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Series:OSW Point of View

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Jihad vs. The New Great Game. Paradoxes of militant Islamic threats in Central Asia
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Jihad vs. The New Great Game. Paradoxes of militant Islamic threats in Central Asia

Jihad vs. The New Great Game. Paradoxes of militant Islamic threats in Central Asia

Author(s): Maciej Falkowski,Krzysztof Strachota / Language(s): English

Keywords: Jihad; the New Great Game; militant Islamic threats; Central Asia

Threats linked to Islamic fundamentalism have been hanging over Central Asia for almost two decades. Many believe that militant Islam has played a significant part in each major political crisis in the region, and Central Asia is perceived as an almost perfect environment for its further development. Such a picture of this region is a result of serious abuses and manipulations.The real threat posed by militant Islam seems to be rather limited, and its roots lie outside Central Asia. This region is unlikely to become a key front of global jihad. Nevertheless, this does not guarantee peace and safety in Central Asia, as the Islamic threat remains an element of the geopolitical rivalry in the region – the ‘New Great Game’.

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The peninsula as an island. Crimea in its third year since annexation
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The peninsula as an island. Crimea in its third year since annexation

The peninsula as an island. Crimea in its third year since annexation

Author(s): Wojciech Górecki / Language(s): English

Keywords: Crimea; Crimea annexation; Crimean Tatars; Ukrainian-Russian relations; Ukraine; Russia

More than two and a half years after its annexation, Crimea is more reminiscent of an island than a peninsula, and its population`s impeded access to the mainland is adversely affecting its conditions and quality of life. Regardless of the transport and social problems, the vast majority of the population have remained on the peninsula adapting to the new situation. They are willing to blame the present difficulties on sanctions, the West’s policies and the Ukrainian diversion. This attitude has been reinforced by Moscow’s policy of ‘facts on the ground’, its harsh rhetoric, its refusal to consider revising the status quo, and Kyiv’s lack of determination to restore its jurisdiction over Crimea. If this situation does not change, within a generation the peninsula may be fully integrated with Russia, due to the bridges being constructed over the Kerch Strait, as well as the expansion of Russian media and cultural ties. Crimean Tatars as a community have suffered most as a result of the annexation. Their representative body, the Mejlis, has been recognised as an extremist organisation in Russia, which prevents it from operating on the peninsula.

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Active measures. Russia’s key export
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Active measures. Russia’s key export

Active measures. Russia’s key export

Author(s): Jolanta Darczewska,Piotr Żochowski / Language(s): English

Keywords: Geopolitics; Information warfare; diversion; special forces;

The remarks presented in this paper show the complexity and multi-dimensionality of the techniques referred to as ‘active measures’. The renaissance of this question currently observable today has called their role in causing crises into prominence. This topic also deserves special treatment because the contemporary forms of active measures are largely based on patterns already known and described in the past. A historical perspective may help to assess and identify their covert mechanisms. The current problems with the aggressive actions of the Russian special services are enhanced versions of the old, to which new informational and communication technologies have contributed. This text is an attempt to clarify this historical concept, by showing the institutional framework of the information-sabotage activities, the conceptual and organisational innovations made since the Cold War, and it also highlights the current challenges and how to identify them.

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It's Not (Only) About Erika Steinbach. Three myths in the German discourse on the resettlements
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It's Not (Only) About Erika Steinbach. Three myths in the German discourse on the resettlements

Nie chodzi (tylko) o Erikę Steinbach. Trzy mity niemieckiego dyskursu o wysiedleniach

Author(s): Anna Kwiatkowska-Drożdż / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Erika Steinbach; Federation of Expellees; Centre Against Expulsions

The activity of the Federation of Expellees (German: Bund der Ver triebenen, BdV) and its chairperson Erika Steinbach, including efforts aimed at establishing the Centre Against Expulsions1 (ZgV) have been and will continue to be a source of controversy in Germany’s domestic policy, as well as in Polish–German and Czech–German relations. Steinbach has become a central figure in German inter-party conflicts and in disputes with the country’s immediate neighbours. In her efforts to gain more publicity for injustice and suffering in the German past she has resorted to controversial methods and has thus latched onto another stage in the historical debate on the consequences of World War II. This time it is related to and interpreted from the point of view of the German victims.

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The Paradoxes of Moldovan Sports. An insight into the nature of the Transnistrian conflict

The Paradoxes of Moldovan Sports. An insight into the nature of the Transnistrian conflict

The Paradoxes of Moldovan Sports. An insight into the nature of the Transnistrian conflict

Author(s): Adam Eberhardt / Language(s): English

Keywords: Moldova; sport

Mutual relations in the area of sports, which in contemporary international contacts often not only reflect the true nature of political relations but sometimes even affect them, can be a valuable contribution to the analysis of this conflict’s nature.Why did the Transnistrian government, despite the use of anti-Moldovan rhetoric, agree to Transnistrian athletes representing Moldova during the Olympics and in other international competitions? Why does it accept the presence of sports teams from both banks of the Dniester playing in the same leagues? Why does Transnistria, despite being much smaller, predominate in many sports? How is it that Sheriff Tiraspol, the flagship football club of the business and political circles controlling Transnistria, managed to win the Moldovan championship ten times in a row and is the main source of players for Moldova’s national team? Does sport really ‘know no borders’ or perhaps the border on the Dniester is different than seems at first sight?

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In Putin’s Shadow. Dmitry Medvedev’s presidency

In Putin’s Shadow. Dmitry Medvedev’s presidency

In Putin’s Shadow. Dmitry Medvedev’s presidency

Author(s): Jadwiga Rogoża / Language(s): English

Keywords: Putin; Dmitry Medvedev

Dmitry Medvedev’s presidency was an experiment carried out by the Russian ruling elite. Even though the new president has been a loyal member of the ruling camp, this decision involved certain risk that the extensive constitutional powers could eventually encourage the new president to seek emancipation, which could provoke internal conflicts and splits in the elite. This paper analyses Medvedev’s presidency and tries to answer the question why this scenario did not take place and why Medvedev failed to overcome the restrictions imposed on him at the start of his presidential term. The paper also presents the activation of certain social groups during Medvedev’s presidency and their calls for a new social contract with the government.

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It’s not (only) about Erika Steinbach. Three myths in the German discourse on the resettlements

It’s not (only) about Erika Steinbach. Three myths in the German discourse on the resettlements

It’s not (only) about Erika Steinbach. Three myths in the German discourse on the resettlements

Author(s): Anna Kwiatkowska-Drożdż / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Erika Steinbach; German resettlements

The activity of the Federation of Expellees and its chairperson Erika Steinbach, including efforts aimed at establishing the Centre Against Expulsions have been and will continue to be a source of controversy in Germany’s domestic policy, as well as in Polish–German and Czech–German relations. Steinbach has become a central figure in German inter-party conflicts and in disputes with the country’s immediate neighbours. In her efforts to gain more publicity for injustice and suffering in the German past she has resorted to controversial methods and has thus latched onto another stage in the historical debate on the consequences of World War II. This time it is related to and interpreted from the point of view of the German victims. The consequences of the present debate on how Germany suffered during the war do matter and will continue to matter both for Germany itself and for Germany’s relations with its near neighbours. Contrary to popular belief, the debate, still underway and in the shape imposed by Erika Steinbach, is likely to bring some benefit to Poland.

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Nord Stream on the liberalising EU gas market

Nord Stream on the liberalising EU gas market

Nord Stream on the liberalising EU gas market

Author(s): Łukasz Antas,Agata Loskot-Strachota / Language(s): English

Keywords: Nord Stream; EU gas market

Nord Stream increases Gazprom’s flexibility as far its export routes are concerned; it enables them to be changed with regard to the market or political situation. Nevertheless, this expensive pipeline may contribute to a further drop in the price competitiveness of Russian gas. Accordingly, increasing the attractiveness of Russian fuel and ensuring profitable sales is steadily becoming the main challenge for Gazprom in the EU against a backdrop of increasing competitiveness on the market.

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Jihad vs. The New Great Game. Paradoxes of militant Islamic threats in Central Asia

Jihad vs. The New Great Game. Paradoxes of militant Islamic threats in Central Asia

Jihad vs. The New Great Game. Paradoxes of militant Islamic threats in Central Asia

Author(s): Maciej Falkowski,Krzysztof Strachota / Language(s): English

Keywords: Jihad; Central Asia; militant Islamic threats

Threats linked to Islamic fundamentalism have been hanging over Central Asia for almost two decades. Many believe that militant Islam has played a significant part in each major political crisis in the region, and Central Asia is perceived as an almost perfect environment for its further development. Such a picture of this region is a result of serious abuses and manipulations.The real threat posed by militant Islam seems to be rather limited, and its roots lie outside Central Asia. This region is unlikely to become a key front of global jihad. Nevertheless, this does not guarantee peace and safety in Central Asia, as the Islamic threat remains an element of the geopolitical rivalry in the region – the ‘New Great Game’.

More...
The Revolution that never was. Five years of 'Orange' Ukraine

The Revolution that never was. Five years of 'Orange' Ukraine

The Revolution that never was. Five years of 'Orange' Ukraine

Author(s): Adam Eberhardt / Language(s): English

Keywords: 'Orange' Ukraine; revolution

On the fifth anniversary of the Orange Revolution and in the final period of the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko, who then embodied the hopes for state reform, a tentative assessment of the situation in Ukraine is appropriate. Did the revolutionary social upheaval bear revolutionary fruit? Have democratic mechanisms strengthened? Has the post-Soviet oligarchic state model been overcome? Has media freedom expanded? Has there been any progress with regard to economic transformation? Has integration with the European structures materialised? Five years on, what remains of the hopes of millions of Ukrainians and of the goodwill of the international community?

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'The power gained, we will never surrender' Russian ruling elite versus the succession and economic crisis

'The power gained, we will never surrender' Russian ruling elite versus the succession and economic crisis

'The power gained, we will never surrender' Russian ruling elite versus the succession and economic crisis

Author(s): Jadwiga Rogoża / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Russian ruling elite; governance; corruption

Even though the economic crisis proved harmful to the Russian economy and people's living standards, it has nonetheless failed to make the elite revise its policy. Despite some problems, the government has managed to sustain economic and political stability, thanks to the reserves it amassed in the times of prosperity, and to the propaganda campaign that protected it, above all Vladimir Putin. The crisis failed to force the elite to implement deeper structural and political reforms. Moreover, it has actually reinforced existing tendencies, such as state control over the economy and its oil-oriented character, the elite's economic expansion at the expense of private businesses, and the preservation of political power. Thus, the crisis has so far failed to dismantle Putinism, indeed quite the reverse - it has in fact contributed to its becoming 'set in stone'.

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The Berlin Republic. Evolution of Germany's politics of memory and German patriotism

The Berlin Republic. Evolution of Germany's politics of memory and German patriotism

The Berlin Republic. Evolution of Germany's politics of memory and German patriotism

Author(s): Krzysztof Marcin Zalewski / Language(s): English

Keywords: Germany's politics of memory; German patriotism

Important changes have occurred in recent years in the attitude of a majority of the German elite towards the history of the 20th century and the political identity built on collective memory. Until recently, the sense of guilt for the crimes of the Third Reich and the obligation to remember were prevalent.While these two elements of Germany's memory of World War II are still important, currently the focus increasingly shifts to the German resistance against Nazism and the fate of the Germans who suffered in the war. Positive references to Germany's post-war history also occupy more and more space in the German memory. In 2009, i.e. the year of the 60th anniversary of the Federal Republic of Germany and the 20th anniversary of the fall of Communism, the efforts of German public institutions concentrate on promoting a new canon of history built around the successful democratisation and Germany's post-war economic success. The purpose behind these measures is to build a common historical memory that could be shared by the eastern and western parts of Germany and appeal to Germany's immigrants, who account for a growing proportion of the society.

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The Great Game around Turkmenistan

The Great Game around Turkmenistan

The Great Game around Turkmenistan

Author(s): Maciej Falkowski,Aleksandra Jarosiewicz / Language(s): English

Keywords: Turkmenistan

The rise of a new leader of the state of Turkmenistan – President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, who became ruler of the central Asian state after the 21-year rule of Saparmurad Niyazov, the self-proclaimed Turkmenbashi, who died on December 21, 2006 – has initiated changes in Turkmenistan’s political life. The new president has broken with the previous policy of self-isolation, and has directed the country towards openness to the outside world. Opportunities have thereby arisen for competitors in the ‘Great Game’, to gain political influence in Turkmenistan and access to hitherto unexploited Turkmen deposits of gas and oil. A new stage in the Great Game, which has been played for influence in Central Asia and control of access to its energy resources for many years, can thus be said to have been launched, and Turkmenistan has become the main setting for it. The major actors involved are Russia, the United States, China and the European Union.

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An Asian alternative? Russia's chances of making Asia an alternative to relations with the West

An Asian alternative? Russia's chances of making Asia an alternative to relations with the West

An Asian alternative? Russia's chances of making Asia an alternative to relations with the West

Author(s): Marcin Kaczmarski / Language(s): English

Keywords: Russia; Asia

Under Vladimir Putin's rule, Russia consistently and systematically expanded its activity in Asia, establishing closer political contacts with key countries in the region, rebuilding relations with former allies from Soviet times, and strengthening its presence in the Asian markets, in the energy sphere also. These activities were accompanied by intensive Russian propaganda, the message of which was that relations with the West can be restricted in favour of developing closer relations with Asian states.A justified question concerning the Russian Federation's realistic possibilities arises in this context: To what extent can it make Asia an alternative to theWest in geopolitical, economic and energy terms? Can Russia build an anti-Western alliance with Asian states? Is it able to reduce its dependence on the European market by developing its trade with Asia? Is it possible to redirect a substantial portion of Russian energy resource exports onto Asian markets? A presentation of the existing ties between Russia and theWest (here considered as the USA and the EU) will serve as a starting point for answering these questions. The following chapters will analyse Russia's opportunities in Asia in terms of geopolitical issues, the economy and energy

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Reintegration or Reconquest? Georgia's policy towards Abkhazia and South Ossetia in the context of the internal and international situation

Reintegration or Reconquest? Georgia's policy towards Abkhazia and South Ossetia in the context of the internal and international situation

Reintegration or Reconquest? Georgia's policy towards Abkhazia and South Ossetia in the context of the internal and international situation

Author(s): Wojciech Bartuzi,Krzysztof Strachota / Language(s): English

Keywords: Georgia; Abkhazia; South Ossetia

1. The conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia have been Georgia's main security problem since the beginning of the 1990s, and, along with the Armenian-Azeri conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, have made up the main security problems in the South Caucasus.2. In the 1990s, the conflicts in the South Caucasus remained in abeyance. This situation sprung from the apparent self-determination (albeit gained through military means) of the self-declared republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia (whose emergence and existence would not have been possible without Russia's support) and the appearance of a peace process dictated by Russia. That status reflected the realities of the period and the potential of the parties involved (in particular, the weakness of Georgia in its desire to regain control of the breakaway provinces) and the geopolitical circumstances which made Russia the dominant political and military force in both the conflicts and in the region as a whole. Thus it was possible to preserve a minimum level of stability around the conflicts, i.e. to keep military operations suspended, for about a decade.3. At the turn of the century it became increasingly apparent that the suspended status of Abkhazia and South Ossetia was both anachronistic and impractical. It was also clear that the peace process and the republics' self-determination were illusory. All this became obvious after the major geopolitical changes in 2001 and 2003 which included NATO's eastward enlargement, the rise of interest in security issues, the promotion of democracy and new sources of energy resources after 11 September 2001. As a result, the West (mainly the United States) became interested in Georgia and the entire South Caucasus, and thus an alternative player to Russia emerged in the region.However, it was the transformations in Georgia triggered by the Rose Revolution (2003) and the resulting change of leadership and reforms undertaken to build an efficient, Western-oriented state that had the most direct and crucial impact on the situation over the conflicts. Georgia gained a potential which enabled it to question the illusory order surrounding the Abkhazia and South Ossetia conflicts.4. Restoring the country's territorial integrity became one of the priorities for Georgia under president Mikheil Saakashvili. This objective was to be achieved through a comprehensive strategy involving, pressure on the separatists, including military pressure through modernisation of the army, as well as measures to undermine the internal legitimacy of the separatists leaderships by creating alternative centres of power. Other elements of the strategy included reducing the role of Russia, seen as a de facto player in the conflict, pursuing and internationalising the peace process itself (making the West involved in conflict resolution was crucial in this respect). Finally, the strategy also envisaged a readiness to grant Abkhazia and South Ossetia broad autonomy within Georgia. Georgia exposed the weakness of the peace process and the fact that Abkhazia and South Ossetia were mere pawns in the Georgian-Russian conflict. Currently Georgia faces an alternative between a rapid change to the conflict resolution format (Georgia has presented the fullest formula, adjusted by the OSCE and others), or a resumption of military operations (all players involved in the conflict in practice take this possibility into account). The manner in which the problems of Abkhazia and South Ossetia will be solved will also be one of the most important factors in determining the future of Georgia, i.e. its stability, reforms and pro-Western orientation.5. In recent years, the conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia have ceased to be only local: they are no longer an internal Georgian conflict, not even a conflict between Georgia and Russia - they have become an element in the game between Russia and the West. The restoration of Russian dominance in Georgia and in the South Caucasus, and the sustainability and future development of political and economic investments made in the region by the West over the last two years, largely hinge on the outcome of the conflicts. Current clashes in Abkhazia and South Ossetia have been used as bargaining tools in the dispute between Russia and the West concerning the future of Kosovo and the Balkans. In the end, by getting involved in the South Caucasus and supporting transformations in Georgia, in a barely noticeable way and supposedly against its intentions, the West has become partly responsible for the future of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.6. 2008 may prove to be a turning point for the conflicts in Georgia as a consequence of the resolution of the question of Kosovo, which is perceived as a precedent or catalyst for solutions in the Caucasus, and the unexpected political crisis in Georgia which started in autumn 2007. The Georgian crisis has shown that the transformation of the state is not yet complete, and its reliability in the West may be undermined. Georgia has proved sufficiently determined and strong to question the pathologies that arose in connection with the conflicts and propose an alternative, but too weak to safely tackle them on its own.

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The Enlarged European Union and its Eastern Neighbours: Problems and Solutions

The Enlarged European Union and its Eastern Neighbours: Problems and Solutions

The Enlarged European Union and its Eastern Neighbours: Problems and Solutions

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

The EU enlargement is scheduled to take place in 2004. After this date, it should be a priority for the EU to develop a coherent and comprehensive policy towards its nearest neighbours, i.e. countries bordering the Member States, which cannot join the EU in the nearest future due to their location or weaknesses of their political and economic systems. There are at least three reasons for this. Firstly, good relations with neighbours will underlie the broadly understood security of the Community. Relations with the nearest neighbours will determine both military security of the EU (including the combating of terrorism) and its ability to prevent other threats such as illegal migration, smuggling, etc. Secondly, good economic relations with neighbours may contribute to the Member States' economic growth in the longer term. And finally, the EU's ability to develop an effective and adequate policy towards its nearest neighbours will demonstrate its competence as a subject of international politics. In other words, the EU will not be recognised as a reliable political player in the global scene until it develops an effective strategy for its neighbourhood.The most overlooked element in the EU policy towards neighbours and one that requires most attention is the eastern dimension of this policy, i.e. the strategy towards Russia, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova. This direction of the EU neighbourhood policy has clearly attracted heightened attention over the last two years, though it remains overshadowed by relations with other regions bordering the Community, including the Balkans and the Southern Mediterranean. During this period, a number of documents were published that addressed the question of the EU's future policy towards its eastern neighbours. The most important ones included: New Neighbours Initiative - Council conclusions (18th November 2002), Communication from the Commission "Wider Europe - Neighbourhood: a new framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern Neighbours" (11th March 2003), Wider Europe - New Neighbourhood - Council Conclusions (18th June 2003), Communication from the Commission "Paving the way for a New Neighbourhood Instrument" (1st June 2003) and "The Second Northern Dimension Action Plan (2004-2006)" proposed by the Commission (10 June 2003) .These documents, however, reveal many gaps and unsolved dilemmas that have to be addressed before the EU can create a coherent and comprehensive policy towards its eastern neighbours. The present paper aims to pinpoint the most important of these and suggest potential solutions that would be optimal in the author's opinion.

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A new Visegrad Group in the new European Union - possibilities and opportunities for development

A new Visegrad Group in the new European Union - possibilities and opportunities for development

A new Visegrad Group in the new European Union - possibilities and opportunities for development

Author(s): Mariusz Bocian,Patrycja Bukalska / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Visegrad Group; European Union

The Visegrad Group has fulfilled the tasks it was set when established. It seems unjustified, therefore, to ponder the need for it to function further. However, it is advisable to lay out new tasks, suitable for the group's operation in the new European reality - following EU accession of Visegrad countries in May 2004.

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Belarus - Russia: Whither Integration?

Belarus - Russia: Whither Integration?

Belarus - Russia: Whither Integration?

Author(s): Rafał Sadowski / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Belarus; Russia

Of the re-integration processes currently taking place in the former Soviet Union, the formation of a Russian-Belarusian so-called 'Union State' is one of the most advanced. A customs union was formally announced between the two countries as early as 1995 and the process of constructing the Union State itself was launched in December 1999. However, both events were largely driven by the perceived need to match societal demands, without much concrete action and the Union State remained largely 'virtual'. Only in the last few years has the Russian initiative allowed for moving from symbolic gestures to political action and since late 2002 debate and policy have intensified on specific issues of economic and political co-operation. However, despite such advances in the integration process, its objectives remain vague and there is little or no agreement on the principles that should govern the process. Furthermore, current bilateral relations questions still dominate the dialogue. The project seems at present to be driven mainly by the political interests of both countries' presidents and also, to a lesser extent, by the interests of business, political, military and security elites, each apparently motivated by self- and group-interest in the emerging dialogue of integration. In contrast to EU integration, the societies of the two countries involved appear to have had little or no say in the process. Thus, several questions naturally arise. What is the real nature of such integration? What motivates the parties involved? What stage has the process reached? What likely future course will it take? What might be the consequences of it for Belarusian independence? Answers to these questions should ultimately determine the stance and policies of the enlarged EU in this area.

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Eastern Policy of the EU: the Visegrad Countries' Perspective. Thinking about an Eastern Dimension

Eastern Policy of the EU: the Visegrad Countries' Perspective. Thinking about an Eastern Dimension

Eastern Policy of the EU: the Visegrad Countries' Perspective. Thinking about an Eastern Dimension

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

Keywords: Eastern Policy of the EU; Visegrad Countries

1. After its enlargement, scheduled for 2004, the European Union will face a completely new situation at its eastern borders. This new situation calls for a new concept of the EU eastern activities, i.e. for development of the new Eastern Policy of the EU.2. Due to a number of specific features such as geographical location, closeness of ties, direct risk factors etc., the Visegrad countries will and should be particularly interested in the process of formulating the new EU Eastern Policy. Consequently, they should be the co-makers of this policy.3. The new EU Eastern Policy should differ fundamentally from the Union's traditional eastern relations. Firstly, its scope should not cover the entire CIS area: instead, the policy should focus on some of the European successor states of the former Soviet Union, namely Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, as well as Moldova, following the accession of Romania. It does not seem advisable to exclude the Russian Federation from this policy and to develop and implement a separate policy towards it. The new Eastern Policy should be an autonomous component and one of the most important elements in the overall foreign policy of the EU.4. Secondly, the new Eastern Policy should be founded on the following two pillars: a region-oriented strategy, which could be called the Eastern Dimension, and reshaped strategies for individual countries. The Eastern Dimension should set up a universal framework of co-operation, defining its basic mechanisms and objectives. These should include: the adaptation assistance programme, JHA, transborder co-operation, social dialogue and transport infrastructures. The approach, however, should be kept flexible, taking into account the specific situation of each country. This purpose should be served by keeping in place the existing bilateral institutional contacts between the EU and each of its eastern neighbours, and by developing a national strategy for each neighbour.

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The ‘russian Street’. The Place and Significance of Immigrants From the Former USSR in Israel
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The ‘russian Street’. The Place and Significance of Immigrants From the Former USSR in Israel

The Russian Street. The Place and Significance of Immigrants From the Former USSR in Israel

Author(s): Marek Matusiak / Language(s): English

Keywords: Russian Street; aliyah; Israeli society; Jewishness; Historical memory; political life; Russian Israel; foreign policy; socio-economic status of Russian-speaking Israelis;

The arrival of more than one million immigrants from the former USSR, back in the 1990s and post-2000, has resulted in a surge in Israel’s demographic and economic potential, sealed the domination of right‑wing parties on the Israeli political scene and in public discourse, left its mark on Israel’s historical policy, and finally, contributed a new language and previously unfamiliar customs to the country’s cultural mosaic.The arrival of more than one million immigrants from the former USSR back in the 1990s and post-2000 has resulted in a surge in Israel’s demographic and economic potential, sealed the domination of right-wing parties on the Israeli political scene and in public discourse, left its mark on Israel’s historical policy, and finally, contributed new elements to Israel’s cultural mosaic. Russian-speaking newcomers from the former Soviet republics have retained their language, customs and contacts with their countries of origin, and have adapted to the new reality in their own unique manner, while maintaining many elements of their former identity. Despite the fact that three decades after the break-up of the USSR, the Russian-speaking Israelis continue to be less affluent and underrepresented in many spheres of life, struggle with negative clichés and in some cases are still not fluent in Hebrew, they should be viewed as a group which has largely been well-integrated into society and (as a general rule) manifests ardent patriotism towards their new homeland. This text is an attempt to sum up the process of the Russian-speaking immigrants’ adaptation to Israeli society (and vice versa); to assess this group’s place and importance in the Israeli state’s life; to determine how it has changed the country; and finally, how it has affected Israel’s relations with the newcomers’ countries of origin.

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