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New era of relations touted as investments, oil prices, and Middle East strategies take center stage.
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New era of relations touted as investments, oil prices, and Middle East strategies take center stage.
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Incidents of alleged electronic espionage provide more clues to Kremlin’s ability to employ hybrid warfare techniques against NATO countries.
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The destruction of a large ammunition depot last month underlines the vulnerability of the country’s lightly protected stockpiles of aging materiel.
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Restive Albanians, Serbs take heart from events in Spain, despite EU warnings to Catalan leaders.
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Mogul Andrej Babis accuses political rivals of setting him up to derail his swift rise to power.
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Gender Equality Index 2017 shows “snail’s pace” progress and “still a lot of room for improvement of equality between women and men.”
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Facing an intransigent parliament, Kosovo leader Thaci sought help from Tirana.
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Some Kyrgyz claim Kazakhstan is hampering border traffic in retaliation for their president’s verbal assaults on the Kazakh leader.
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Observers note procedural problems, praise orderly transfer of power.
More...Daraja press, October 2017, ISBN ebook: 978-1-988832-06-7
Samir Amin, Egyptian and French political economist of pro Marxist and anti Eurocentric orientation, argues in his five chapter book entitled “October 1917 Revolution, a Century Later”, timely published on the Commemoration eve of the 100th anniversery of the October Revolution, that great revolutions can only be delayed, and may have temporary setbacks through conservative resistance and counterrevolutions, but revolutionary progress can not be stopped. October Revolution therefore still illuminates the unfinished struggles of the peoples, the heirs of the Communism of the Third international, for the substantial realization of these goals. Amin then sets out to situate the October Revolution in a current context of the triumph of the “liberal” counterrevolution. Amin concludes that this triumph is only apparent, since the capitalist system is already on the road of its chaotic decomposition, opening the way to the possible crystallization of a new revolutionary situation.
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After war, Kosovo has made many changes in all dimensions of life in organizing the private and public life according to the progress that has been made, in Kosovo there are some occurrences that are fading the image of it . One of the occurrences that can be called as social syndrome is, corruption. With this modest work, author pretending to analyze the corruption in Kosovo that it is affecting in negative way in Interior and in Diplomatic Processes of Kosovo.
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One of the most important initiatives supporting democratic changes in Central and Eastern Europe and the political and economic transformation of countries in the region was a PHARE programme of non-refundable financial aid dedicated primarily to countries most advanced in the reforms, i.e. Hungary and Poland (Poland and Hungary: Assistance for Restructuring their Economies). It was aimed not only at the immediate support for the crisis-ridden Eastern European countries, but also at building stable structures of democratic, free-market rule of law in them. The author of the study focuses on the support that Poland received at the stage of proper preparations for membership in the EU in 1998-2003 as part of the institutional support of the PHARE IB (Institution Building) programme. The author of the study wants to show the importance and results of support projects of the PHARE IB programme at the final stage of Poland’s preparations for the membership in the EU.
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The local development issues were repeatedly discussed in the subject literature. Numerous works devoted to it focus on its objectives, factors and its measurement. Despite this, until now, a little attention has been paid to the category of local development policy pursued by local authorities. The categories of local development policies pursued by the supra-local authorities have not been formulated or discussed at all. Nevertheless, such policies are held in Poland and abroad, and their importance is growing. Thus, there is a need for their definement and characterizing for the construction of nomenclature used in academic discourse and in the practice of design and the application of these policies and in didactics as well.The purpose of this article is to answer this challenge. It opens with the presentation of the origin and the nature of localism and the idea of local development. Then the categories of the local development perceived from the local and supra-local perspectives have been formulated, as well as local development paradigm, its meaning and position in relation to other paradigms of development have been described. Based on local and supra-local perspectives of local development, the categories of local (municipal) and supra-local (regional, national and international) policies of local development have been formulated and the entities who pursue them have been pointed. Also the purpose and features of these policies, ways of their pursuing and their positions in relation to other functional and horizontal policies have been described. Next, the vertical and horizontal cohesion of supra-local policies of local development have been presented. The article uses the research methods of critical analysis of the subject literature, induction, deduction and analogy.
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The subject of the article is an analysis of the most important factors affecting the creation of investment demand by local government units in Poland. The first part defines investment demand through the prism of its origins in the public and private sectors. The types of investment demand characteristic of both the above mentioned sectors and the conditions for their formation are indicated. The second part analyzes the most important determinants of the creation of investment demand by local government units. The causes of specific trends of changes and trends in the share of property expenditures in total revenues of local government units in the years 1999-2015 were also presented. The main conclusions of the article were presented and the directions of the desired changes were presented.
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The aim of the article is to show how the crisis impacts leadership models. A comparative analysis; the main research method covers two countries: Poland and Spain. The author has tried to identify the vector of transformations, diagnose the determinants of the evolution of leadership, and finally describe the projected target models of leadership. The main thesis of this article is a statement that in Poland, there was a transformation from a charismatic to a marketing-oriented leadership whereas in Spain the charismatic leadership underwent erosion. As a result of an Italianisation process, a model of quasi-leadership appeared, which was based on patterns developed in South America. The period of analysis covers the years 2008-2015 and the turning point takes into account the beginning of the crisis in Spain as well as the subsequent elections in both countries (the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland and parliamentary elections in Spain).
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The article opens to scrutiny the phenomenon of the political activity and the level of political activity. Empirical basis for this article is the research material gathered in the framework of the project „Revival of post-industrial cities”. The practical base for this article is the research material covered a representative group among the 700 citizens of Lodz and 437 citizens of Ivanowo. This analysis confirms the low interest sphere of political activity in both the analyzed cities (greater active citizens of Ivanowo). The research confirmed the influence of age, level of education on the level of political activity in both town.
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The main purpose of this article is to present the most important issues related to the status of clercical staff Radom Magistrate (Municipal Board) in the years 1915-1939. Attention is focused here mainly on detailed discussion of basic rights and obligations held by each official, even because of the fact that they exert a strong influence on their work and the tasks entrusted to them. No less important was the show that I had the same status of magistrate officer and which was divided into categories. The article also touched closer to the matter of education and qualifications of clercical staff as well as the preparation of the practical and the theoretical to the functions performed. Attention was also paid to the issue of organized training courses, through which sought to create a modern administrative staff.
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The article presents the process of building of war industry in Poland in the interwar period through the prism of Jan Prot's biography – a Polish independence activist who was a member of the Piłsudski political camp. He was also one of the most significant economic activists of the Sanacja camp even though did not belong to the milieu of its first-rank leaders. As an adolescent Prot entered the Polish independence camp led by Józef Piłsudski. As an officer of the Polish Legions and then the Polish Armed Forces he took part in the struggle for independence and frontiers of the Polish state. After the end of the war he left the army and continued university studies in the field of chemistry, which were finalized with a PhD dissertation in non-organic chemistry in 1924. From 1927 he worked as the Central Executive Manager of the State Gunpowder Factory (PWP) in Zagożdżon-Pionki where he expanded both the factory and a settlement built around it. With time the PWP plant became the largest gunpowder and explosives factory in Poland as well as one of the biggest factories of that kind in Europe. It successfully attended the creation of the Central Military District (COP) which was the greatest economic project of the interwar Poland. In September 1939, the outbreak of WWII made Prot and most of his subordinates evacuate PWP to the east in the hope to resume military production in a safe place. The Soviet aggression against Poland made those plans futile which led to Prot's involvement in clandestine fight against the German occupiers. Soon after, on the order of the underground organization called the Union of Armed Struggle he left for France and then Great Britain where he died as a political emigrant in 1957. He paid great merit in the process of building of the Polish war industry during the Polish IInd Republic despite the fact the outbreak of WWII interrupted it.
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The XXI century is marked by stormy events enveloping developed countries of the world. Economic, political, social crises, elections, wars, refugees – all these are the problems of the last decades. The media, the Internet in particular, contribute to sharing information by nations, which both integrates and disintegrates them. Globalization has become the process of worldwide unification. Against this background language interaction proves to be quite a logical and predictable phenomenon. Events occurring in one country reverberate round the entire world, due to which not only the information field is extended but also the word stock of languages is constantly enriched. The English language being the language of international communication is a mighty means of spreading information and hence it participates in replenishing languages. The reverse process is also in full swing. The political crisis in Great Britain is reflected by the now popular noun Brexit, which brought forth the appearance of a number of similar nouns, representing the idea of a centrifugal force (Irexit, Nexit, Calexit, Amerexit, etc.) Social and political crises in different countries of the world are reflected in the element -gate, which has had a decades-long history, originating from the political scandal connected with the US President R. Nixon (1972-1974). The semi-affix -gate constantly coins new words in different languages to denote a critical situation, a scandal (Irangate, Camillagate, Moggigate, Onishchenkogate, etc.) The immigration crisis in Europe provided the metaphor “jungle”, by which unbearable conditions of life in a refugee camp near Calais (France) were named. The origins of the present meaning of the Ukrainian noun “maidan” and of the newly coined Russian word “Krymnush”, both words being widely used by the world media, go back to the crucial events of the Revolution of Dignity of 2014 in Ukraine and to the same year annexation of the Crimea by Russia. Both these events to a great extent affect the state of political and economic affairs in the world. Some other new words mentioned in the article have become an integral part of different languages’ word stock, which reveals that global crises always prove to be rich soil for language interaction.
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The specificity of state protocol and ceremony as a symbolic structure of policy and component of public administration are defined. Been defined on this basis, the role and place of state protocol and ceremony in the system of political communication. The state protocol is the form that reflect any foreign policy action. From one side it’s structure, rules and norms are based on the principle of respecting for the state’s symbols («principle of international politeness»). Seniority principle is another important aspect of state protocol logic. Both of these principles give us a perfect noninstitutionalized instrument of political influence from state protocol. Symbolization of current geopolitical hierarchy and it’s separation from any conflict situations are that powerful mechanism of state protocol, which describes in this article. State protocol in foreign policy is a complex method based on huge amount of symbolic practices, which are using for demonstration of respect to/for another states, without reputational risks. State protocol is a semiotic system. It could be used for resolving problems in tactical and strategical plan of foreign policy. State protocol is a semiotic system. It could be used for resolving problems in tactical and strategical plan of foreign policy. So, state protocol could be described not only as diplomatically instrument, but, also as a leading resource in recognition of state sovereignty and protection of its positions among another states in international arena. In the same time, we couldn't describe state protocol as a cosmopolitican phenomenon, ignoring it’s national context. Behavioral models that were formed by national ethical traditions and ceremonials, give us possibilities to evaluate and enrich modern state protocol practice. That guarantees to us future interstate dialogue in the context of fast transformation of geopolitical architecture nowadays.
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