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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political speeches of the Croatia’s first President Franjo Tudjman in the light of Anthony D. Smith’s tripartite typology of ethnic, civic and plural concepts of nationhood. Its goal is to determine which one of these models President Tudjman had been advocating and whether his views on this matter had been stable or if they had varied through time. The underlying premise is that Tudjman - as the leader of the Croatia’s (armed) struggle for independence and as an authoritative figure in the Croatia’s semi-presidential system of the 1990’s - played a pivotal role in modelling the Croatian national self-concept in the first decade of its statehood. The qualitative content analysis showed that Tudjman’s first speeches in the year 1990 had had an almost ideal-typical civic structure with their emphasis on civil rights and duties of all citizens of the Republic, regardless of their ethnic background. However, already in 1991 his rhetoric changed drastically due to the outbreak of the Serb rebellion in Croatia and the following Serbian military aggression. Henceforth, Tudjman’s discourse had been laden by often vitriolic remarks against the Serb minority, culminating in the hate-speech in Knin after the Croatia’s decisive military victory against the rebels in the summer military operation “the Storm” of 1995. Nonetheless, even in the belligerent period between 1991 and 1995, the rhetoric of the first President of Croatia always included a civic component, as well as hints to a possible pluri-national solution of the conflict epitomized in his repeated references to the Serb “national rights” within Croatia. Tudjman’s post-war speeches continued to move to and fro between ethnic and civic ideal types, revealing the President’s deep-rooted internal conflict amid the two paradigms. It can be concluded that Tudjman’s hybrid concept of the Croatian nation corresponds to the dualistic process of Croatian nation-building from the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, which, due to specific circumstances, followed parallel routes termed by Smith as “nation-to-state” and “state-to-nation”. It is, therefore, reasonable to believe that it will continue to influence debates on the Croatian national self-understanding in the future.
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The paper describes the policy of the Croatian Democratic Union in Bosnia and Herzegovina from October the 8th 1991 when the Croatian Parliament reactivated their decision on the Croatian independence, until April the 6th 1992 when the international community recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is written on the basis of the party documents, testimonies and media appearances by the party leaders. The Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina was the party which had won the absolute political support of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the first democratic elections, and then together with coalition partners – Party of Democratic Action and Serbian Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina they established a joint government on all levels. Consequently, without the reconstruction of their activities in the period which is the theme of this paper, it is not possible to understand the sequence of historical events that had led to the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper therefore attempts to clarify the attitude of the party towards many important political issues of that time, such as the question of the aggression of Serbia, Montenegro and the Yugoslav National Army on Croatia, the collapse of communist Yugoslavia, the cooperation with coalition partners who had different opinions on the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the relation to the party headquarters in Zagreb, but also the reasons of the conflict between the two fractions within the party, which had developed over time due to the different views on the political future of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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In 1966 the Catholic Church in Poland celebrated one thousand years of Christianity of Polish people. The Poland Bishops’ Conference wanted to mark this celebration by a striking gesture that would resonate in public as a sign of Christian goodness of the Polish Church and willingness to forgive even those acts which are the hardest to forgive. Given the fact that the preparations for the celebration were held during the proceeding of the Second Vatican Council, the Polish bishops took this opportunity to establish better contact with the West German bishops, and in agreement with them they prepared a pastoral letter which strongly echoed in the church, political and overall Polish, German and international public of that time. On November the 18th 1965, the Polish bishops sent this pastoral letter to the West German bishops, with the special emphasis on their forgiving and seeking forgiveness, and offering a dialogue with the aim of improving the relations between the Polish and the West German Church, people and states. This pastoral letter also took into account the problem of the German-Polish borders that had been established by the victorious forces after the Second World War, as well as the emigration of the German population from the west Poland to the Federal Republic of Germany, and the settlement of these areas by the Poles from the east in order to extend preferential treatment to Soviet interests. The West German bishops responded the letter in the similar reconcilable tone, but they did not tackle the problem of borders, with which a part of the Polish public was not satisfied. The Polish communist government reacted on all this harshly, accusing the Polish bishops that they had exited the church scope of jurisdiction and performed a treacherous act against the Polish government and state. Thus they were trying in many ways to obstruct the celebration of one thousand years of Christianity, yet due to the exceptional power and respectability of the Church among the people, they did not have great success. Considering that the Polish bishops invited bishops and church believers from many countries of Europe and the world to the celebration, the Polish authorities took various diplomatic measures to make their response as smaller as possible. So they exerted diplomatic pressure on the Yugoslav communist authorities as well, who, in order not to run afoul of the Polish authorities, but also of the Catholic Church in Yugoslavia with which they had tried to normalise relations through negotiations with the Holy See, by indirect pressure suggested the Yugoslav bishops to refrain from going to Poland and organising pilgrimage groups, from which the bishops mostly gave up, aware of the tense church-state relations in Poland and possible inconveniences that would await them there.
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The Opatija Festival was founded in 1958, nearly a decade after soft and entertaining cultural genres had been socially-open and ideologically accepted. The problem of creating the perfect prototype of melody and the text of a popular song was not easy to solve, so popular music had been struggling for more than a decadewith same issues as in the beginning. The analysis of cultural and theoretical assumptions, preoccupations and attitudes towards the official cultural policy is the key to understand the popularity of pop music in the Yugoslav socialist society. Starting from the regular broadcast on radio stations, by establishing numerous festivals of pop music, this genre reached its peak. Furthermore the Opatija Festival has functioned as an all Yugoslav and transnational festival, thus gaining the most attention, especially since with passage of time pop music gets an international importance, at least as a suitable representative of the Yugoslav society abroad. A mini-jubilee, i.e. the marking of the 5th anniversary of the Festival in 1962, has served for this purpose to analyse the achievements in the entertainment and music plan, but also to perceive the problems which would befall the future festivals, primarily the Adriatic Melodies in Split. The dominance of “sea themes” in pop music during the 1960s and later was ultimately the result of a number of attempts by composers and songwriters at the first editions of the Opatija Festivals.Therefore, one can conclude that pop music in the early 1960s finally gained its specific form which successfully represented the pulse of the modern society, and that was the collective cultural discovery of the sea.
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The history of Croatian refugees in Italy should be viewed as a stage in history of the Croatian refugee camps from 1943 to 1946. Italy is primarily important as an area which a large number of refugees from the territory ofsouthern Croatia went through, for most of them it was just a stop on a trip to Egypt, and for minority of them it was also a permanent residence till they return to their homeland. It is also significant as an area of the ongoing military cooperation between the partisan movement and the Western allies, a place where the most important operative segments of the Croatian refugee camps were set, where the relationship with the Western allies was elaborated, as well as the importance that the refugee camps could have had on the foreign territory. This minor part of Croatian refugees, which counted maximally up to 7000 people, witnessed the difficult conditions of everyday life in the Italian refugee camps. Impossible living conditions, insufficient clothing, inadequate nutrition and conflicts with the royalists were just some of the indicators of a hard life in the Italian camps. However, the most difficult circumstances were those of medical nature. Various diseases did not spare the members of the camps, especially children who were dying because of inadequate medical care. In addition to all these troubles, life in the camps continued, and it was filled with all sorts of activities in the social, labour, cultural and educational field that made waiting for a return to homeland quicker to pass. Activities of Croatian refugees in the Italian camps had continued until the return of the last group of camps’ members from Italy in March 1945. Within such relationships, activities of the refugee camps in Italy were simply a small sign of what was parallel happening in Egypt.
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Parliamentary life in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia (1918–1941) can be divided in two periods. The first period spans from the 1920s to the second half of the 1930s. The milestone was in 1929 when King Alexander I forcibly dissolved the Parliament and introduced personal dictatorship. The first law was introduced in 1920 and amended merely two years later. The system was based on secret balloting and proportional representation. Eligible voters were adult male citizensand the same system remained in the 1930s. A voter would cast his vote by dropping the ball in the ballot box of his party. At the poll station there was one ballot box for each candidate party. This system had been used in the prewar Kingdom of Serbia due to the high rate of illiteracy. The law from 1920 adopted this method of voting for the same reason. In the 1920s the state was divided in more than 50 electoral units with a fixed number of seats. Parties hada candidate in each of them according to their interest. In each unit, the mandates were distributed separately. The 1931 Law retained the institution of proportional representation. But it was significantly modified by favoring the strongest party. The strongest party was given a larger share of seats comparing its share of votes. Following the idea of Unitarianism, the law introduced a state as a single electoral unit divided into subunits. A candidate list needed a candidate in the whole state and in every subunit. This had forced parties whose programs were mostly locally, nationally or religiously orientated to form a coalition before the election in order to run a candidate in the whole state. In the 1930s a voter expressed his decision by loudly and clearly declaring the name of their candidate to the electoral committee. Establishing a state as a single electoral unit in a multinational state, forcing parties to form coalition in advance and open voting were clearly a step backwards.
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Zrinka Blažević, Prevođenje povijesti. Teorijski obrati i suvremena historijska znanost (Zagreb: Srednja Europa, 2014), 192 str. Ilija Vučur, Mate Rupić, ur., Dokumenti vojne provenijencije “Republike Srpske Krajine” (siječanj – travanj 1995.) (Zagreb: Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog rata, 2014), 412 str. Josipa Maras Kraljević, Janja Sekula Gibač, ur., Dokumenti institucija pobunjenih Srba u Republici Hrvatskoj (siječanj – travanj 1995.) (Zagreb; Slavonski Brod: Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog rata; Hrvatski institut za povijest, Podružnica za povijest Slavonije, Baranje i Srijema, 2014), 378 str. Ivan Radoš, Željka Križe, ur., Dokumenti institucija pobunjenih Srba u Republici Hrvatskoj (svibanj – kolovoz 1995.) (Zagreb; Slavonski Brod: Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog rata; Hrvatski institut za povijest, Podružnica za povijest Slavonije, Baranje i Srijema, 2015), 391 str. Henry Kissinger, World Order (New York: Penguin Press, 2014), 420 str. Igor Duda, Danas kada postajem pionir. Djetinjstvo i ideologija jugoslavenskoga socijalizma (Zagreb; Pula: Srednja Europa; Sveučilište Jurja Dobrile, 2015), 274 str. Samcevič Andrej Andreevič, Rusi i Ukrajinci u oružanim snagama Nezavisne Države Hrvatske 1941. – 1945. (Zagreb: Despot Infinitus, 2015), 381 str. Tomislav Brković, Stjepan Lovrić, Miljenko Petričević, Jozo Šarčević, ur., Rama 1942. Zbornik radova (Rama-Šćit: Franjevački samostan, 2014), 349 str. Zorislav Lukić, Hrvoje Petrić, ur., 110 godina Hrvatske seljačke stranke. Zbornik radova (Zagreb: Matica hrvatska; Povijesno društvo Križevci; Zaklada braće Radić, 2015), 635 str. Marko Medved, Riječka Crkva u razdoblju fašizma. Nastanak biskupije i prvi talijanski upravitelji (Zagreb: Kršćanska sadašnjost; Riječka nadbiskupija; Državni arhiv u Pazinu, 2015), 751 str. Hrvoje Čapo, Kraljevina čuvara - Represivni aparat monarhističke Jugoslavije na području hrvatskih zemalja (1918. - 1941.) (Zagreb: Hrvatski institut za povijest, 2015), 411 str. Alexander Watson, Ring of steel. Germany and Austria-Hungary at war, 1914–1918 (London: Penguin Books, 2015), 787 str.
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Nowadays there are still many hardships that a LGB person encounters when entering a therapeutic relation with a medical doctor. Not only has medical personnel little awareness of LGB patients' specific needs and diseases that occur more frequently in this population, but also they are likely to use stereotypes and behave in ways that can be called homophobic. The purpose of this review is to familiarize the reader with diseases whose frequency is associated with non-heterosexual orientation, especially sexually transmitted diseases, tumors and psychiatric disorders, as well as to present the current attitude of medical personnel to LGB patients.
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The paper examines the origin and interpretation of the forgotten monograph Moudrost starých Čechů [Wisdom of the Old Czechs], written by Roman Jakobson, the renowned structuralist and member of the Prague Linguistic Circle, in American exile in 1943. Obviously intent on highlighting the importance of Church Slavonic literature for West Slavic nations, Jakobson goes beyond structuralist discourse and through his anti-German attitude contributes to the debate on the sense of Czech history within Slavonic/non-Slavonic Central Europe, i.e. in the geopolitical area between the East and the West. With no less attention does the paper track down the dissenting response Jakobson's work received from the Czechoslovak expatriate community in the USA.
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The aim of this article is to analyse semantics of verbal meanings connected to Solovyov's mystical and philosophical opinions. The basic task was the excerption of philosophically important poetic images of sound typical for author's individual style. Consequently, such lexical units which bear a corresponding philosophical meaning in selected poetic images were detached. Based on a further analysis, other lexemes which bear association nuances of sensual meanings and reflect the intellectual correlation between poet's language and writer's philosophical thinking were defined.
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Purpose relations in Russian and Czech are primarily expressed in sentences by means of subordinate clauses of purpose. In the simple sentence, they are indicated by adverbial expressions which serve as adverbials of purpose. Adverbials of purpose both in Russian and in Czech are expressed via indirect cases; following verbs of motion also by means of infinitive. In Russian it can occasionally be eligible to insert purpose adverbials into transgressive structures. The article discusses purpose relationships in the simple sentence in Russian expressed by nominal constructions with primary and secondary prepositions. The situation in Russian is contrasted with the situation in Czech.
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This article analyzes the use of the reflexive pronoun себя (myself), in Russian language as well as the problems of the search word equivalents of pronouns in Czech. In addition, we analyze the case of the usual use of the pronoun and the possibility of translation into the Czech language. Particularly the phraseological units with the pronoun are noteworthy.
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Review of the book: Przybylski, M., Šaur, J. a kol. Mladá slavistika: současné trendy ve výzkumu slovanských literatur, jazyků a kultur. 1. vyd. Brno: Masarykova univerzita, 2014. 182 s. ISBN 978-80-210-7490-3
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The review of the books: 1. Dohnal, J. Русская литература XVIII века. Избранные тексты I, Хрестоматия. Brno: Masarykova univerzita, 2013. 266 s. ISBN 978-80-210-6495-9. 2. Dohnal, J. Русская литература XVIII века. Избранные тексты II, Хрестоматия. Brno: Masarykova univerzita, 2014. 278 s. ISBN 978-80-210-7065-3. 3. Pospíšil, I. Literární genologie. Brno: Masarykova univerzita, 2014. 118 s. ISBN 978-80-210-6894-0. 4. Pospíšil, I. Stará literatura východních Slovanů a ruská literatura 18. století: (přehled a exkurzy s ukázkami textů z literatury 11.-17. století). Brno: Masarykova univerzita, 2014. 195 s. ISBN 978-80-210-7281-7. 5. Pospíšil, I. Kapitoly z ruské klasické literatury: (nástin vývoje, klíčové problémy a diskuse). Brno: Masarykova univerzita, 2014. 176 s. ISBN 978-80-210-7277-0. 6. Vlček, R. Kapitoly z ruských dějin 18. století: geneze a vývoj ruského impéria. Brno: Masarykova univerzita, 2014. 211 s. ISBN 978-80-210-6930-5
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Review of the book: Ковалев, М. В. Русские историки-эмигранты в Праге (1920-1940 гг.): монография. Саратов: Саратовский государственный технический ун-т, 2012. 408 с. ISBN 978-5-7433-2540-5
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