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The analysis is based on sixty newspapers and journals of the given period. It wants to show the political and everyday life of people in the last month of the peace after the assasination of Franz Ferdinand and before the declaration on war. The essay also wants to show the changing standpoint of Hungarian political elite concerning the outbreak of the war, and the cultural background of Hungarian nationalism.
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In the 1910’s the Slovak national movement had a double political program. The first level of this was the realization of the Nationality Law of 1868/XLIV. The second was the achievement of the autonomy for the compact Slovak language area in Upper Hungary. The Slovak national movement was too week to reach these goals all by itself, so they had to look for allies. They had four possibilities. The first was making alliance with other parties in the Hungarian parliament or besides it. The second was entering into connections with the crown prince, Franz Ferdinand who intended to federalise the Empire and give autonomy to ethnic groups within the Monarchy. The third was the Czech-Slovak cooperation, because the Czech regarded them as a brother nation. The fourth was to make pact with the Hungarian government to get some preferences by virtue of the Nationality Law of 1868/XLIV. Until the World War I the last the Hungarian government meant the real alternative, from 1915 the Czech-Slovak cooperation.
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The main political objective of István Tisza was to protect the integrity of historical Hungary at all costs: this was the underlying reason for sustaining the dualist system and the relationship with the Habsburgs. He believed that the situation dictated by the balance of powers exposed the Hungarians to grave danger, thus he maintained order with a firm hand, though by rule of law. He tried to curb the excesses of Hungarian nationalism („Hungarian imperialism”). He regarded contemporary world politics as struggle for regional dominion. Though he was a pro-German politician, in my view he rejected German dominance over Central Europe. As a devoted Christian, he considered the war a disaster.
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This article is dedicated to the process of inception, contradictory development, topical condition and the main problems of one of the most authoritative international organisations, the Council of Europe. It follows the movement of ideas regarding its different visions: the initial hopes that it will achieve the centennial idea for unification of Western Europe, the subsequent disappointment and its transformationa into a second-tier West European organization, its development after the Cold War as prestigious 'club of European democracies' and a sort of first anteroom to the European Union. Some of the main problems it faces as challenges in the XXI c., particularly the policy of protection of national minorities, the application of double standards and the notion that precisely this organization outlines the visible frontiers of United Europe, have been analyzed.
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