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Series:IIR - POLICY PAPERS

Result 81-100 of 121
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When to introduce the euro: as soon as possible or as late as possible?
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When to introduce the euro: as soon as possible or as late as possible?

Kdy zavést euro: co nejdříve nebo co nejpozději?

Author(s): Petr Pavlík / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: Czech Republic; European Union accession; Euro currency; Czech National Bank; the Ministry of Finance;

The paper discusses the optimal timing for the Czech Republic to adopt the euro as its currency, after joining the European Union in 2004. It argues that the country should not rush to join the eurozone, but also should not delay it unnecessarily. It identifies the main obstacle as the high public budget deficits, which require a radical reform of public finances, especially the pension and health care systems. It also stresses the importance of maintaining macroeconomic stability, real convergence, and economic growth in the process of nominal convergence. It concludes that the plan of the Czech National Bank and the Ministry of Finance to introduce the euro in 2009-2010 is reasonable and realistic.

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Balking the Blunders in the Balkans:  The Western Strategy
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Balking the Blunders in the Balkans: The Western Strategy

Balking the Blunders in the Balkans: The Western Strategy

Author(s): Jan Havránek,Filip Tesař / Language(s): English

Keywords: Balkan region; Western presence in the region; migration; EU; NATO; Security; civil management; strategy;

Since the beginning of the 1990s, the West was obliged to deal with several crises in the Balkans and pledged to a complete reconstruction of the post-war situation in the region. During this demanding process, the Western countries however maximised their traditional stereotyped attitudes towards the Balkan countries. Both the European Union and the United States have typecast the Balkan states according to the extent of the internal problems of these states, and according to their own ability to deal with such issues. Despite the good intentions behind the acting of the West, this process resulted in a mixture of shambolic strategies that have made the Western presence in the region very complicated. The West has been gradually loosing its military and managing respect, given its reluctance to pursue the proclaimed objectives. Such disinclination to act has played into the hands of the local bosses, who very soon found out how the system can be abused in order to satisfy both their electorate and the Western custodians. Nowadays, it is clear that such a hesitant attitude of the West towards the Balkans is no longer sustainable. A significant change in the Western strategy towards the Balkan countries is required, should the integration of the Balkans into the Western structures (i.e. NATO, EU) be successful.

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The EU and the Refugees: The Way Forward
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The EU and the Refugees: The Way Forward

The EU and the Refugees: The Way Forward

Author(s): Michal Šimečka,Benjamin Tallis,Vít Beneš,Petr Kratochvíl / Language(s): English

Keywords: EU; Refugees; migration policy; solidarity; securitization; Common European Asylum Service; EU Immigration Code;

The EU has always existed in the dual world of strongly professed universal values and its ability to accommodate the mundane interests of its member states. However, this – at times fruitful – tension has recently come under so much strain that it threatens to bring down not only the EU's always fragile foreign policy consensus, but even the most fundamental freedoms on which the EU has been built, such as the free movement of people, and which it has come to stand for in the eyes of its populations. The first blow came with the Eurozone crisis, and the second with the still growing migration malaise. But while the crumbling solidarity during the economic crisis and the negotiations with Greece could still be explained away as a result of rational economic calculus, the current crisis does not offer any such comforts. The two fundamental tenets of the integration ethos – universal values and particular state interests – seem to be at odds as never before. The ultimate question which is so often posed today is whether the EU should comply with the still powerful state-centric push and simply build up the barriers again or whether the time has come for the EU to fulfil its higher calling and take action based on its broader humanitarian obligations.

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Migration from Sub-Saharan Africa to the European Union with a focus on Nigeria and the Czech Republic
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Migration from Sub-Saharan Africa to the European Union with a focus on Nigeria and the Czech Republic

Migrace ze Subsaharské Afriky do Evropské Unie se zaměřením na Nigérii a Českou Republiku

Author(s): Jan Prouza / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: Migration; Africa; Sub-Saharan region; illegal migration; Czech Republic; Nigeria; economic reasons for migration;

This policy paper analyzes the migration flows from sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) to the European Union (EU), focusing on Nigeria and the Czech Republic. It identifies the main trends and factors influencing migration from SSA, such as population growth, economic situation, security issues, and climate change. It also evaluates the current strategy of the Czech Republic in addressing migration from SSA, mainly through humanitarian aid and foreign development cooperation. Finally, it proposes some recommendations for the future policy making in this area, such as increasing the official development assistance, diversifying the Czech export, supporting the creation of jobs and education in SSA, enhancing the coordination among different actors, and framing migration as an opportunity rather than a threat.

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Quality is growing, public administration is scoring, but where are the capacities? Summary analysis of development cooperation evaluations
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Quality is growing, public administration is scoring, but where are the capacities? Summary analysis of development cooperation evaluations

Kvalita roste, veřejná správa boduje, ale kde jsou kapacity? Souhrná analýza evaluací rozvojové spolupráce

Author(s): Ondřej Horký-Hlucháň / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: bilateral development cooperation projects; Czech Republic; public administration; increase in human resource;

This policy paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the evaluation reports of 35 bilateral development cooperation projects funded by the Czech Development Agency (CzDA) in 2012-2018. The analysis focuses on the descriptive statistics of the evaluation criteria and cross-cutting themes in relation to other aspects of the projects. The paper finds that the quality of the projects has been steadily increasing, especially in the area of public administration, which is a comparative advantage of the Czech Republic as a small donor. However, the paper also identifies the main weaknesses of the projects, such as low sustainability and weak contribution to good governance in the partner countries. The paper argues that these weaknesses are largely due to the insufficient human capacities of the Czech public administration, especially the CzDA and its staff at the embassies. The paper recommends that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic should increase the number of staff and financial resources for development evaluations, actively seek and support the capacities of the Czech public administration for technical assistance, and limit the number of sectors and increase the concentration of the Czech development cooperation.

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Global compacts on migration and refugees
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Global compacts on migration and refugees

Globální kompakty o migraci a uprchlictví

Author(s): Veronika Bílková / Language(s): Czech

Keywords: Migration; refugees; Czech Republic; Global Compact for Safe - Orderly and Regular Migration; refugee compact;

This policy paper examines the Global Compacts on Migration and Refugees, two non-binding instruments adopted by the UN in 2018 to address the challenges of migration and refugee protection. The paper explains the origins, contents and main criticisms of the compacts, and argues that they do not threaten state sovereignty or security, but rather aim to enhance international cooperation and shared responsibility. The paper recommends that the Czech Republic, which voted against the migration compact, should reconsider its position and support both instruments as a small state that benefits from the free movement of persons and the mechanisms of international solidarity.

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The importance of verification and transparency in the nuclear arms-control, nonproliferation and disarmament process
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The importance of verification and transparency in the nuclear arms-control, nonproliferation and disarmament process

The importance of verification and transparency in the nuclear arms-control, nonproliferation and disarmament process

Author(s): Miroslav Tůma / Language(s): English

Keywords: verification and transparency; arms-control; nuclear security; USA-Russia arms-control treaties; The INF Treaty; The START I; SORT Treaties;

Since the Cold War period the importance of the importance of verifying the treaty obligations, which is one of the main parts of the strengthening of the common trust, has been continuing until the present. At the same time, in the areas of arms-control and international security, the role of nuclear transparency, with the verification of provided data and treaty obligations as its integral part, has been increasing. The necessity of maintaining predictability, mainly between both of the nuclear superpowers (the US and the RF), which possess about 90% of all nuclear weapons in the world, is connected with the need to maintain the arms-control process and an effective verification procedure in cases of other negotiated treaty instruments being concluded. Nuclear disarmament verification procedures should above all take into consideration political and technical challenges connected with the current decreasing numbers of nuclear weapons while taking into account the protection of sensitive data as well. At all relevant security forums, especially at the 10th NPT Review Conference in 2020, the Czech Republic should support the EU initiatives and all other initiatives in favour of maintaining the US-Russia arms-control architecture, especially the proposed extension of the New START Treaty’s validity and verification mechanism in 2021. The possible participation of Czech experts in various verification initiatives would be highly welcomed as well.

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A global arms control regime on short and medium-range missiles
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A global arms control regime on short and medium-range missiles

A global arms control regime on short and medium-range missiles

Author(s): Matúš Halás / Language(s): English

Keywords: INF Treaty; TELs; missile defence system; air-launched cruise missiles; Middle East; South Asia; Europe; East Asia;

A global alternative to the former INF Treaty is a feasible solution to the current crisis of the arms control regime that can significantly improve regional stability in Asia. It will not harm vital interests of its signatories provided it will not limit ground-launched delivery vehicles with a range greater than 3,000 km and existing TELs. Given the shifting security environment in Europe, the EU nations should join the German-led development and procurement of an integrated air and missile defence system. The deterrence dynamics also warrant a French-led joint European development and procurement of air-launched cruise missiles with a range greater than 2,000 km.

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Kick-Starting Cosmopolitan Governance Through Science: The Case of a Giant Laser System
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Kick-Starting Cosmopolitan Governance Through Science: The Case of a Giant Laser System

Kick-Starting Cosmopolitan Governance Through Science: The Case of a Giant Laser System

Author(s): Ondřej Ditrych,Nikola Schmidt / Language(s): English

Keywords: Large technical systems (LTS); cosmopolitan governance; CERN; Centralized and Decentralized Machines;

The following policy paper proposes a novel perspective on how large technical systems can enable global governance. We base our argument on several current scientific international collaborations (CERN, ITER) and postulate how their success could be extended to dual-use technologies in space, arguing that the normative frame not the technology itself is fundamental to how it is perceived. We propose that large technical systems, or “scientific machines”, have constitutive power to shape the system of global governance which can be turned to humanity’s advantage if normative frameworks are developed for them. The argument is exemplified on the case of Giant Laser Systems (GLS) such as the Breakthrough Initiatives’ Starshot program which not only may change radically the way stars are studied (and thus enable new scientific discoveries), but can also contribute to solving practical problems such as growing orbital debris and empower global actors to conceive security regimes concerning sensitive technologies in space. In conclusion, recommendations are articulated for a state such as the Czech Republic for which a pragmatic normative framework defined herein provides a useful perspective to look at governance of new technologies that ensures normatively desirable outcomes of sweeping technological change, and stimulate international scientific collaboration with positive spill-over effects to other domains of international cooperation.

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Time to exist and resist: the European Union and Russian political war
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Time to exist and resist: the European Union and Russian political war

Time to exist and resist: the European Union and Russian political war

Author(s): Mark Galeotti / Language(s): English

Keywords: European Union; Russia; Political war; diplomacy; Kremlin; Geopolitics; political warfare;

Russia is waging a political war campaign of active measures intended to divide, distract, and dismay European states, not as a prelude to any direct military aggression but as a substitute. The institutions of the European Union have made very patchy and often reluctant responses to this campaign, in part as a result of a lack of consensus among member states, in part because the necessary measures – which often focus on cohesion, legitimacy, and more effective counter-intelligence activity – are controversial, complex, long-term and expensive. A primary issue, though, is the dramatically different strategic cultures and operational codes of the EU and Russia. Moscow subscribes to an essentially confrontation, zero-sum perspective that at best interprets the EU’s more inclusive approach as naive, at worse as a pose, concealing malign intent. The EU and member states need to appreciate and understand the nature, scale and objectives of Russia’s political war, and specifically the lack of any set doctrine or “playbook.” This will require deeper investment in expertise within the institutions of the Commission, as well as broadening European understandings of “security.” Addressing issues of corruption, institutional legitimacy, social cohesion and governance is a crucial security concern. Countries at most risk from the ‘legitimacy gap’ are more vulnerable to Russian interference and subversion. The EU must appreciate that as an alliance, weaknesses in the counter-intelligence capacities of one state is a vulnerability for all. There needs to be greater effort on this, and a consensus on the minimum level of acceptable spending on this. The immediate challenge is to act more decisively and collectively to reduce the effectiveness of the instruments used by Moscow in its political war, especially those not simply operating on direct instructions but “adhocrats” seeking to please Moscow. This requires more detailed intelligence gathering, analysis and sharing, which could fall within the remit of INTCEN.

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The significant political declaration and the forthcoming 10th NPT review conference
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The significant political declaration and the forthcoming 10th NPT review conference

The significant political declaration and the forthcoming 10th NPT review conference

Author(s): Miroslav Tůma / Language(s): English

Keywords: Review Conference of the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT); Political declaration; Nuclear disarmament; TPNW;

The 10th Review Conference of the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) (the jubilee of this conference series) will be held at the UN Headquarters in New York from 27th April until the 22nd May, 2020. The importance of its being held has been underlined by not just the escalation of the security situation due to the continued dismantlement of the US-Russia arms-control system and the growing threat of the nuclear arms-race, but also the 50th anniversary of the entry into force of the important NPT Treaty as well. On this occasion fifteen ministers of foreign affairs of the NPT’s non-nuclear weapon states, united in The Stockholm Initiative on Nuclear Disarmament, have published the Political Declaration with an Annex in February 2020. The annexed document, above all, appeals to all of the NPT’s participating states to negotiate and accept some measures recommended in the Annex to advance the nuclear disarmament process. The Annex’s list of recommended measures, the so-called stepping stones, is not exhaustive one, as stressed by the authors. However, according to the ministers their implementation could contribute to the deflection of the current dangerous development in the security situation and to the step-by-step implementation of the generally approved vision of the creation of a world without nuclear weapons. The Political Declaration’s appeal, in relation to the necessity to implement all past commitments of previous Review Conferences which remain valid, has been directly focused on five so-called declared nuclear-weapon states (France, Great Britain, the PRC, the RF and the US) and their lacks in the area of nuclear disarmament commitments. One of the main reason for the different position of the majority of the NPT’s non-nuclear weapon states to the solving of nuclear disarmament matters has been the continuation of the modernization of nuclear warheads and their means of delivery, which the nuclear-weapon states has been justified by pointing to the necessity of nuclear deterrence.

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Japan and the Visegrad 4: the unsensational strategic partners
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Japan and the Visegrad 4: the unsensational strategic partners

Japan and the Visegrad 4: the unsensational strategic partners

Author(s): Rudolf Fürst / Language(s): English

Keywords: Japan; Visegrad 4; Geo-economic challenges; Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA); Asian business partners; EU;

The paper points to the convergence between the Visegrad 4 (V4) and Japan that is driven by economic concerns and shared views on global political challenges. The Japanese pro-active European strategy arises from the high relevance of the EU in Japanese economic global policy, and also as a reaction to the increasing Chinese global influence, and the rising US protectionism. The Japanese European policy also reached Central Europe as Japan established a regional cooperation platform with the V4 states. This paper discusses the potential, as well as the real prospects of Japan’s rising interest in the V4 group. Japan is the leading Asian investor in Czechia and Poland. The V4 states ought to benefit from the multi-level structure of the developing ties with Japan. Promoting cooperation with Japan ought to be a theme for the Czech V4 presidency. The V4+Japan format is asymmetrical and there is no clear vision for its institutionalizing, but individual benefits from it for individual V4 states on the bilateral level are available, and the V4 states should take advantage of them. The EU-Japan level stimulating economic effect of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) is obvious, and Europe could gain more from stronger ties with Japan. Such a rapprochement, however, does not divert Japan and the EU from their understanding of China and the building of their ties with this stronger Asian stakeholder.

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Border control and invisible threats. Does the closure of borders in Europe stop COVID-19?
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Border control and invisible threats. Does the closure of borders in Europe stop COVID-19?

Border control and invisible threats. Does the closure of borders in Europe stop COVID-19?

Author(s): Asya Metodieva / Language(s): English

Keywords: Border control; COVID-19; Europe; public health security; international cooperation;

Border control was introduced in Europe as an emergeny response to the pandemic between March and May 2020. Following a process of re-opening, countries apply restrictions depending on national risk analyses, as well as individual political and economic interests. Quarantine and testing rules have been adopted across member states in various combinations. However, the rapidly changing situation and the lack of adequate risk assessments have proven these measures to be irrational in some cases. This policy paper evaluates the implementation of travel restrictions in Europe due to COVID-19 to provide an understanding of the relevance of the new border regimes. The analysis seeks to answer the question of whether border restrictions are an effective measure to tackle the pandemic in case of ongoing and future outbreaks. The recommendations provided in this paper address national government officials and security experts. Among the discussed options, closing borders shall be the option least preferred by policy makers due to its negative consequences for the freedom of movement of individuals, goods and services.

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Jihadi foreign fighters and the threat to Czechia
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Jihadi foreign fighters and the threat to Czechia

Jihadi foreign fighters and the threat to Czechia

Author(s): Asya Metodieva,Emil Aslan / Language(s): English

Keywords: Jihad; Czechia; security threat; security challenges; terrorism; external threat; violence;

The threat of jihadi terrorism in Europe remains a security concern at the end of 2020. Following the 2020 Vienna attack, governments across Central Europe responded with both political statements and security checks. Although Czechia has never been a primary target of a major jihadi attack, there is a need to understand the nature of the threat that is about cross-border radicalization and challenges related to European citizens who returned to the region after joining jihadi groups in Syria and Iraq. This policy paper assesses the external and internal threat of jihadi terrorism to Czechia. The analysis makes two recommendations to policy makers: first, invest in capacity building to track online activities related to preparation of terrorist violence, including propaganda dissemination, recruitment into radical groups, coordinated actions intended to cause casualties; second, enhance intelligence sharing with countries in the region concerning individuals who have returned from Syria and Iraq, were released after terrorism-related offences; were prevented from becoming foreign fighters but belonged to radical networks; have gone through rehabilitation programmes.

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The current state of EU-Turkey relations and implications for Czech foreign policy
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The current state of EU-Turkey relations and implications for Czech foreign policy

The current state of EU-Turkey relations and implications for Czech foreign policy

Author(s): Pelin Ayan Musil / Language(s): English

Keywords: EU-Turkey relations; Czech foreign policy; global human rights sanctions regime; immigration; climate change;

The Czech Republic should approach the EU-Turkey relationship from the perspective of how to bring back the EU’s democratizing influence over Turkey because the decline of democracy in the country is conducive to its unilateral and disruptive foreign policy in areas that are of strategic importance to the EU. The EU has recently adopted a global human rights sanctions regime that targets autocratizing regimes responsible for human rights violations, which can potentially include Turkey. Yet, some softer mechanisms contributing to democratization, such as the strengthening of the linkage between autonomous civil society organizations (CSOs) in Turkey and their European counterparts, are also worth considering as a foreign policy tool. The Czech Republic’s concern about the decline of democracy and rule of law worldwide makes it ideal that its foreign policy should employ such a soft strategy toward Turkey. It can motivate its own CSOs to increase their linkages with the CSOs that have managed to remain autonomous within Turkey’s polarized domestic setting. To this end, the Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs can consider including Turkey as one of the priority countries in its Transition Promotion Program. The potential transnational cooperation between the Czech CSOs and the autonomous CSOs in Turkey can focus on less controversial issues for Turkey that still, however, constitute urgent challenges for both the Czech Republic and Turkey. Immigration and climate change are two such exemplary issues.

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Stability, sustainability and success in the Sahel: the next steps for the Czech engagement
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Stability, sustainability and success in the Sahel: the next steps for the Czech engagement

Stability, sustainability and success in the Sahel: the next steps for the Czech engagement

Author(s): Ondřej Horký-Hlucháň,Jan Daniel,Ondřej Ditrych / Language(s): English

Keywords: relations of the Czech Republic with Africa; Sahel; stability and security; UN; peacekeeping mission; sustainability and economy; poverty;

As a follow-up up to the military involvement of the Czech Republic in the region since 2013 and the consequent rural development projects there, the whole-of-government strategy towards the Sahel (G5) is an expression of responsibility and responsiveness to the related security challenges for the European Union and its African partners. By subscribing to the security-development nexus, Czechia recently reinforced its diplomatic presence in the Sahel and spread its activities to the areas of health, migration and civil society. To make its contribution to the Coalition for the Sahel sustainable and complementary to the EU’s efforts, Czechia should update its national strategy to build the Sahel’s forward resilience, expand the governance and development pillars and mainstream human rights and gender. It should also improve the financial planning and mainstream the Sahel in the current budget lines to mobilise domestic expertise, gain public support for the Strategy’s long-term implementation and give credence to the Sahel as a priority during the upcoming Czech presidency of the EU in 2022.

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How should Europe address Iran’s missile proliferation activities?
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How should Europe address Iran’s missile proliferation activities?

How should Europe address Iran’s missile proliferation activities?

Author(s): AZRIEL BERMANT / Language(s): English

Keywords: Iran; Europe; missile activities and threats; Iran’s missile programme; developing missiles;

One of the criticisms that has been leveled at the Iran nuclear agreement officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) reached with the world powers in 2015 is that it failed to address Iran’s ballistic missiles. The ballistic missile programme provides the means for nuclear delivery should Iran decide to acquire nuclear weapons. Iran’s missile proliferation is particularly destabilizing for the region with detrimental knock-on consequences for Europe. Europe should maintain its pressure on Iran to stop testing missiles that exceed the limits of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) and transferring missiles to regional proxies. Where Iran continues with its provocations, the EU should impose sanctions on Iranian and third-party organizations involved in the missile programme, reflecting actions it has taken to counter Iran’s human rights abuses. The E3 countries (Britain, France and Germany) should exert their influence to reinforce the EU’s efforts to strengthen coordination with the United States in using diplomatic channels with countries supporting Iran, such as Russia and China, to foster a more robust international response to the missile threat. The EU should also play a leading role in formalizing constraints on the range of Iran’s missiles. In the short-term, such an agreement would seek to prevent Iran from developing missiles that could strike Europe, with the ultimate objective of broadening restrictions on Iran’s missiles as part of a wider regional arrangement.

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Building planetary defense governance: a proposal for multigenerational, financially sustainable and scientifically beneficial planetary defense
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Building planetary defense governance: a proposal for multigenerational, financially sustainable and scientifically beneficial planetary defense

Building planetary defense governance: a proposal for multigenerational, financially sustainable and scientifically beneficial planetary defense

Author(s): Nikola Schmidt / Language(s): English

Keywords: defense governance; Planetary defense; threat;

Planetary defense is a well-established scientific program which is currently reaching its milestone through a demonstration of a kinetic impactor deflection method by the DART space craft. Besides this deflection demonstration mission, planetary defense depends on astronomical observations. However, the threat of being hit by an asteroid is a low probability but high impact natural phenomenon which requires a multigenerational, financially sustainable, and scientifically beneficial program. While the scientists might be interested in discovering asteroids, they might not be interested in following up on them for generations; nor are they experts in building global planetary defense governance. Moreover, planetary defense capabilities, which are successively being developed, will sooner or later be considered as dual-use technologies. Given this dynamic, and to continue the development of planetary defense capabilities, not only spacefaring states need a regime under which they can act if others are under threat. This paper argues that given the milestone of DART and the follow-up HERA mission, the time has come to open a serious discussion over establishing global planetary defense governance in the shape of a planetary defense security community following multilateral principles similar to those of NATO but in a significantly smaller form. Small states have capacities to contribute to such a community (the principle of diffuse responsibility); they do it already in the current scientific planetary defense programs but in case of an imminent threat non-space-faring states need assurance that the existing planetary defense capabilities will be used for their benefit (the principle of indivisibility) and not misused. The answer is to establish a security community. These communities have proved to be surprisingly successful in the past, and the current planetary defense scientific community has almost everything that is needed to begin the discussions over the governance model of how we will defend Earth as humankind if scientists can already demonstrate it.

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The EU’s mission to rebuild Ukraine: problems and priorities
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The EU’s mission to rebuild Ukraine: problems and priorities

The EU’s mission to rebuild Ukraine: problems and priorities

Author(s): Artur KOLDOMASOV,Taras Prodaniuk / Language(s): English

Keywords: EU; Ukraine; Russian invasion of Ukraine; democracy; economy; European solidarity;

Since February 24 of this year, as Russia invaded Ukraine, the economic and political stability in Europe has been disturbed. The continued destruction of Ukraineʼs economy and infrastructure is exacerbating the world crisis and putting parts of the world on the brink of a food crisis. The Ukrainian Recovery Plan presented in Lugano proposes the reconstruction of Ukraine. Since receiving a candidate status, Ukraine is also one step further on its course to membership in the European Union. All this places the EU into the role of the main guardian of the countryʼs post-war reconstruction. This paper recommendsthat the EU and, in particular, the Czech Presidency should organize a comprehensive assistance in this regard and identifies its main priorities. First, besides assisting in upgrading the institutional capacities and efficiency of the central government, the EU should support the local actors and civil society partners in the post-war governance. Second, the post-war recovery should connect Ukraineʼs immediate reconstruction and reform needs and the EUʼs long-term digital and green priorities rather than prioritizing one over the other.

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What can we expect from the 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections in Turkey?
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What can we expect from the 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections in Turkey?

What can we expect from the 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections in Turkey?

Author(s): Pelin Ayan Musil / Language(s): English

Keywords: presidential and parliamentary elections in Turkey; People’s Alliance; Labor and Freedom Alliance; Table of Six;

Turkey’s next presidential and parliamentary elections are scheduled for 18 June 2023. These elections constitute a critical juncture for Turkey’s future. They will either put an end to or consolidate the 20 years of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) rule in the country. Due to a worsening economic crisis and a deepening refugee question, the government policies have lost significant levels of public support in the last two years. Yet, the elections in Turkey are held under unfair conditions due to the government control of the media, misuse of state resources and the vast powers that the executive has over the judicial authorities. The amendments introduced in the election law in April 2022 and the disinformation bill that passed in October 2022 create further advantages for the government in terms of increasing its control over the electoral process. Under these conditions, the success of the oppositional alliances depends on two criteria. First, the alliances must become unified in terms of supporting a joint candidate in the presidential elections both among and within themselves. Second, they must spend extraordinary effort to mobilize the undecided and protest voters, which would give a strong message of their determination to win the elections. If the opposition wins the elections, there will be a new window of opportunity for the EU and the new Turkish administration to prepare the grounds for a positive, stable relationship. Yet, the EU should not expect a speedy recovery in the relations due to mixed stances within the opposition and the recurrent societal perceptions that ‘the EU is biased towards Turkey. ’If the current government is re-elected, the EU should prepare itself for an increased frequency of escalated political tensions with Turkey. The EU should aim to develop a new interest-based framework to cooperate with Turkey in the areas of trade, migration, border protection and energy.

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