„…a diaszpórában működő szervezetek legtöbbjét cserkészek alapították”
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Diaspora Interviews
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Lendvai-Lintner Imrével Gazsó Dániel beszélget
Diaspora Interviews
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Szenthe Annával Gazsó Dániel beszélget
Diaspora Interviews
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History of Bulgarian Sociology
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The study presented deals with the issue of the media representation of the concepts of „European values“ and „traditional Bulgarian values“ during the European election campaign in 2019. The results show that a broad misrepresentation of the European values prevails in the political discourse, based on which they are opposed to the Bulgarian values. As a result, a negative attitude towards the EU is constructed.
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The characteristics of the so-called Y generation in post-Communist countries indicate that this generation is considerably disappointed by the changes; it is lost, full of fears, and willing to accept political solutions of an authoritarian and xenophobic kind. More distinctly than ever, these solutions are perceived by them as a better way of resolving their life problems related primarily to entry into adulthood (entering the labor market, creating a family, achieving status). This is evident when observing young people’s sympathies and political decisions, which, in many of these countries, indicate a clear “turn to the Right”. Although the tendency in Western countries is similar, its local background is different, and its political consequences might also be different. The paper shows the semantic complexity of the spatial aspect of Left vs. Right in order to describe, using the term “turn to the Right”, the scope and specificities of this phenomenon in several selected countries. The article also explains the factors that make young people in these countries more susceptible to Right-wing political proposals.
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Статијата се фокусира на масовните протести во Тунис, и начинот на нивната организација, па се поставува прашањето дали стануваше збор за првата интернет-револуција.
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„Лажне вести”, или исправније – дезинформације и као феномен и као термини јесу у хиперинфлацији. Ни у пракси, ни у медијској теорији, а ни у медијском праву не постоји јасан консензус шта све спада под „лажне вести”, односно који је то „непријатељ борбе”. У међувремену, „лажне вести”, нарочито дезинформације на интернету, почеле су да одлучују о онима који одлучују, да утичу на изборне одлуке и креирају друштвену и политичку стварност. За дисеминацију „лажних вести” оптужују се институционални извори, политички лидери и медији, међутим, оне своје место проналазе и на друштвеним мрежама где се немерљивом брзином шире. Истраживање Оксфорд интернет института показује да је, током мид-терм избора у САД-у у новембру 2018. године, број линкова ка „лажним вестима” први пут премашио број линкова ка професионалним медијима. Овај рад тежи да допринесе постојећој дебати о покушају јасног дефинисања појма дезинформација, посматрајући га како са становишта медијске теорије, тако и са становишта медијске етике, медијског права и интернет права. Рад анализира постојеће појмовно одређивање појма дезинформација од стране међународних организација, као и често непостојање јасног одређења према овом појму од стране појединачних држава. Предмет анализе су и домети саморегулације, кроз саморегулаторне механизме струковних, пре свега новинарских удружења, али и такозване „псеудорегулације” у којој компаније које послују наднационално, као што су Фејсбук (Facebook), Гугл (Google), Твитер (Twitter), Мозила (Mozzila), почињу саме себе да регулишу.
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This article examines the manner in which Foucault is being related to the existential psychopathology during the 50s, according to the newly deposited Foucauldian archives at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France in 2013. In particular, the text concentrates its attention on an unpublished and unedited manuscript: one of the courses of lectures at the University of Lille done by Foucault in 1952–1954, and especially the course on “Phenomenology and Binswanger” (1953–1954). While analysing this Foucault’s course of lectures where the emphasis lies on the philosophical reflexion on the anthropological problem of psychopathology, we are becoming finally able to throw some light upon Foucault’s project of analysing the historicity of the ‘forms of experience’ – a project that has been placed in the very heart of Foucauldian “archaeology” of madness in 1961.
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(народната музика в българските радиопрограми от първите години на социализма и нейната „мека власт“)
peoples music, state socialism, people's democracy, Bulgarian radio, soft powerThe article describes the main power concepts and practices, related to music in Bulgarian radio during the first years of socialist Bulgaria – the Fatherland front period (1944-1947), when the authorities start to take possession of state radio, under the guise of “people’s democracy”; and the totalitarian period (1948-1956) – a period of “classical Stalinism”, a time of the completed control of radio and media music by the communist power. The focus is on the so called folk music in radio, which turns out to be one of the main conduits of “soft power” in the first years of Bulgarian national socialism. Its presence in the narratives of communist power, its place in radio programs, its main figures and formats, its power uses as “music for the people” and some discourses as “correct” and “incorrect” music, according to authorities, are examined.
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Differentia specifica Балкана су латентна нестабилност и конфликтни капацитет чији су истовремени и узрок и последица неадекватне границе. Користећи овај термин С. Хантингтона, аутор аргументовано тврди да оне проистичу из „балканског субпоретка” који се мења услед европских и светских геополитичких ломова – махом после великих оружаних сукоба. Тако су настале не само спољашње, већ и унутрашње границе и у монархистичкој и у титоистичкој југословенској држави. Њихова „неадекватност” резултат је непримењивања етничког принципа који је требало да важи као основни и само за конститутивне народе. Дестабилизујућа и конфликтна природа републичких граница дошла је до изражаја када су приликом растакања Југославије оне прерасле у међудржавне границе, наглашених фрагментационих, баријерних и центрифугалних одлика. У раду се детаљно анализују најочигледнији примери селективног одабира принципа разграничења, катастрофалне последице пресецања етничких простора и утицај неадекватних граница на изазивање рата и рецентну дисфункционалност постјугословенског дела Балкана. Стога се предлаже ревизија поделе постјугословенског простора и новоформираних граница. Она би се извршила у складу са етничким принципом као основним, власничко- историјским принципом као додатним и уз коришћење бројних корективних принципа приликом коначне делимитације и демаркације. Формирање нових, консеквентних граница представљало би предуслов трајније стабилизације Балкана.
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The objective of this paper is to analyse the transformation of the political conceptions of “liberation” and “state building” in the ideological paradigms in Bulgaria. At the background of the genesis of the concepts in the classical ideological systems, using the comparative method, the paper reveals the contradiction between their classical reading and that of the Bulgarian political actors. We conclude that the “Liberation”, a traditional liberal concept with a negative definition is opposed by the Bulgarian liberals to “freedom” and is given positive meanings while the Bulgarian left and nationalistic right tend to prefer the liberal understanding of the term to the traditional positive socialist ones.
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The Netherlands is considered to be an exemplary case of study of the transition to capitalism. Most studies, however, lack a comprehensive interpretation synthesizing the different aspects and providing a summarized idea of this complex situation. The perception and pursuit of the civilization perspective outlined by M. Weber and F. Braudel, enables the identification of the basic dimensions of early capitalism in the Netherlands. The debate on the transition to capitalism is used as a methodology and interpretative forum for approximation of the views of both scientists and their further development through the prism of contemporary views. The general picture of the epoch of the 17th century outlines the idea that the country has not been completely transformed into capitalist but the process had already started. Certain cultural, economic and political preconditions and factors had contributed to its development whilst it was dependent on their combination both in internal and European and global context. It was found that to a lesser degree the role of the socio-cultural dimensions of capitalism is outlined, which may be based on the factual situation as well as on its incomplete interpretation in the different studies. The pluralistic explanation of the transition to capitalism renders it possible to clarify this assumption and use it in subsequent studies.
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At the beginning of the reform in the PRC, which is associated with the Third Plenum of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) after the 9th Congress held in late 1978, began a new form of socialist development. In China it was called “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics“. Even then, the term “xiaokan” or more precisely “xiaokan shihui” (小康 社会) actively entered party-state documents, as well as the public sphere in the PRC. The term “xiaokan” means “Moderately Prosperous Society”. The achievement of such a society became an important goal, the progress on which will be reported in 2021.
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The article reviews how the appearance of the “artificial narrow intelligence”, which is already a fact, will participate in the processes of the transformation, the disappearance of some jobs and the creation of others. The aim of the text is to reveal two scenarios: optimistic and pessimistic as well as the basic theses in the debate of these problems. The tasks of the article are to draw the chances and to warn for the risks at the same time that follow of the implementation of AI in different human realms. The methodology of the research includes: a comparative analysis, key trends tracking, building of two alternative scenario forecasts. The originality of the text contains in the concrete placement of the Narrow AI in the context of the transformation of one the key human activity as labor is.
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Циљ истраживања у раду је анализа једног од облика високотехнолошког криминала, који носи назив фишинг („пецање“). Истраживањем је утврђено да је број фишинг превара широм света у порасту из године у годину, са великим штетама. Облици и начини извршења овог вида преваре еволуирали су током времена и постали све софистициранији и самим тим, тежи за откривање. Показало се да су фишинг нападима погођени не само грађани, већ и привредни субјекти и важне државне институције. У раду су приказани примери фишинг напада у свету и у Републици Србији. Анализа је показала да је Република Србија све више угрожена услед фишинг напада и да не постоји lex specialis којим је уређено ово питање. Утврђено је да је неопходно предузети бројне превентивне мере за спречавање крађе приватних података и других значајних информација. То подразумева повећан опрез код отварања мејлова, пажљиво читање њиховог садржаја, избегавање „клика“ на сумњиве линкове чиме се активирају малициозни софтвери, повећан опрез код електронске трговине и коришћења кредитних картица и друге мере. У раду јеуказано на потребу доношења посебног закона који би уредио областфишинг преваре, као и пооштравање казнене политике. У раду сукоришћени нормативни метод и правно-логички методи индукцијеи дедукције.
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In this project, we have tried to implement some practices which will guide our future activities as the ECFR takes its work into new policy areas. First, we have tried to look at several dimensions of European power. We have explored how Moscow sees the EU and uses its power to influence it; how each member state relates to Russia; as well as the links between Moscow and EU institutions. This report draws on data gathered by a team of researchers from all 27 EU member states. Each conducted a survey of their country’s economic, political and military relations with Russia. // Secondly, we have tried to avoid the euphemistic phrases and diplomatic practices that cloak tensions within the EU and between the EU and third countries. In order to promote a common European approach, we have illustrated some of the areas where the policies of individual member states have undercut common European objectives. The goal is not to stigmatise particular countries. Future reports on European foreign policy issues will put the spotlight on the policies of other states. // Thirdly, we have done our best to understand the issues from the perspective of policymakers. A senior EU official complained to one of the authors about the propensity of outside observers to simplify complex issues and to imply that the only thing standing in the way of a successful EU foreign policy is the stupidity of officials. We have tried to heed this plea and have not offered any easy, ready-made solutions. We are grateful to the many officials who have provided us with useful guidance at every step of the research process, in particular those who took part in a round-table discussion of the interim findings, attended by officials from all EU institutions and a majority of EU member states.
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The international community has a second chance in Afghanistan. The appointment of a new UN special envoy and the upcoming NATO summit in Bucharest offer a chance for the coalition partners to adopt a new strategy and avert disaster. The problems are well known. The rule of Hamid Karzai’s government extends only weakly outside of Kabul. The Taliban insurgency will continue to grow stronger as winter ends. Despite the billions of euros spent, most ordinary Afghans have yet to see the benefits in terms of security, access to justice and delivery of basic services. All these difficulties have been exacerbated by European and American policy disagreements. In their key criticisms of each other Europeans and Americans each have a valid point. While Americans tend to treat a political problem as a military one, Europeans have lagged behind the US in terms of financial and military commitments, and have even failed to co-ordinate their own activities. In the run-up to Bucharest there will be an opportunity for both partners to strike a new ‘grand bargain’ where Europeans agree to increase their investment in exchange for a change in American strategy. A new common approach should be based around a strategy for political inclusion, increased resources, and stronger international leadership. This new strategy should be cemented in a new Bonn-type conference, which would bring together heads of states from the US, UN, EU and all of Afghanistan’s regional partners.
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