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The Article introduces three forthcoming articles in the Journal
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The Article introduces three forthcoming articles in the Journal
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The Article introduces three forthcoming articles in the Journal
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The paper analyses the information and digital toolset in a fight against liberal democracy and values of an open society. The overall trend of the present world development is such that transition to the post-industrial society, with its inherent variety of interests and values of different social groups and organizations, impetuous development of information technologies, etc. leads to the transformation of political institutes of democracy. In connection with this, modern democracy faces serious challenges. Demands to its efficiency and associated expectations have grown, while the ability of democratic states to solve development problems has not changed much. Inversion of democracy is also related to globalization and striving for comprehensive security. The decline of people’s trust in the institutes of modern democracy; permanent growth of expectations from the regulatory capabilities of politics against the background of minimization of the idea of responsibility; the growing role of mass media and new uncontrolled decision-making centers that enter a competition with democratically legitimized institutes lead to atomization of society, its transformation into a set of autonomous information communities, giving rise to the “democracy of minorities”, on the one hand, and to а democratic global government, on the other. To survive, democracy needs continuous flexible adaptation to external and internal challenges, as a long-term project. Its future lies in change, rather than in the desire to preserve stability.
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The features of the German think tanks development and their interaction with the authorities are analyzed in the article. The etymologization of German think tanks, in particular by such criteria as type of activity (general or speciality), place of operation (open at universities, at foundations and as separate institutions), by scientific orientation (practical, fundamental), by sources of funding (funded by government, land or individuals) is carried out. It is determined that the basis of German think tanks are political foundations — institutions unique in terms of organizational, legal and political form, which have no analogues in the world either in terms of the effectiveness of domestic political work or the scale of their presence abroad. Since their inception, these funds have belonged to one party or another, but they are now independent non-governmental organizations. In Germany, think tanks are effective and proven instruments of foreign and domestic policy. They complement the public policy of the state, and in some cases even implement (or promote) it in areas where the state is powerless. As non-governmental organizations, they may be involved in areas that are not accessible to the official government. It is established that academic think tanks and centers in Germany have a broad list of areas of activity and have an equal (average) impact on the political process. Depending on the transition from the first to the second and third stages, the influence of the contract centers is amplified and reaches its maximum at the stage of implementation of political decisions. Public interest protection centers and party think tanks, by contrast, are most influential in the first stage — the formulation of problems and the agenda for public policy. Thus, with the increase of the autonomy of the analytical communities, the opportunities for influencing the first stage of the political process increase, when, in fact, interests are taken into account on the agenda and alternative solutions of political problems are laid down.
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“Tradimento alla Tavola Rotonda”. Così vedono quell’evento epocale e quel compromesso storico, anche se ingrato e difficile, gli eterni contestatori che non si sono realizzati lungo il loro percorso.
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The aim of this study is to survey and explore the history and development of language policy and planning (LPP) in Saudi Arabia. It did not only probe into Arabic, which is the national language but also attempted to discover the relationship between Arabic and foreign languages functioning in the country, including English as manifested in policy documents. The method of data analysis was qualitative. It followed the historical-structural and the discourse-analytical approaches to language policy and planning research. The source of the data used in the analysis was a monograph of the collection of language policy and planning statements compiled by King Abdullah International Centre for Arabic Language (KAICAL). The major findings of the analysis of the texts in this document showed that the modern Saudi State has paid careful attention to language planning issues since its inception. Across the history of the Kingdom until today, language issues have been of central concern and various policy statements have attempted to cover status, corpus, acquisition, and prestige planning. The rationale has always been coping with economic, social, political, and educational changes. Cultural, religious, and national identity of the Kingdom is always present in most of language policy and planning and plays a key guiding role. The power relation between Arabic and foreign languages in Saudi Arabia national and international concerns was clearly addressed in the policy document. The intertextuality traced among the policy statements provided strong evidence of cohesion in the language planning situation in Saudi Arabia.
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Врлина лојалности представља једну од основних врлина унутар демократског система, врлину која омогућава спровођење воље већине грађана кроз спровођење одлука изабране власти. Стручност представља нужан атрибут сваке успешне државне организације и сваког напретка. Циљ рада јесте да објасни однос стручности и лојалности неизабраних кадрова унутар демократског друштва, с посебним освртом на демократије у развоју, као што је српска демократија. Занемаривање лојалности легитимно изабраној власти, унутар демократског система, поткопава основне принципе демократије и приближава друштво некој врсти „експертске олигархије”. С друге стране, занемаривање стручности постављених кадрова, зарад њихове лојалности, представља рецепт за пропадање државне организације и ерозију друштва. Нужно је установити минимуме стручности и лојалности неизабраних, тј. постављених кадрова у демократским друштвима како би се стекли услови за напредак. Немогућност поштовања минумума стручности приликом постављања кадрова у државном апарату сугерише неутемељеност политике легитимно изабране власти.
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21 dicembre 2007 L'area Schengen si allarga all'Europa del Centro-Est. Scompaiono le frontiere tra Polonia e Lituania, Polonia e Germania, Polonia e Repubblica Ceca, Polonia e Siovacchia.
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Dopo la capitolazione della Germania hitleriana, nella primavera del 1945, centinaia di migliaia di polacchi - soldati combattenti dalla parte degli alleati, ex lavoratori forzati del Terzo Reich, detenuti liberati dai campi di concentramento e dai campi di prigionia - vennero a trovarsi oltre i confini dello Stato polacco occupato dall'esercito sovietico.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the role of “little green men” in the Russian foreign policy in the light of legal norms regulating use of mercenaries and paramilitary groups. The author examined the Kremlin’s motives to use illegal forces to achieve political goals from the perspective of the decision-making process. In addition, the institutional and legal method was helpful to understand the legal context of the involvement of unofficial forces in foreign policy. This article attempts to answer the following research questions: what is the role of “little green men” in the Russian foreign policy? What is the Kremlin’s official attitude towards the use of mercenaries and contractors? What are the reasons for engagement of unofficial forces outside Russia? It is worth noting that a trend of the commercialization of security and conflicts managed by intermediaries became visible at the beginning of the 21st century in the world. Not only Russia has decided on this type of service, because the USA, Great Britain or France delegate some of the tasks originally assigned to the armed forces to private entities. Signs of mercenary activity for the Russian Federation have been described on the examples of Ukraine, Venezuela, the Central African Republic and Syria.
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On June 2, 2017, Leo Varadkar was elected in Ireland for a leader of the Christian Democratic party Fine Gael. Two weeks later, his minority government gained a vote of confidence in the Irish parliament. Therefore, L. Varadkar became the youngest Taoiseach (head of government) in the history of Ireland. In this article, we try to answer the question: how a political leader managed to convince his supporters to his views and visions of the future. We hypothesize that followers still expect that political leaders will be able to find a balance between the transactional and transformational leadership. Our analysis proves that L. Varadkar maintains this balance and we try to present it by confronting the communication strategies adopted by him for the purposes of internal political rivalry and in his public speeches during the Brexit crisis. We mainly use the method of biographical reconstruction, complementing it with elements of system analysis and content analysis.
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Kovács Róbert: Klímaváltozás. Pánik és tagadás között Typotex, Budapest, 2019., 212 oldal, 3200 Ft
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Cultural diplomacy has always been an important tool inItalian foreign policy. Culture represented a significant resource alreadyin the liberal period and was also widely used by Fascism. During theinter-war period, cultural promotion abroad aimed at spreading theregime’s political-social organizational model.In the second post-war period, cultural resources played a fundamentalrole in Italian international relations. The democratic governmentcarried out a transition from an essentially propagandistic action,which Fascism implemented especially in the second half of 1930’s,to a cultural diplomacy more attentive to the issues of dialogue andcooperation.The soft power of culture grew in importance. Lacking effectivediplomatic tools of a political and economic nature, the new ruling classpromoted the nation’s cultural tradition.Although with means and personnel widely used already during theFascist period, democratic Italy adopted an innovative cultural diplomacywith regard to premises and goals. This policy was apparently low-keyand devoid of political themes, but in reality it was aimed at acquiring, in the long run, the friendship and the sympathy of the elites of othercountries, so as to bolster political and economic relations.In the framework of a broader course of action, aimed at supportingmultilateral diplomacy, the new leaders of post-Fascist Italy also promotedan international cultural cooperation which reversed the previouspower politics and the unilateral assertion of Italian culture, but wasstill careful to defend the nation’s interests. This cooperative dimensionwas realized above all with the participation in the United NationsEducational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).
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The subject of the article is trade cooperation between GreatBritain and Kenya in the context of the United Kingdom’s withdrawalfrom the European Union. The article characterizes the commercialcooperation of Great Britain and Kenya and discusses the trends existingin this field in recent years. The main threats to this cooperationthat Brexit brings are presented, as well as the actions that states mustimplement to counteract the negative consequences of Brexit and theopportunities that Brexit potentially gives to deepening trade cooperationbetween countries. In addition, the political climate change thathas occurred between countries in recent years, which has a significantimpact on the implementation of economic cooperation, including trade,has been outlined. The purpose of the article is to present and evaluatethe challenges that the countries face in the context of Brexit, whichthey must overcome in order to maintain and deepen trade cooperation.The main research problem is whether Brexit will weaken or acceleratetrade relations between Great Britain and Kenya? The main hypothesisof the article is that Brexit causes great uncertainty about the future oftrade cooperation between Great Britain and Kenya. However, it givesthe opportunity to dynamize this cooperation, and Kenya can becomea model partner for the United Kingdom within the concept of „GlobalBritain” promoted by London. Kenya’s positive development trends make it an increasingly attractive trading partner for Great Britain. However,Kenya wants to take advantage of the UK’s search for trading partnersoutside the European Union.
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Review of: Maurizio Ambrosini (2018). Irregular Immigration in Southern Europe: Actors, Dynamics and Governance, Palgrave Macmillan, (IX, 164 pp., ISBN: 978-3-319-70518-7).
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U ovom radu se tvrdi da smo svedoci društveno-istorijske transformacije u kojoj se nacija, kao istorijski odgovor na situaciju definisanu individualizmom, "kontraktualizmom" i "ekonomizmom", sve više zamenjuje onim što se, u nedostatku boljeg izraza, ovde zove identitetska zajednica. Ova transformacija samo je jedan od nekoliko procesa koji se odigravaju unutar istorijske mutacije svetskog sistema; ovaj rad se, međutim, bavi isključivo ideološkim, tj. diskurzivnim aspektom ovog procesa, pokušavajući da pokaže da je "identitetska zajednica", inter alia, promovisana određenim komunikacijskim strategijama koje se najneposrednije doživljavaju kao "kulturifikacija" konflikata i kontradikcija. Identitetski diskurs se po ovome razlikuje od moderne političke artikulacije društvene promene i konflikta, tipične za period "nacija". U bilo kom kompleksnom društvu sa mnoštvom "ideoloških programa". različiti procesi "identifikacije" imaju važnu ulogu u procesu društvene kohezije. Diskurzivne strategije "nacije" oslanjaju se na formalistički i sadržajno prazan tip identifikacije za prebacivanje s jednog ideološkog "programa" ili "koda" na drugi. Suprotno tome, identitetske strategije se oslanjaju na procedure poput onih koje su proučavane u ovom radu. One, u osnovi, znače uvođenje malog mi termina u malu premisu retoričkog silogizma čija velika premisa ima oblik "za svako x: ako Px, onda Qx". Identitetska strategija mora da pronađe načine kako da ubedljivo podupre univerzalistički oblikovanu veliku premisu: otud njena sklonost prema konsenzualnim topoi i univerzalističkom žargonu, uključujući i idiom ljudskih prava.
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The aim of this article is to bring the idea of The School of Social Mindfulness closer to the scope determined by the title question. Using a qualitative analysis of the reporters’ auto-thematic statements, one can enunciate a repertoire of basic skills self-defined by professionals. The material corpus is composed of the statements collected in the volumes Reporterzy bez fikcji (Wojcińska 2011) and Autoportret reportera (Kapuściński 2003), as well as interviews given by Katarzyna Michalak, the co-creator of the workshops. The reflection on the condition of the Polish reportage and on the place of the genre in the era of the appreciation of sensationalist and entertainment-focused mes-sages is born on the basis of the research.
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The aim of the article is to present the theory and practice of elections to local government bodies in Slovenia: above all, the formal conditions of elections as well as the results of the voting carried out so far. The analysis is based on quantitative data retrieved from the Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia and the State Election Commission, as well as qualitative research – interviews with councillors – conducted in selected Slovenian municipalities. The results of the research indicate a relatively high dynamics of changes in Slovenian local politics, including a systematic increase in support for candidates without party affiliation.
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