Samorządowy wymiar polskiej polityki zagranicznej 2012–2022. Część I: Zarys ogólny

Author(s): Krzysztof Babij,Rafał Jaśkowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2022

The subject of the article concerns the role and participation of the Polish local government in the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland in 2012–2022. In part I of the article describes the legal acts and program documents on the basis of which the local government can pursue its external policy. The goal of part I is to analyze the diversification of activities in foreign policy, with particular emphasis on the interests of local government. The part 2 concentrates on a specific local government (the city of Łódź) that tries to pursue an active international policy. The main goal of the article is to examine the activity of local governments in the foreign policy of the state in the aspect of broadly understood reflection on the international environment of the Republic of Poland. This type of analysis may be used to organize the knowledge about the possibilities, conditions and benefits, or possible losses of conducting elements of foreign policy by Polish local governments.

Les convergences franco-polonaises de la Mission militaire française en Pologne à la visite de Charles de Gaulle en 1967

Author(s): Hervé Gaymard / Language(s): French Issue: 2/2022

Since the 16th century, France has been looking for a trusted partner in Central Europe. Poland seemed predestined to play this role. The transformation of the Polish-French convergence into a common destiny on the European stage was especially feared by Bismarck when he reorganised Europe for his own benefit. Unfortunately, our deep knowledge of each other has rarely been accompanied by full mutual understanding. The period of Polish independence, during which the French military mission helped Poland to form an army, was exceptional. The Polish experience refined de Gaulle’s geopolitical training. It was his first confrontation with Russia, his first judgment on “strategic invariants”. He also learned the geostrategic culture that he would develop on a European scale, such as a need for mobile armoured weapons. The paths of Poland and France diverged with the German-Polish non-aggression pact and the lack of vision of the French leaders. De Gaulle was a man of living history, a man who knew how to discern the deep continuities on which he relied to anticipate future prospects. This is why Poland was his first commitment outside France, and then his first official trip to a country under the Soviet yoke. A visit during which he met 3 million Poles and in which he felt his last international initiative. It combined emotional dimensions, cultural and intellectual proximity and potential political interests, but the constraints of the Cold War dictated its modest results.

Le voyage de De Gaulle en Pologne

Author(s): Maurice Vaïsse / Language(s): French Issue: 2/2022

General de Gaulle’s visit to Poland cannot be understood without taking into account two contradictory factors that have characterized Franco-Polish relations since 1958: on the one hand, the fact that he belonged to opposing camps during the Cold War, and on the other hand, the intensity of bilateral ties, which is also expressed in his personal memories of service between 1919 and 1921. Regardless of sentimental and historical considerations, the territorial status of post-war Poland was a lasting part of General de Gaulle’s geopolitical conception. It implied support for the inviolability of its western border. The possibilities of political openness he had been thinking about since 1958 were thwarted by the tensions of the Cold War and Poland’s support for Algeria. The ousting of Khrushchev and the cooling of Franco-German relations were a turning point. The intensive exchange of visits between Poland and France was supposed to signify acceptance of the bipolar order on condition that Poland retained its identity. General de Gaulle’s visit to Poland was intended to explain his policy of “détente, understanding, cooperation”. His veiled speeches suggested the adoption of a more independent stance towards Moscow, but did not in any way upset the post-war status quo in Europe.

Samorządowy wymiar polskiej polityki zagranicznej 2012–2022. Część II: Aktywność międzynarodowa samorządu na przykładzie Łodzi

Author(s): Krzysztof Babij,Rafał Jaśkowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2022

The subject of the article concerns the role and participation of the Polish local government in the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland in 2012–2022. In part I of the article describes the legal acts and program documents on the basis of which the local government can pursue its external policy. The goal of part I is to analyze the diversification of activities in foreign policy, with particular emphasis on the interests of local government. The part 2 concentrates on a specific local government (the city of Łódź) that tries to pursue an active international policy. The main goal of the article is to examine the activity of local governments in the foreign policy of the state in the aspect of broadly understood reflection on the international environment of the Republic of Poland. This type of analysis may be used to organize the knowledge about the possibilities, conditions and benefits, or possible losses of conducting elements of foreign policy by Polish local governments.

Kwestia tablic rejestracyjnych jako punkt zapalny w stosunkach między Serbią i Kosowem w latach 2011–2022

Author(s): Sławomir Kowalski,Robert Sendek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2023

The problem of license plates issued to Kosovo Serbs became the main reason for the escalation of tensions between Belgrade and Pristina in summer 2022. Due to the threat of a regional conflict, international institutions, including EU diplomacy, became involved in mediation between both sides. The international peacekeeping troops stationed in Kosovo also contributed to stabilizing the situation. The reason for the dispute between the Serbian and Kosovo authorities is the question of which license plates Kosovo Serbs could use in their vehicles. The article describes the causes of the problem resulting from historical conditions and international decisions on the status of Kosovo. It also presents the threats resulting from the lack of mutually satisfactory regulations on this issue, and discusses the attempts made in the past to seek solutions to this problem.

Selected sectors of Poland’s security concerning the migration of Ukrainian refugees

Author(s): Zofia Marciniak / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

The nature of the modern military operations conducted on Ukrainian territory has generated a wave of mass emigration focused on the nearest safe areas. Poland, too, as one of the neighbouring countries, is a fundamental migration target for war refugees. Russian armed aggression began in February 2014, and on February 24, 2022 turned into a regular war. As a result of martial law, a number of children, women and the elderly (over 60 years of age) range seek protection on Polish territory. The influx of people became the basis for the creation of an important law of March 12, 2022 on assistance to citizens of Ukraine in connection with the armed conflict on the territory of that country. The legislation regulates the rules of legalization of residence, guarantees access to the labour market, health care, as well as benefits and social assistance. A number of aid measures issued for Ukrainian migrants, high inflation as well as Russian propaganda used for information warfare have negatively affected public sentiment towards factors shaping security. Therefore, an analysis of selected security sectors identifies threats as well as problem areas along with opportunities to ensure security.

Niemcy wobec postkomunistycznego bloku w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w latach 1990–1995

Author(s): Bogdan Koszel / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2023

The paper looks at the involvement of united Germany in the stabilisation and free market reforms in five former Eastern Bloc countries – Poland, Czechoslovakia (from 1993 on: the Czech Republic and Slovakia), Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria – in the years 1990–1995. The text offers an overview of the multifaceted debates held in Germany at that time on the country’s need to do so and its interest in this particular area of Europe, pointing to the reasons why Germany, despite the variety of reunification problems it was facing, undertook the task of promoting the interests of these countries within the EC/EU, although the degree of this support varied. The countries that could rely on the greatest support from Germany were Hungary, Poland and Czechoslovakia, as Germany was treaty-bound to support these countries’ efforts geared towards association with and membership of the EU. Emphasis has also been placed on the role of the agreements on good neighbourhood and friendly cooperation, signed by Germany (Poland, Czechoslovakia), as well as on friendship and partnership in Europe (Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania), which guided the principles of future cooperation of these countries with united Germany.

The climate change speaking subjects in the Slovak quality press

Author(s): Tomáš Profant / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

The discussion devoted to the climate crisis, like the crisis itself, is not a natural phenomenon but one that is wo-/man-made. It is socially constructed. It is not economic think-tanks that dominate this socially constructed discussion but other actors that do. This article analyses who is quoted and paraphrased in Slovak media writing about climate change. The analysis is based on 60 articles that were published in the third quarter of 2019 in selected non-tabloid daily newspapers (i.e. the quality press) in Slovakia – SME and N. The results show that natural scientists dominate the media discussion of this topic and are the source of almost one-third of the statements quoted and paraphrased in the newspapers. They are followed by politicians, who make up onefifth of those quoted or paraphrased. Social scientists, activists, and NGOs each make up just 7% of those quoted or paraphrased. This research represents the first step towards answering the question ‘Who speaks?’ when it comes to this issue and towards a more thorough discourse analysis that could reveal how certain voices are marginalised in the mainstream public debate.

The trade effects of the war in Ukraine from the European Union’s and – in particular – Poland’s perspective

Author(s): Małgorzata Czermińska / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2023

The war in Ukraine is the third asymmetric shock that the European Union has experienced in the last two decades, after the 2008 financial and economic crisis, the following Eurozone crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Although Russia’s and Ukraine’s shares in the global trade and production are relatively small, they are important suppliers of basic products, specifically food and energy. Therefore, the trade consequences of the war for the European Union, Ukraine’s important trading partner, deserve special attention. The war also disrupts trade relations between the EU and Russia. The EU’s direct trade sanctions are limited to specific sectors, such as oil, coal, arms, dual-use goods, as well as the aviation and space industry. However, financial sanctions, particularly the SWIFT ban imposed on seven Russian banks, increase the costs of commercial transactions considerably. This paper aims to present the trade effects of the war in Ukraine from the European Union’s, Member States’ and, in particular, Poland’s perspective. This refers not only to the trade creation and diversion effect, but also to changes in the structure of the EU’s trade regarding the main groups of goods. These effects will vary depending on direct trade links, dependence on Russian energy and susceptibility to rising energy prices. Given an extensive range of parties involved and issues covered by the research, this paper focuses only on the main aspects of the problem.

France’s unfailing support under economic influence

Author(s): Aram Kalos / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2023

France has always prioritized firmness, dialogue, and solidarity in its relationship with Ukraine. In response to the conflict, France has taken on the role of a mediator, engaging in dialogue with the Russian leader in an attempt to discourage further aggression. Despite criticism from the international community, France has also provided military aid, including ammunition and cannons, as a demonstration of its expertise in armaments. Although the aid is minimal compared to its arsenal, France fears weakening and seeks to showcase its power. In addition, France has deployed personnel, including instructors for training purposes. Demonstrating its commitment to solidarity, France has provided support in energy, food supply, water access, health care, and transport infrastructure to Ukraine, and reiterated its support at the international conference in December 2022. By contributing in these areas, France intends to play a valuable role in the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine, solidifying its position as a reliable partner in the process. Overall, France’s commitment to Ukraine is clear, and its effective efforts are an indication of its intention to assist Ukraine in its time of need.

Vernacular Geopolitics through Grand Strategy Video Games: Online Content on Ukraine in Europa Universalis IV as a Response to the Russo-Ukrainian War

Author(s): Jacob Lassin / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2024

Europa Universalis IV, (better known as EUIV), is a popular grand strategy PC game. Players choose a country to play as and start in the year 1444 with the option to plot new courses in history such as allowing players to form Ruthenia, the game’s version of Ukraine. In this article, I investigate how both Ukrainian and non-Ukrainian online content creators have been making content related to Ruthenia and Ukraine as a response to Russia’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine. I highlight how this content allows creators and viewers to voice their opinions on the war, build a sense of solidarity with the Ukrainian military, debate issues related to the war, and raise money for Ukrainians in need. Through close readings of this content, I offer an analysis of how this community uses the game to build a "vernacular geopolitics" in which information about and understandings of international relations and conflicts develop in non-elite settings.

Zarządzanie kryzysowe wobec zagrożeń ekologicznych – rola organizacji komercyjnych i niekomercyjnych. Wprowadzenie

Author(s): Andrzej Chodyński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2024

Aspekty bezpieczeństwa w kontekście zmian klimatycznych.

Author(s): Adam Jabłoński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2024

NVA a upadek muru berlińskiego

Author(s): Roman Kochnowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

Contrary to the arrangements from Potsdam, the remilitarization of both German states began as early as 1950. In 1956 the East German army was officially created under the name of the National People’s Army. The NVA was organized into four branches: Ground Forces (Landesstreitkräfte), Navy (Volksmarine), Air Force (Luftstreitkräfte) and Border Troops (Grenztruppen). In the years 1956–1990 they were the third largest (after the Soviet and Polish army) armed forces of the Warsaw Pact. As in other armies of the Eastern Bloc, the NVA was subject to strict party control. However, when the Berlin Wall was overthrown, this army remained a passive observer of events. After the reunification of Germany, only a few of its officers and soldiers were taken over by the Bundeswehr.

Polsko-niemieckie stosunki w sejmowej i senackiej debacie w latach 1989−1991

Author(s): Agnieszka Kastory / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

The paper concerns the position of Polish MPs and senators on shaping the principles of German-Polish cooperation in a situation in which Poland regains full sovereignty in foreign policy. The position of Polish deputies was analysed on the basis of stenographic reports from plenary sessions of the Sejm and Senate concerning the preparation and ratification of treaties with Germany on confirming the border and on good neighbourhood. In particular, it was a question of examining whether MPs and senators supported the concept of a G erman-Polish community of interest, which was defined and presented in the Sejm by Foreign Minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski. During the ratification debate, supporters of both treaties pointed out that they enabled Poland to leave the Eastern Bloc, making Poland independent of the support of the USSR for the western border. They also provided an opportunity for German support on Poland’s way to the European Communities. MPs and senators understood that it was possible to build a G erman-Polish community of interest on the basis of supporting and expanding the integration process and thus completely change Poland’s geopolitical situation. This did not mean that the solutions adopted in the treaty on good neighbourhood, especially with regard to compensation, the status of Poles in Germany and the German minority in Poland, were fully accepted.

Sfera symboliczna w procesach transformacyjnych krajów byłej Jugosławii. Pomniki

Author(s): Lila Moroz-Grzelak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

The article focuses on the ways of treating the monumental memory of the past in the states that were established after the disintegration of Yugoslavia. These examples, which are not exhaustive, show that the process of transformation in the symbolic sphere does not create a uniform image in all countries. It oscillates between the destruction of the monuments of the past period in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also the different intensity of the events of the tragic war of the last decade of the 20th century. Breaking such a description, Serbia protects the monuments of the Yugoslavian era, while at the same time recalling the memory of the Serbian liberation struggle in the anti-Turkish uprising of 1804. The protection of the monuments of the NOB (struggle for national liberation) period in Montenegro not only proves the connection with the federal Yugoslavia, but also reflects a kind of Yugonostalgia. In turn, the monuments of this period on Macedonian territory, preserved in various states, gave way to a “flood of monuments” referring to the ancient and medieval history of this land. The changes in the monumental sphere in all countries, however, prove the willingness to justify the ideological existence of independent state entities embedded in the native tradition confirming their sovereignty.

Gazimestan 28 czerwca 1989 roku – frazeologia przemówienia Slobodana Miloševicia

Author(s): Piotr Żurek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

In 2019, the thirtieth anniversary of the famous speech of Slobodan Milošević delivered on the day of St. Vitus (Vidovdan) on June 28, 1989, on 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, was marked. This speech was considered ominous and as an announcement of a future bloody war by many citizens of Yugoslavia and, above all, Albanians and Croats. The author of the article undertook to analyze this speech in terms of phraseology.

Macedonian Domestic and International Problems (1990−2019)

Author(s): Katerina Todoroska / Language(s): English Issue: 30/2021

The article addresses the complex relations between the Republic of Macedonia and the neighboring countries formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991. Several reasons behind said difficulties are discussed, namely: the dispute between Serbia and Macedonia concerning Belgrade’s lack of recognition of the Autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox church, the conflict with Albanians, who point out to human rights violations by the government in Skopje, and the contestations between North Macedonia and Bulgaria addressing Bulgaria’s suppression of Macedonian national identity and language in the province of Pirin Macedonia (Blagoevgrad Province). Finally, we discuss the conflict with Greece concerning the name of the Macedonian state and the rights of Macedonian immigrants.

Bilateral relations with the republic of /North/ Macedonia as an element of Bulgarian regional policy after 1989

Author(s): Naoum Kaytchev / Language(s): English Issue: 30/2021

The article begins with a re-evaluation of the often neglected importance of 1989 developments in Skopje that inaugurated the subsequent transition of Yugoslav Macedonia leading to its transformation into an independent republic. The text argues that the outcome of the often overlooked congress of the League of Communists of Macedonia in late November 1989 dismantled a small break out of the pan-European Berlin Wall that autumn.After 1989 Bulgaria maintained a policy aimed at limiting and the non-proliferation of the conflict from the dissolving Yugoslav federation and contributed to the stabilization of the former Yugoslav and wider region. One of the most sensitive aspects of Sofia’s regional policy was that towards Skopje. The article offers evidence and argues that Bulgaria’s approach since 1989 went through different phases but nonetheless was based on three key constant principles: first, support for the independence and for the statehood of the new Republic of Macedonia; second, the countering and dismantling of Macedonianism (in its ‘Yugoslav’ and ‘antiquated’ versions alike) both as a provocative construct of history and as Skopje’s foreign policy practice; third, seeking of solutions within the wider EU and NATO framework and support for the Republic of /North/ Macedonia’s integration into NATO and EU structures.

Dyplomacja Nicolae Ceauşescu wobec przemian politycznych w Polsce w 1989 roku

Author(s): Krzysztof Nowak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

In 1989, Romania belonged to the communist countries, which particularly strongly attacked communist Poland for carrying out democratic reforms. For many months the diplomacy of communist leader Nicolae Ceaşescu tried to organize a conference of socialist countries on the subject of Poland, but as a result of Moscow’s opposition it did not come to fruition. During the Gorbachev era, the Soviet Union rejected the Brezhnev doctrine, while Romania actually urged its restoration. This was in contradiction with the current political line of Ceauşescu in favor of not interfering in the internal affairs of socialist countries. However, in 1989 it was a threat to communism, which is why historians also have polemics about Romanian suggestions for the armed intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Poland. In turn, Romania did not allow Poland to interfere in the problems of the Polish minority in Bukovina.