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Rövidítésjegyzék és mutatók
The file contains the abreviations used both in the article and in the indexes and the indexes of the names, of the geographical places and of the institutions that are to be found in the articles.
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The file contains the abreviations used both in the article and in the indexes and the indexes of the names, of the geographical places and of the institutions that are to be found in the articles.
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The culture of Georgian chant is variable and particular schools are different from each other. The vital schools are Gelati, Shemoqmedi (West Georgian chant traditions) and Karbelashvilebi (East Georgian chant traditions). The paper presents musical analysis of West Georgian chant traditions, using Gelati school as an example. Scores are taken from Georgian musical manuscripts from the 19th century, which are saved in National Centre of Manuscripts and were written by St. Pilimon the Chanter (Koridze) and St. Ekvtime the Confessor (Kereselidze). The article’s aim is to show how some of the Great Feasts in Georgia were celebrated. The first part contains the examination of some individual aspects of Georgian liturgical practice. The second part synthetises what is important in the process of researching Georgian chant. The analysis shows individuality of the chant material. Diversity and abundance of existing materials gives the opportunity to conduct further research on the topic.
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Market towns’ privileges and their system of self-government and administration were similar to the free royal cities. In the late 14th century, Miskolc doubled in size, besides the „Old Town“, the „New Town“ was first mentioned in 1376, with its own weekly fairs and administration, even with a separate parish. The parish church of the New Town, first mentioned in one of the Pope’s deeds in 1445, bore the name of the Holy Virgin Mary as its title. The fact that a cotters’ street or quarter came into being next to the church of the New Town indicates the independence of the New Town and its parish, similarly to the Old Town. The separation of the Old Town and the New Town was a medieval phenomenon, however the dual centres did not survive the Middle Ages, as Miskolc was burnt down by the Turkish troops in 1544. On the ruins of the former parish, a new baroque monastery of the Conventual Franciscans (Minorites) was built in 1720s, and a Minorite scribe made a small drawing in the protocol of the convent showing the outline of the medieval church.
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Between Moravia and Prussia there was an important medieval route passing through the economic and political centres (Olomouc, Opava, Raciborz, Krakow and Torun). A very important medieval route existed between Moravia and Prussia, connecting the economic and political centres (Olomouc, Opava, Raciborz, Krakow and Torun). Situation on this road made it possible to research the continuous material and ideological transfer, the existence of which is evident from the archaeological finds in Opava region. We have compiled three thematic groups of artefacts which include utility ceramics, numismatic material, and sacral artefacts used by pilgrims. Within the identified system, various groups of travellers including merchants, artisans, diplomats and pilgrims can be detected.
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According to the charter issued by Andrew, Bishop of Eger, the Košice burghers were exempted from jurisdiction of Archdeacon of Abaujvár in 1290. Circumstances connected to its origin and then comparison with other charters containing similar privilege seem to be essential factors leading to better understanding of the source. Hereby a very detailed analysis of the text might say more to explain its meaning. Therefore, the cognoscible context of exemptions with the examination of circumstances leading to the issuance of the charter in 1290, along with consideration of the words written in the text, encourage the opinion that the burghers of Košice had been exempted from jurisdiction of Abaujvár´s Archdeacon even before. The Bishop´s charter seems to be only a confirmation of the right allowed earlier, which was a common phenomenon in the towns (or in the communities of guests) of the Hungarian Kingdom.
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This study presents a biography of one of the burgherois origin officials – Marek Walticher. He was a son of a merchant born in Pressburg. Marek Walticher came from vicinity of Pressburg Catholic patricians, mainly through his mother‘s family. Marek Walticher´s career had three periods. Initially he was employed in the Hungarian Chamber. Later he moved to the Mikuláš Esterhazy palatine barnyard, where he worked as his accountant and then he worked in important position of palatine office clerk. On the top of his career he worked as a main royal customs officer in Magyaróvár and he was appointed by monarch as a royal counselor. The study also presents detailed genealogical analysis of his family and social contacts of his wider kinship.
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The study deals with suburban churches and hospitals in medieval Košice. Author evaluates historiography published on this topic and presents results of detailed research of town books and tax registers. The aim of contribution consists of characterizing of the development, i.e. origins and cessation of the buildings, their approximate geographical location as well as the position in the church administration of Košice. The existence of three churches and two hospitals surrounding the walled town has been proved by the research. The main and also the oldest hospital with a church had patrocinium of the Holy Spirit. It laid in front of the Lower Gate on south. As the second one, the church of St. Ladislaus was erected in the northern suburb. The last such objects built here in the Middle Ages were leprosarium and church of St. Leonard on the west side. In addition to this, there was constructed one more church in the town´s cadaster, staying in the village of Košická Nová Ves.
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In the text, I discuss the problems of the genocide experience in the context of mass tourism. I point out that large-scale Holocaust memorials and genocide museums incorporated into the mass-tourism industry are drowning out cries of remembrance. I propose three categories of commemoration: “Captions”, “Monuments” and “Stand-alone Works”. The latter category includes fine art photography among others. Using the case of the photographic series Koenigsgraben, I point out that the category of “Stand-alone Works” seems to have the greatest potential (next to historical enviro mental activeness) to free the cry of remembrance from beneath the concrete of the monuments.
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„Crossroads images”, as Régine Robin called them, monuments are central to processes of appropriation or disavowal of the past, while preserving their status as symbols of identity for individuals, various groups, a city, and the nation. They are concrete images of the relation to the past of the community that builds and, sometimes, destroys them. They can also be vandalized when changes in society occur, especially during revolutions and coups d’état. After the fall of the communism, the fate of the monuments built during the old regime can be broken down into two contrasting categories: those illustrating communist ideological figures and symbols were dismantled; those representing national heroes, however, remained standing, becoming objects of new politics of memory. Furthermore, new personalities and symbols joined existing monuments as key individuals for post-communist national memory were commemorated: anticommunist fighters, members of the Romanian royal family, or interwar politicians. The accession to the European Union was also inscribed in Romania’s memorialization practices, as monuments dedicated to leading European figures have been erected.
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The article approves the biographical approach and the case study method on a specific text fragment – the ancestral memories of a descendant of refugees from Lozengrad in 1903 about poverty, deprivation, humiliation, lack of social support and the difficult integration into the host community for three generations in a row. The empirical text is interpreted through the theoretical concepts of some of the most prominent researchers of poverty and its accompanying social dynamics such as Sorokin, Bourdieu, Simmel, etc.
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Armed conflicts affect many aspects of life. In addition to casualties from military impacts, conflicts often involve damage or destruction of cultural heritage. The significant challenges we face in the XXI century also complicate the protection of cultural heritage during military operations. The increasing use of social media provides instant viewing and propaganda for the destruction of cultural heritage and, in many cases, its irreversible destruction, on the other hand, precision munitions increase the expectation that cultural heritage sites will be spared during conflict. This expectation often leads to increased frustration and disappointment when sites are not protected or become collateral damage. This article examines the role of the targeting process in influencing cultural heritage during conflict.
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On the basis of extensive research in the State Archives of Montenegro in Cetinje (SAM) within the fund of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Principality of Montenegro for the period from 1880 to 1896, as well as relevant literature, we analyzed the situation in Nikšić. Nikšić with its surroundings was one of the largest regions that was annexed to Montenegro after international recognition at the Berlin Congress in 1878. We must emphasize that archival documents with these details were used for the first time in this paper. Documents of similar or the same provenance make an integral part of some monographs used in this paper, but not in this issue and with this much detail. They are about agrarian reform and the distribution of land to the families of Montenegrin soldiers. However, there is hardly no mention that the land was illegally taken from its legal owners, thus violating the provisions of the Berlin Congress of 1878. It is a well-established opinion of readers, including some historians, that Prince Nikola I Petrović Njegoš and the Montenegrin government did everything to comply with the decisions of the Berlin Congress in 1878, which recognized Montenegro internationally. However, the truth is completely different. Muslims who were in conflicts with the Principality of Montenegro for centuries had become its subjects. The best areas of land in the newly liberated regions belonged to them. Contrary to the decisions from Berlin, the Montenegrin authorities did everything to prevent the return of the refugee owners to their property. A huge number of families of Montenegrin warriors who fought against the Ottomans for centuries settled large areas of abandoned land. Cetinje’s secret policy was to prevent the owners from returning through bureaucratic pressure and delay of the process. We found that in relation to the opinion about the correct attitude of the Montenegrin authorities towards Muslims - subjects of the Ottoman Empire, who were almost entirely the population of the Nikšić region, the reality was quite different. Montenegrin authorities have been working for years to evict the Muslim population and appropriate their goods and real estate. Despite the provisions of the Congress of Berlin, which guaranteed all rights to Muslims, the Montenegrin government systematically carried out this intention to the end.
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The migration of Bulgarians from Macedonia to the territory of free Bulgaria represents a long and multifaceted process with significant political, demographic and sociocultural implications for the new Bulgarian history. This study provides an overview of the foundational stage of this process spanning from the Liberation in 1878 to The Balkan Wars of 1912–1913. Its internal periodization is determined by the various phases of the Macedonian question, characterized by uprisings, wars and diplomatic endeavors. Throughout this period, migration from Macedonia extended beyond refugees and their settlement, encompassing temporary stays and repeated permanent movements back and forth for economic and other reasons. In many respects and instances, these movements were regulated, restricted and even effectively reversed through the efforts of the Bulgarian state, which prioritized preventing mass emigration from Macedonia in order to avoid the de-Bulgarianization of the region. However, this dynamic shifted dramatically with the Balkan Wars and the First World War, after which the migration of Macedonian Bulgarians became unstoppable, predominantly refugee-driven (or at least forced) and irreversible. In perspective, a very significant part of the modern Bulgarian nation turned out to be Macedonian-Bulgarian in its geographical origin, genealogy and collective memory.
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After the collapse of the Russian Empire at the end of the First World War and the accession of Bessarabia to the Kingdom of Romania, a large Bulgarian population found itself within the borders of this country. The census of the population in the Kingdom held on December 29, 1930 allows to trace certain aspects of the demographic development of the Bulgarians in Bessarabia. This article focuses on the quantitative growth of the Bulgarian population, the territorial distribution of Bulgarian communities and the level of urbanization of the Bulgarians.
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The article is dedicated to the resettlement of Bulgarians from Southern Bessarabia and Northwestern Bulgaria to Northern Azov (Northern Tavria) in 1861–1862 as an integral part of a broad multinational and multi-vector migration process in this region. The place of the Bulgarian element in the context of this complex migration process is outlined. A conclusion is made that as a result of this migration process a separate group of the Bulgarian Diaspora was formed – the so-called “Taurid Bulgarians”
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In my previous announcements and publications, I have already paid attention to the expedition of the famous Bulgarian folklorist Rayna Katsarova in Dobrudza in the summer of 1944. The expedition is more deeply analysed in this article, the particular occasion being that after the finding of the file with the report by Rayna Katsarova about this travelling, I was happy to find her fieldwork records done in several living settings in Northeast Bulgaria: Balchik, Lyulyakovo, Dobrevo, etc. Their data is preserved in the Musical Folklore Archive of the Institute of Art Studies at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. A specific focus of Rayna Katsarova’s expedition in Dobrudza is the Bulgarian newcomers from Tavria (region which at that time was situated in the Ukrainian SSR), who bear specific vernacular, traditions and folklore. Our big folklorist did not know at the time being that just in several months they would leave their metropolis. In about 2000 Tavrian Bulgarians were deported back to the USSR. In their turn, the Tavrian Bulgarians in Dobrudza did not know that the meetings with a scholar like Rayna Katsarova were a unique chance to leave to the next generation a record of a small part of their cultural memory, rites and musical folklore as a document for the development of their culture and ethnic identity in the conditions of the Second World War.
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