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In this work are presented: the subject of the relationship between military profession and Christian ethics by using the inspired phrase "The Christ loving Army"; the Relationship between Military Profession and Christian Ethics; the advantages of practicing Military Profession by applying the principles of Christian Ethics and suggestions.
More...arheološko dokumentiranje bojišča prve svetovne vojne ter oborožitev avstro-ogrske in italijanske armade na Rombonu
The following contribution describes the results of the archaeological survey of the high mountain range battlefield at Mt Rombon, where the Austro-Hungarian and Italian Armies fought between 1915 and 1917. An analysis of modern aerial photographs, revealing numerous fire and communivcation trenches as well as terraces for military barracks, was carried out, while the field survey involved the photographic documenting and mapping of the various positions with the aid of the global positioning system (GPS). The author shows the situation at the individual selected areas of the former battlefield, and he also focuses on the certain aspects of structuring the military positions and their adaptation to the natural circumstances in the high mountain enviroment. On the basis of selected finds from private museum collections, an analysis and presentation of the armament of the Austro-Hungarian and Italian Armies at Rombon was also carried out. This was one of the few examples of the archaeological research of the Soča Front, which would also deserve more attention from the archaeological science.
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This article talks about some memorable moments of the accomplishment, 95 years ago, of the Romanians' golden dream - Great Union, which represents the most important event in the Romanians' history.
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In the first years after the liberation, Varna became a centre of attraction for Bulgarians – refugees from Macedonia. Coming into the large port city of liberated Bulgaria, refugees were organized in societies, fraternities, committees.
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The revolt in Herzegovina in 1875, constituted the beginning of a new crisis in the Eastern Question. Within the balance of European Powers, this crisis had become an international problem with the intervention of the Great Powers. The course following the revolt had left Ottoman Empire in a difficult position and Pan-Slavism made feel the full weight for Ottomans during the period with the events like the Bulgarian Rebellion of 1876, Ottoman-Serbian-Montenegrin War of 1876, The Conference of Istanbul (Tersane) in 1876, and finally, these events caused to the “War of 93” known as the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. During the war time, British intelligence officer Captain F.C.H. Clarke informed his country with his reports regarding the Ottoman Balkan frontiers. In this paper, the military position on both sides of the frontier between the Ottoman Empire and Montenegro will be discussed within the framework of Captain Clarke’s memorandum dated as October 1st, 1877.
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120 years ago, from 19 to 28 March 1895, a unifying Congress was held in Sofia, which established the Macedonian Committee (MC) as the governing body of a general organization which was joined by the Macedonian societies in Bulgaria and Romania and student societies in Western Europe and Russia.
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The anti-Semitism of the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin became, at the beginning of the Cold War, an anti-Semitic paranoia and took on the most radical form during the campaign against Western influence on Soviet society. Soon after the destruction of the Jewish Antifascist Committee, the Doctors’ Plot campaign was launched at the end of 1952; it soon became a perfect basis for blaming all Jews as disloyal to the Soviet regime. In the republics of the USSR the local Communist leaders supported the anti-Semitic campaign in Moscow with allegations about Jewish medical crimes at the local level.Despite much circumstantial evidence and many testimonies there still is no strong basis for the conclusion that the anti-Semitic campaign of 1952-1953 would soon turn into a large-scale repression campaign or wholesale genocide of the Jewish population in the USSR, but the clear anti-Jewish policy and the Soviet practice of the mass repression of nations leaves little doubt that the Soviet society was mentally prepared for the deportation of Jews to Siberia. The Soviet regime practiced constant archive purge campaigns, and documents about politically sensitive issues or regime crime were destroyed on a regular basis. Despite all regime efforts, some traces of anti-Semitic campaign preparation, control, and coordination may be found not in the central state institutions of the USSR but in the Communist Party archives of the republics. At the republican level Communist party Central Committees some top secret documents of the anti-Semitic campaign of 1953 were preserved in specific archive units, the so-called Osobaja Papka.In the USSR the reports of local party leaders to Moscow always described never-existing enthusiastic popular support for Soviet policies; thus the true scale of anti-Semitism in society can’t be determined on the basis of such sources. But they demonstrate that local Soviet institutions supported the spread of anti-Semitism during the infamous Doctors’ Plot campaign of 1953. They also permit the conclusion that any anti-Semitic campaign would not be limited to negative propaganda and at least part of Soviet society was ready to accept some repression of Jews.Joseph Stalin’s death in 1953 put an early end to the anti-Semitic campaign. Soon Stalin’s political heirs quashed charges against the doctors and even punished a few distinguished instigators of the campaign, but there was no official and public condemnation of that anti-Semitic campaign. Thereupon anti-Semitism became less aggressive but still remained very strong in the USSR.
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The year 1968 was one of crisis, both for Eastern and Western Europe. There was a similarity in student-riots (in France, Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia), but mutual differences were much greater. An attempt at revamping the social system which had been established after WWII under Soviet influence was made in Eastern Europe in 1968. The new leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, headed by Alexander Dubček undertook a reform with the goal of making the state socialism more democratic, in order to weld social security with human rights („socialism with human face”). In connection with reforms in the neighboring Czechoslovakia, Polish students stood up to protect intellectual freedoms. However, the government managed to stir up anti-intellectual and anti-Semitic sentiments and supress the dissatisfaction. Władisłav Gomułka came out against reforms. The changes in Czechoslovakia – abolition of censorship, preparation of the Action program with the aim of making socialism more democratic, economic reforms of Oto Šik – led to troubles in the relations between the countries of the Eastern Bloc. At meetings in Dresden (March 23), Moscow (May 8) and Warsaw (July 14–15), the leaders of the Warsaw-Pact countries increasingly criticized Czechoslovak reforms and demanded increasingly more determined that they be rescinded. Finally the danger of a reformist spill-over led to the decision to intervene militarily in Czechoslovakia on August 21, 1968. The military intervention changed the relations in Eastern Europe. Yu goslavia and Romania felt endangered and they reacted sharply. The suppression of the ”Prague Spring of ‘68” influenced mostly the attitudes of Eastern Europeans. They realized the preservation of the system and power was more important in the Eastern Bloc than the interests of the society.
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According to the European tradition, soldiers fallen in battle are either buried in their home cemetery or a military cemetery. In addition to cemeteries,memorials have been erected in places where there are no actual remains. However, at the behest of the central government of the Soviet Union, an opposite practice emerged in post-World War II Estonia: mass graves along with the memorials to mark them were also constructed outside of cemeteries. Thus, the memorials erected in those places are not monuments in a symbolic sense, but grave markers. As the people buried there are victims of war, they are also war graves. (Longer version of this abstract is included in the article, starting from p 229.)
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Ovaj Zbornik radova je rezultat konferencije koju je Institut za istoriju u Sarajevu organizirao 12. i 13. maja 2005. povodom 60 godina od završetka Drugogsvjetskog rata. Smatrali smo da je šezdeset godina od završetka Drugog svjetskog rata prilika da se o tome događaju povede naučna rasprava iz perspektive onoga što je slijedilo u kasnijem povijesnom razdoblju.
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The present paper presents some considerations on the Romanian military history between 1916 and 1919, and Armed Forces' role in the process of Romania’s Great Union realization, drawing conclusions and lessons valuable both now and in the future. There are also presented the Romanian military actions for the accomplishment of the union between Bessarabia and Romania in March 1918.
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The study analyses the creation, organisation and activities of the 99th SS-Standarte, one of 126 regiments of the Allgemeine-SS established on the territory of Southern Moravia and the north-eastern part of Lower Austria following the occupation of the borderlands. A general introduction to the Allgemeine-SS is followed by an outline of the incorporation of those parts of Southern Moravia into Lower Austria and a brief characterisation of the SS in Austria. The author analyses the composition of the 99th SS-Standarte, the location of individual units and the command structure, introducing the most important officers. He also describes service in the Allgemeine-SS and the Znojmo regiment, which predominantly involved doing sports, ideological training and participation in Nazi celebrations. With the outbreak of war most members of the 99th SS-Standarte were transferred to the Wehrmacht and armed SS units. The remaining men had two main tasks: the recruitment of young men to the Waffen-SS and looking after conscripts’ families. The study concludes with an exploration of Czechoslovak (and Austrian) judiciary’s post-war efforts to punish members of the Znojmo Allgemeine-SS regiment.
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One of the exhibits of Moldavia’s History Museum is an Early Modern/Late Medieval sword that has been until recently known and labeled as “Prince Vasile Lupu’s Sword”. Our investigation demonstrates, by means of typology analysis and analogy, that the item is an ordonance weapon in the category of “riding swords” dated at the end of 16th or the in the beginning of the 17th century, used to equipp the light cavalry or to be worn as side-weapon by travelers. The type of weapon is known as Styrian Sword, as the largest group of preserved items is located in the Styrian Arsenal Museum in Graz, Austria.
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During the first phase of the World War I Britain made desperate efforts to defend its own oriental interests. The applied methods moved on a wide scale including the diplomatic and military means. However, it was no clear at all among the British decision makers, what kind of strategy should be followed.
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The author of the article presents the preliminaries of the Battle of Caporetto in the year of 1917 on the Italian Front; the preparations of the Central Powers for the offensive against the Italian army and the establishment of the German 14th Army; the allied Austro-Hungarian and German troops’ advance to attack; as well as the opposing Italian, Austro-Hungarian and German forces. The reader may learn about the events of the breakthrough at Caporetto on October 24, 1917 and the details of the operations to the reaching of the Piave River by the Central Powers’ forces on November 10. The author summarizes the Italian (340,000) and the Austro-Hungarian and German losses (70,000), and emphasizes the military historical significance and the results of the Battle of Caporetto, which was the largest victory of the Central Powers on the Italian front during the First World War
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Un raport al ambasadorului sovietic Tiajelnikov, 19 august 1989
It has been argued that Nicolae Ceauşescu asked for a joint military intervention of the WTO against Poland in August 1989. The request would have been motivated by the need of saving Polish socialism, after Solidarity’s victory in parliamentary elections. However, the author of this article thinks the theory ungrounded, as he publishes an excerpt of Soviet Ambassador E.M. Tiajelnikov’s diary, mentioning the discussion with Nicolae Ceauşescu, in 19 August 1989. Ceauşescu’s message to Gorbachev contains no reference to a potential military intervention in Poland. The author’s assessment is founded also on the similar reactions of other members of WTO.
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