century the world is still harassed by many war conflicts, mainly of regional character. In these conflicts, children soldiers are often involved. Owing to this fact we should attempt to answer a question whether this issue is given due emphasis in history course-books and how the issue is presented. The author examined a selection of foreign course-books, which was possible due to a collection assembled by the Georg Eckert Institute in Braunschweig. A selective analysis of them provides evidence that their authors often concentrate on this interesting issue. Presentation of children soldiers in history course-books has a positive impact upon sensitising young people, the future citizens of the world, to the tragic fate of their peers. Nevertheless, the adults still give guns to the juveniles and make them kill other people. Now it depends on them whether the term ‘children soldiers' will be sent to history.

"PARTIZAN PLUS" IZ PRVE PROLETERSKE

Author(s): Omer Hamzic / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 16/2003

Otišao je još jedan, među posljednjim, iz stroja Prve proleterske brigade, one koja je formirana, kako su nas učili, “u malom bosanskom gradiću Rudom, 22. decembra, 1941. godine.” To smo slavili kao Dan armije, kojoj je pjesnik nekada ushićeno nazdravljao: “Stupaj, slavne zastave razvij, ponosna čelična zbita…” Tada smo slavili i tu vojsku i njenog vrhovnog komandanta Tita. Danas je sve manje njegovih saboraca među živima i sve manje sjećanja na njih. Odlaze tiho, zaboravljeni i ostavljeni od historije, koja se tako grubo poigrala sa idealima za koje su se borili i ginuli.

"THE CHRIST LOVING ARMY" BETWEEN WISH AND REALITY

Author(s): Mihai Bruma / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2009

In this work are presented: the subject of the relationship between military profession and Christian ethics by using the inspired phrase "The Christ loving Army"; the Relationship between Military Profession and Christian Ethics; the advantages of practicing Military Profession by applying the principles of Christian Ethics and suggestions.

"Tod sekla bridka bodo jekla"

arheološko dokumentiranje bojišča prve svetovne vojne ter oborožitev avstro-ogrske in italijanske armade na Rombonu

Author(s): Uroš Košir / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2014

The following contribution describes the results of the archaeological survey of the high mountain range battlefield at Mt Rombon, where the Austro-Hungarian and Italian Armies fought between 1915 and 1917. An analysis of modern aerial photographs, revealing numerous fire and communivcation trenches as well as terraces for military barracks, was carried out, while the field survey involved the photographic documenting and mapping of the various positions with the aid of the global positioning system (GPS). The author shows the situation at the individual selected areas of the former battlefield, and he also focuses on the certain aspects of structuring the military positions and their adaptation to the natural circumstances in the high mountain enviroment. On the basis of selected finds from private museum collections, an analysis and presentation of the armament of the Austro-Hungarian and Italian Armies at Rombon was also carried out. This was one of the few examples of the archaeological research of the Soča Front, which would also deserve more attention from the archaeological science.

"Ковачница за мъже" или ... задължителната наборна казарма в представите на българина през Социализма

Author(s): Iliya Valev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2014

One widespread proverb in Bulgaria, knowing some different versions, says that “Man, who did not passed conscription is not a man”, “A boy, who failed to enter military service is second-hand man”, “A man, who has not walked as a soldier knows nothing”. What exactly is conscription according to public understanding of Bulgarians? What attitudes have the society to compulsory conscription? Frontier of what is the portal on the military unit? These and other issues related to conscription during socialism will be explored.

„NEMZETI NAGYLÉTüNK NAGY TEMETŐJE, MOHÁcS!”

A mohácsi csata és következményei

Author(s): Zoltan Gyore-Attila Pfeiffer / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2017

The battle of Mohacs took place before 491 years in 1526 between the Kingdom of Hungary and the Ottoman Empire, which was crucial not for the Kingdom for Hungary, but also for the history of Central Europe, moreover it had effects on the counties of Bács and Bodrog. This direct confrontation with the overwhelmed Ottoman Empire ended catastrophic for the Hungarian Kingdom. Generally, the defeat and its consequences were a national catastrophe, because this was the end of the independence and glorious being of Hungary and for the Hungarian nation. The Kingdom of Hungary was destroyed eternally. After this battle followed a time of crippled society and economy under the pressure of the Habsburg and the Ottoman Empire. For many years the Hungarians lost the possibility for leading free foreign policy and leading home affairs for a while. The battles long- term consequences were determinatives in Hungarian history until the 20th century.

100 години от Балканските войни. Извори и документи. Международна научна конференция, 11 ноември 2013 г. Съставител Ал. Гребенаров. Институт за исторически изследвания – БАН. С., 2015, 664 с. ISBN 978-954-2903-17-8

Author(s): Stoyan Germanov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 3/2015

18. Yüzyıl Başlarında Rusya’nın Kafkasya Siyaseti: I. Petro’nun İran Seferi

Author(s): Serdar Oguzhan Çaycioglu / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 0/2017

Russia followed the policy of landing on the Black Sea in the time of Peter the Great. However, Russia was defeated by the Ottoman Empire in Prut. Afterwards Russia turned to the direction of the Caspian Sea. At the beginning of the 18th century Russia started Iranian expedition in order to control the Caucasus and to the western coasts of the Caspian Sea. However, Russia encountered with the intervention of the Ottoman Empire. This article focus on Russian-Ottoman strugle in the Caucasus and Russia’s Iranian expedition of. In addition, the political and military actions of the Ottoman Empire against Russia’s Iranian expeditions were evaluated. Another issue that is emphasized is the role of the Lezgi issue in the Ottoman-Russian struggle in the Caucasus. On the other hand, the Istanbul Treaty which was signed at the end of the struggle and its results were evaluated.

1848‒1849 traumájának felidézése az 1852-es császári utazás során

Author(s): Orsolya Manhercz / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 04/2015

The evocation of the Hungarian revolution and fight for independence of 1848–1849 was given great emphasis when Austrian emperor (and Hungarian king) Francis Joseph visited Hungary in 1852. The erections of memorials – such as the inauguration of the Heinzi statue –, as well as the visits made to battlefields and fortresses, were a clear indication of the fact that the emperor and the government could not easily liberate themselves from the memory of what had happened a few years before. On the other side of the events emphasized by the imperial program there were as a matter of fact Hungarian successes and losses, to which memorial places and commemorations were likewise connected. The ambivalence caused by the contrasting emotions evoked by the revolution and the consequent events could hardly be dissolved. Indeed, this ambivalence remained a constant trait of the long reign of Francis Joseph. Apparently, the journey of 1852 proved that the new administrative system was a success, as no atrocities took place during the imperial visit. Although the public feeling was far from ideal, it was hoped that this would also change with the passing of time, and the Bach regime would be consolidated in Hungary as well. Yet a successful policy in Hungary was conditional upon at least some gestures of reconciliation. The course of policy advocated by prime minister Felix Schwarzenberg, based on the idea of the greater German unity, counted with the keeping of Hungary within the Empire, and thus aimed at the pacification of the Hungarians as soon as possible. However, no trace of this intention can be found in the imperial representation and propaganda which manifested themselves in the emperor’s journey of 1852.

1855 KARS ZAFERİNİN KAZANILMASINDA KARS AHALİSİNİN FEDAKÂRLIĞI

Author(s): Oktay Kizilkaya / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 39/2018

The problems that began in 1848 between the Ottoman Empire and Russia and the administration of the Italy Places ın Jerusalem, have caused tensions between the two countries. When tensions between the two countries were not resolved by diplomatic means, Russia declared war on the Ottoman Empire in 1853 in order to adopt its demands. In 1853, Russia and the Balkan, the Caucasus and the Crimea were fought on three fronts, attacking the Balkan territories of the ottomans. One of the fought fronts, the focal point of the Caucasus Cephas, has been Kars and its environments. From April 1855, battles began with the Russian army entering the borders of Kars. While several Russian advanced operations were stopped during the battles, the Russian were not aged and managed to protect the city of Kars in June 1855. Between June 1855 – September 1855 the people of Kars fought a sacrifice against Russian attacks with the Ottoman military. In particular, the Russians who wanted to take over the city of Kars on September 29, 1855, made a major attack. In this study, the people of Kars along with the Ottoman/Turkish military in Kars, have shown great patriotism and sacrifice during the cessation of the Russian attack. This patriotism and sacrifice was appreciated by the Ottoman Empire and three different medals were printed with the name “Kars medal” as gold, silver and bronze. These medals are given as evidence to the patriotism of the soldiers and the people who have sacrificed.

1877-1878 OSMANLI-RUS SAVAŞI SIRASINDA KARADAĞ SINIRINDAKİ ASKERÎ DURUM ÜZERİNE BİR İNGİLİZ SUBAYIN MEMORANDUMU

Author(s): Bülent Akyay / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2015

The revolt in Herzegovina in 1875, constituted the beginning of a new crisis in the Eastern Question. Within the balance of European Powers, this crisis had become an international problem with the intervention of the Great Powers. The course following the revolt had left Ottoman Empire in a difficult position and Pan-Slavism made feel the full weight for Ottomans during the period with the events like the Bulgarian Rebellion of 1876, Ottoman-Serbian-Montenegrin War of 1876, The Conference of Istanbul (Tersane) in 1876, and finally, these events caused to the “War of 93” known as the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. During the war time, British intelligence officer Captain F.C.H. Clarke informed his country with his reports regarding the Ottoman Balkan frontiers. In this paper, the military position on both sides of the frontier between the Ottoman Empire and Montenegro will be discussed within the framework of Captain Clarke’s memorandum dated as October 1st, 1877.

1895 Revolutionary Action in Macedonia

Author(s): Svetlozar Eldarov / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2015

120 years ago, from 19 to 28 March 1895, a unifying Congress was held in Sofia, which established the Macedonian Committee (MC) as the governing body of a general organization which was joined by the Macedonian societies in Bulgaria and Romania and student societies in Western Europe and Russia.

1952–1953 metų antisemitinė kampanija Sovietų Socialistinių Respublikų Sąjungoje

Author(s): Kastytis Antanaitis / Language(s): Lithuanian / Issue: 65/2016

The anti-Semitism of the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin became, at the beginning of the Cold War, an anti-Semitic paranoia and took on the most radical form during the campaign against Western influence on Soviet society. Soon after the destruction of the Jewish Antifascist Committee, the Doctors’ Plot campaign was launched at the end of 1952; it soon became a perfect basis for blaming all Jews as disloyal to the Soviet regime. In the republics of the USSR the local Communist leaders supported the anti-Semitic campaign in Moscow with allegations about Jewish medical crimes at the local level.Despite much circumstantial evidence and many testimonies there still is no strong basis for the conclusion that the anti-Semitic campaign of 1952-1953 would soon turn into a large-scale repression campaign or wholesale genocide of the Jewish population in the USSR, but the clear anti-Jewish policy and the Soviet practice of the mass repression of nations leaves little doubt that the Soviet society was mentally prepared for the deportation of Jews to Siberia. The Soviet regime practiced constant archive purge campaigns, and documents about politically sensitive issues or regime crime were destroyed on a regular basis. Despite all regime efforts, some traces of anti-Semitic campaign preparation, control, and coordination may be found not in the central state institutions of the USSR but in the Communist Party archives of the republics. At the republican level Communist party Central Committees some top secret documents of the anti-Semitic campaign of 1953 were preserved in specific archive units, the so-called Osobaja Papka.In the USSR the reports of local party leaders to Moscow always described never-existing enthusiastic popular support for Soviet policies; thus the true scale of anti-Semitism in society can’t be determined on the basis of such sources. But they demonstrate that local Soviet institutions supported the spread of anti-Semitism during the infamous Doctors’ Plot campaign of 1953. They also permit the conclusion that any anti-Semitic campaign would not be limited to negative propaganda and at least part of Soviet society was ready to accept some repression of Jews.Joseph Stalin’s death in 1953 put an early end to the anti-Semitic campaign. Soon Stalin’s political heirs quashed charges against the doctors and even punished a few distinguished instigators of the campaign, but there was no official and public condemnation of that anti-Semitic campaign. Thereupon anti-Semitism became less aggressive but still remained very strong in the USSR.

1968. година – повратна за Източна Европа

Author(s): Iskra Baeva / Language(s): Russian / Publication Year: 0

The year 1968 was one of crisis, both for Eastern and Western Europe. There was a similarity in student-riots (in France, Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia), but mutual differences were much greater. An attempt at revamping the social system which had been established after WWII under Soviet influence was made in Eastern Europe in 1968. The new leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, headed by Alexander Dubček undertook a reform with the goal of making the state socialism more democratic, in order to weld social security with human rights („socialism with human face”). In connection with reforms in the neighboring Czechoslovakia, Polish students stood up to protect intellectual freedoms. However, the government managed to stir up anti-intellectual and anti-Semitic sentiments and supress the dissatisfaction. Władisłav Gomułka came out against reforms. The changes in Czechoslovakia – abolition of censorship, preparation of the Action program with the aim of making socialism more democratic, economic reforms of Oto Šik – led to troubles in the relations between the countries of the Eastern Bloc. At meetings in Dresden (March 23), Moscow (May 8) and Warsaw (July 14–15), the leaders of the Warsaw-Pact countries increasingly criticized Czechoslovak reforms and demanded increasingly more determined that they be rescinded. Finally the danger of a reformist spill-over led to the decision to intervene militarily in Czechoslovakia on August 21, 1968. The military intervention changed the relations in Eastern Europe. Yu goslavia and Romania felt endangered and they reacted sharply. The suppression of the ”Prague Spring of ‘68” influenced mostly the attitudes of Eastern Europeans. They realized the preservation of the system and power was more important in the Eastern Bloc than the interests of the society.

20. sajandi esimese poole ajaloosündmuste jäädvustamisest ohvrite hauamonumentidega. Pärnu Vana pargi ühishauaja mälestusmärgi teemaline juhtumiuuring

Author(s): Ülle Kraft / Language(s): Estonian / Issue: 1/2013

According to the European tradition, soldiers fallen in battle are either buried in their home cemetery or a military cemetery. In addition to cemeteries,memorials have been erected in places where there are no actual remains. However, at the behest of the central government of the Soviet Union, an opposite practice emerged in post-World War II Estonia: mass graves along with the memorials to mark them were also constructed outside of cemeteries. Thus, the memorials erected in those places are not monuments in a symbolic sense, but grave markers. As the people buried there are victims of war, they are also war graves. (Longer version of this abstract is included in the article, starting from p 229.)

26 dywizjon artylerii ciężkiej w latach 1937–1939

Author(s): Witold Jarno / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2018

The article describes the story of a little-known artillery unit of the Polish Army that existed in the years of the Second Polish Republic – the 26th Heavy Artillery Battalion. This unit was formed in the autumn of 1937 in Skierniewice in the area of the Corps District No. IV Łódź and was directly subordinated to the commander of the 26th Infantry Division. The creation of the 26th Heavy Artillery Battalion was one of the elements of increasing the firepower of the Polish infantry divisions. However, deficiencies in artillery equipment, caused that before the outbreak of the Second World War heavy artillery battalions were formed only in a few infantry divisions, including the 26th Infantry Division. Instead of the planned three batteries, the 26th Heavy Artillery Battalion had only two batteries (the first battery had three 105 mm cannons, and the second battery had three 155 mm howitzers). Discussed unit was mobilized in March 1939. Despite many difficulties and shortages in the equipment – mobilization was carried out efficiently, and the deficiencies were supplemented in the following weeks. In May 1939, the 26th Heavy Artillery Battalion was transported by rail to Wielkopolska (along with the 26th Infantry Division) and subordinated to the command of the „Poznań” Army. During the Polish-German war, battalion supported fire units of its own division while the battles over the river Bzura. During this time, the unit was destroyed and most of the soldiers were taken prisoner by the Germans. // Artykuł opisuje historię mało znanej jednostki artylerii Wojska Polskiego z okresu międzywojennego – 26 dywizjonu artylerii ciężkiej. Jednostka ta powstała jesienią 1937 r. w Skierniewicach na obszarze Okręgu Korpusu nr IV Łódź i została bezpośrednio podporządkowana dowódcy 26 Dywizji Piechoty. Powstanie 26 dywizjonu artylerii ciężkiej było jednym z elementów zwiększania siły ogniowej związków taktycznych piechoty polskiej. Jednak braki w sprzęcie artyleryjskim spowodowały, że do 1939 r. dywizjony artylerii ciężkiej sformowano jedynie w kilku dywizjach piechoty, w tym w 26 Dywizji Piechoty. Zamiast planowanych trzech baterii 26 dywizjon artylerii ciężkiej miał jedynie dwie baterie liczące po trzy działa (w pierwszej baterii armaty 105 mm, a w drugiej baterii haubice 155 mm). Omawiana jednostka została zmobilizowana w marcu 1939 r. Pomimo wielu trudności i braków w wyposażeniu mobilizacja odbyła się sprawnie, a braki uzupełniano w kolejnych tygodniach. W maju 1939 r. 26 dywizjon artylerii ciężkiej został przewieziony koleją do Wielkopolski (wraz z całą 26 Dywizją Piechoty) i podporządkowany dowództwu Armii „Poznań”. W wojnie polsko-niemieckiej wspierał ogniem oddziały własnej dywizji w czasie walk nad Bzurą. W ich trakcie jednostka została rozbita, a większość żołnierzy dostała się do niewoli niemieckiej.

60 godina od završetka Drugog svjetskog rata: kako se sjećati 1945. godine

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2006

Ovaj Zbornik radova je rezultat konferencije koju je Institut za istoriju u Sarajevu organizirao 12. i 13. maja 2005. povodom 60 godina od završetka Drugogsvjetskog rata. Smatrali smo da je šezdeset godina od završetka Drugog svjetskog rata prilika da se o tome događaju povede naučna rasprava iz perspektive onoga što je slijedilo u kasnijem povijesnom razdoblju.

A 16th CENTURY “STYRIAN” RIDING SWORD IN THE COLLECTIONS OF THE HISTORY MUSEUM OF MOLDAVIA IN IASI

Author(s): Catalin Iulian Hriban / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2014

One of the exhibits of Moldavia’s History Museum is an Early Modern/Late Medieval sword that has been until recently known and labeled as “Prince Vasile Lupu’s Sword”. Our investigation demonstrates, by means of typology analysis and analogy, that the item is an ordonance weapon in the category of “riding swords” dated at the end of 16th or the in the beginning of the 17th century, used to equipp the light cavalry or to be worn as side-weapon by travelers. The type of weapon is known as Styrian Sword, as the largest group of preserved items is located in the Styrian Arsenal Museum in Graz, Austria.

A barbár múlt és a nemzeti dicsőség

Author(s): Bálint Varga / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 02/2015

After settling in the Carpathian Basin in the early 10th century, pagan and nomadic Magyar tribes led a series of military campaigns against the organized states of Christian Europe. Based on the changing interpretations of these five decades, this study attempts to answer the question, how 19th century historians tried to interpret „inconvenient” events in a way that they could still insert into the master narrative of the glorious national past, utilizing the required methodology of historiography. Influenced by Göttingen scholar Ludwig Schlözer, authors of the late Enlightenment in Hungary depicted a rather negative picture about the Magyar raids. They condemned the Magyar campaigns as barbaric deeds, but at the same time used the ancient topos of noble savage to clear from the most negative charges of contemporary German authors. Romanticism brought about a significant change. In 1836 Mihály Horváth, the most influential romantic historian, wrote a comprehensive study Parallel between the Magyar nation moving to Europe and the civil and moral culture of Europe. In this bulky paper, Horváth argued that in the 10th century, Christian people of Europe had already lost their previous freedom but they developed no higher culture yet. Contrarily, Magyars were evidently free, though Christian Europe was somewhat ahead in terms of complexity of social structures and culture. The raids were outcome of the „young age” of the nation. This apologetic tone ruled the mid-19th century Magyar historiography. The late 19th and early 20th centuries witnessed the rapid development of Hungarian historical scholarship in methods, infrastructure, institutions and number of the staff. Critical historiographical standards became more common. The historians of this period became again critical towards pagan Magyars, whose society was now believed underdeveloped in terms of state-building. The Magyar campaigns were seen by critical historians as individual undertakings, which endangered the national unity. Two factors explain the change of the paradigm: first, the European intellectual environment, which Hungarian authors followed closely. Second, that the role of the state gained an increasing weight in Hungarian political discourse from the 1870s, replacing the former emphasis on people.