Keywords: Turkey; European Union
The start of accession negotiations between Ankara and the EU is vital for the future of both Turkey and the Union, including Poland as its member state, as well as for the geopolitical situation in Eurasia (the Black Sea region, Caucasus, Central Asia and the Middle East). Appreciating the significance of these issues, the Centre for Eastern Studies in early 2005 decided to launch a project entitled "Turkey after the start of negotiations with the European Union - foreign relations and the domestic situation". The goal of this project is to present, within the context of accession negotiations, Turkey's greatest internal challenges as well as Ankara's relations with its neighbour regions, the EU and the USA. This Report is the first of three which will be published as part of the project. The Report includes texts on Turkish-US relations since 2003, major political and social challenges on Turkey's path towards the EU and the current condition of the Turkish economy. The Report was developed between July 2005 and November 2006, over which time CES workers and associates searched for publicly available materials in Poland, Turkey and EU countries, and went on three research trips to Turkey, where they met local researchers, analysts, politicians and officials. The authors of the Report would like to express their gratitude to everyone who have shared their opinions with them, and to the Polish Embassy in Ankara, especially to Ambassador Grzegorz Michalski and Minister Andrzej Ananicz for their expert support and assistance in the authors' work on this Report. This Report does not present the official stance of the Polish government on the issues discussed therein; instead it reflects the personal views of its authors, who have made their best efforts to ensure that their work is reliable.
More...Keywords: future status of Kosovo; conference; politics; Serbia; Albania; North Macedonia; Croatia; democratic society; regional stability; minority; international standards; decentralization; security;
The Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia organized a two-day conference “The Future Status of Kosovo” on June 13-14, 2005 in Prishtina. The conference not only stood for the third in the series of Serb-Albanian dialogues the Committee has staged over the past eight years, but also for the final and most important segment of the US Institute for Peace-supported project “Belgrade - Prishtina: Steps to Build Confidence and Understanding.” The idea behind the conference was to provide – on the eve of the announced startup of negotiations on Kosovo’s status – a realistic insight into the complexity of this major regional issue. The book’s contents – authentic discussions of the conference participants – practically figures for a public debate on a reality and real problems. Regardless of many a different stand, the conference participants, Serbs and Albanians alike, attempted to conceptualize a policy that moves towards a lasting solution and regional stability. A policy as such implies a sober assessment of Kosovo’s reality, as well as of possibilities, problems and constraints. The two-day conference, echoing more in Prishtina and somewhat less in Belgrade, assembled a number of outstanding political and public figures from Prishtina – Albanians, Serbs and people from Kosovo’s other ethnic communities, all of them concerned with their own future and ready to acknowledge major changes in the Kosovo society in the past six years. The same were the considerations of the participants from Belgrade, the people standing for Serbia’s alternative politics, and of Podgorica’s officials. Representatives of the international community and regional neighbors, Macedonia and Croatia, also partook in the conference and creatively contributed to the exchange of views. “Key international players were clear that that the startup of the talks about Kosovo’s future status is on the international agenda this year. And now it is on political leaders and institutions to demonstrate that they aim at building a stable, tolerant, multiethnic and democratic society in Kosovo, a society in which all communities will be living together in peace and in peace with their neighbors. It is time for all sides to let go short lived politics, join in a dialogue about real problems in good faith, with passion and constructiveness, and take all measures we know are necessary. This conference is a good start in the right direction. We need more such dialogues, said Soren Jessen Petersen, the UN Secretary General Special Representative, addressing the conference. The conference was organized in five panels: “Kosovo in the Context of Regional Stability,” “Minorities and International Standards in Kosovo,” “Decentralization and its Implications in Kosovo,” “Post-Conflict Rehabilitation” and “Status of Kosovo.” The first panel, “Kosovo in the Context of Regional Stability” chaired by Professor Enver Hasani, broached key security aspects, the role of Kosovo’s future army under civilian control, regional security challenges not only in the event of Kosovo’s independence, but also of Montenegro’s, the state of a ff airs in Kosovska Mitrovica as a major problem to be solved, etc. “Unconditional safety of minority communities is a key standard preconditioning stability and the pace of solving future status of Kosovo,” concluded, inter alia, the second panel “Minorities and International Standards in Kosovo,” chaired by lawyer Azem Vllasi. The discussion also highlighted that the return of all displaced persons and refugees was a priority task of all Kosovo institutions and factors. As for Kosovo Serbs, their integration into Kosovo society, as many put it, is their right, the same as their right to live safely in their homes is a fundamental human right without any alternative solution whatsoever. According to Vera Markovic, who chaired the third panel “Decentralization and its Implications in Kosovo,” the discussion that resembled a parliamentary debate indicated that political power was being gradually institutionalized. “It’s most encouraging that different positions on the decentralization plan do not divide the political sphere into Serbian and Albanian parts, but into groupings that include both Albanian and minority parties…I would say that the debate on decentralization testifies that Kosovo society obviously endeavors to let go the issues related to ‘outer freedom’ or freedom from domination and come to grips with the question of ‘inner freedom’ that cannot but benefit all minorities, ethnic and political alike,” said Vera Markovic. What marked the panel “Post-Con fl ict Rehabilitation,” but the entire conference as well, was the stance that position of minorities was a measure of any society’s democratic potential. In this context, as Dr. Olga Popovic-Obradovic put it, still rather high interethnic tensions make the situation in Kosovo extremely complex. Referring to preconditions of post-conflict rehabilitation, she singled out the issues brought forward by panelists, ranging from acknowledgment and condemnation of crimes and the policy that has given birth to it, lustration and individual accountability to culture as a lasting value linking people and nations. Summing up the “Status of Kosovo” panel, its chair, Sonja Biserko, said that the view that prevailed – at the panel and throughout the conference – was that some form of Kosovo’s independence was unquestionable. However, the panel itself, she added, was more focused on the sum and substance of Kosovo’s independence. It is impossible to ignore the past, the recent past in particular, as it brought about the situation under discussion. In other words, what should be recognized are not only developments in the recent past, but also the fact that the Greater Serbia project that generated ex-Yugoslavia’s disintegration persists as an illusion to come true once the international constellation changes. Therefore, Serbs should reconcile not only with Albanians, but also with all neighbors – Croats, Bosniaks and, in a manner of speaking, with some minorities in Serbia proper, according to Biserko. The conference ended by adopting a declaration welcoming the international community’s intention to tackle the future status of Kosovo as a priority issue of its agenda. Taking into account that the Contact Group has already defined the framework for negotiations that should ensure regional security and stability, and open the door to Western Balkans’ association with and ultimate membership of the European Union, “cognizant that such approach by the international community and favorable circumstance should not be allowed to pass by, and confident that this provides a unique momentum for all regional leaders to prove their political wisdom, constructiveness and genuine commitment to true interests of peoples and citizens,” participants in the conference, “call on Belgrade and Prishtina, as two directly involved parties, to engage in a substantial dialogue with maximum good will and to fully cooperate with representatives of the international community; request political actors on both sides to acknowledge Kosovo’s reality as the starting point for negotiations, while constantly bearing in mind legitimate interests of Serbs, Albanians and other communities in Kosovo, and to insist on the respect and full implementation of all international documents and standards dealing with human and minority rights,” quotes, inter alia, the unanimously adopted declaration.
More...Keywords: Women with disabilities; Social isolation; Rural women; Gender fluid women; lesbian women; Roma women;
Taking into consideration that I am a journalist/writer, while thinking about life on the margin, my first association is always that margin in Microsoft Word, which I see even while writing this, that moves as needed so the whole text could fall into one place as I prefer. Although the association is very banal its comparability with reality is unquestionable. If we imagine society as a blank sheet of paper written on every day and if we identify the inability to move the margin with the lack of will of those who are writing on that page to do so, it is easy to understand why marginalized groups in our society are in the position they are in - a position of poverty, discrimination, rejection and social exclusion. It is obvious – the (privileged) part of society does not want them to be on the inside of the margin where they let them exist.
More...Keywords: Ecology in Albania;
More...Keywords: Democratic institutions; Transnistria conflict; capacity of administration; juridical system; economic reforms; foreign trade; social development; migration; border control;
The purpose of the document is to develop an independent analysis of the policies and reforms implemented by the Chisinau authorities in order to bring them closer to the European Union, politically, economically and institutionally. In particular, the European Union - Republic of Moldova Action Plan (EUMAP) was monitored, which is the most important and exhaustive strategic planning document where all of Moldova's commitments in the European integration process are specified. Although the formal implementation period is 2005-2012, it has been automatically extended for an indefinite period. Moreover, the EUMAP remained current, given that the vast majority of the necessary priorities and actions specified in the plan are still relevant today.
More...Keywords: Romania-Moldova relations;
The study was elaborated by the Institute for Public Policy (IPP) in Bucharest and the Centre for International Studies, with funding from the Constitutional and Legal Policies Institute - Open Society Institute in Budapest and the Open Society Foundation, Bucharest, as part of the program “New Schengen borders and their social and human impact on the “outsiders” of the reintegrated Europe - the Moldovan case”. A substantial contribution was given also by the Institute of Public Policy in Chisinau. The study is part of a larger analysis project, started in 2001 on the basis of a partnership with the Chisinau Institute of Public Policy, involving experts working in institutions in the field of border control in both countries. The goal of this project is to contribute to the improvement of activities in securing the border between Romania and the Republic of Moldova, to the benefit of stability in both countries and regional security. The current study, drafted by experts in both countries, makes available concrete elements and guidelines for political actors, to be taken into account in decisions regarding bilateral relations in the present regional context, under the sign of European and Euro-Atlantic integration.
More...Keywords: festival;catalogue;film;
More...Content: Security Issues, Employment, and Application of Law on the Use of Languages and Anti-discrimination Law in Kosovo; Return of Displaced Persons to Kosovo in 2007 and 2008; Kosovo Institutions Applying the Law on the Use of Languages; Application of Anti-discrimination Law and Law on the Use of Languages in Kosovo Public Companies; Implementation of the Law on the Use of Languages in the Kosovo Education Process.
More...Keywords: energy supply as wapon; energy in Russia's geostrategy;
Is energy an element of the national security system? Is energy used as a tool to achieve political goals? Were the causes of various "energy crises" in the post-Soviet space really purely economic? // Does Russia have a strategy to use energy weapons to realize its geopolitical ambitions? These questions have often been raised in the political, economic, and security discourses of various actors in world politics. For Western countries, they are rather a manifestation of curiosity and theoretical discussion about various possible developments in distant Eastern Europe. At the same time, for the countries of Eastern Europe themselves, the possible answers influenced the formation of policies and the consolidation of national security priorities. Moreover, the principal choice of the direction of integration processes was actually determined. // For Russia, on the other hand, energy has always been an instrument of politics, not economics. This position is clearly traced in the conceptual developments of scientists, strategic documents in the field of national security and practical actions of various institutions to implement the latter. For Russia, the use of energy weapons focused only on finding the most effective methods, tools and instruments for its use. // In recent decades, Russia has enriched the experience of using energy as a political weapon and formed new tools for its use in a hybrid confrontation with the West. Obviously, from now on this will become a constant source of risks to the stability of life in many countries around the world and will require constant monitoring of new types of threats generated by the use of energy weapons. The proposed study is aimed at understanding the conceptual foundations and organizational aspects of energy implementation in the system of ensuring the realization of Russia's national interests in the international arena.
More...Keywords: Eastern Ukraine; Russian aggression against Ukraine;
The War in Donbas: Realities and Prospects of Settlement // Geopolitical Aspects of Conflict in Donbas // Occupation of Donbas: Current Situation and Trends // Donbas: Scenarios of Developments and Prospects of a Peacekeeping Mission // Summary and Proposals: Peacekeeping Mission in Donbas: Western Experts’ Opinions // The War in Donbas: Probable Scenarios and the Line of Actions // The Conflict in the East of Ukraine: Expert Opinions and Positions // The “Donbas Component” of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict: Citizens’ Opinions and Assessments // The Strategies and Goals of Russian Intervention in Donbas // Some Aspects of Decisions in the Domain of State Law for the Occupied Areas of Donbas
More...THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS IN THE NATIONAL SECURITY OF UKRAINE // UKRAINE’S NATIONAL SECURITY THROUGH A PRISM OF COOPERATION WITH INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS // 1. Uniting efforts to meet global challenges // 2. Ukraine’s need for partnership with international organisations and membership in them // 3. Geopolitical vectors of Ukraine’s development // UKRAINE’S COOPERATION WITH INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS // SOME ASPECTS OF UKRAINE’S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY: PUBLIC OPINION // INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE “THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS IN THE NATIONAL SECURITY OF UKRAINE” // NATO-UKRAINE RELATIONS AND THE NON-BLOC POLICY OF UKRAINE // PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF UKRAINE’S INTERNATIONAL INTEGRATION ON THE EVE OF THE VILNIUS SUMMIT
More...UKRAINE'S INTERNATIONAL IMAGE: MYTHS AND REALITIES // 1. HOW DOES THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY VIEW UKRAINE? // 2. TO WHAT EXTENT DOES UKRAINE'S IMAGE CORRESPOND TO REALITY? // 3. THE UNUSED POTENTIAL FOR IMPROVING UKRAINE'S IMAGE // 4. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS // UKRAINE'S INTERNATIONAL IMAGE: EXPERT OPINION // UKRAINE'S INTERNATIONAL IMAGE: THE VIEW FROM POLAND // UKRAINE'S INTERNATIONAL IMAGE: THE VIEW FROM RUSSIA
More..."NATO's-UKRAINE: MAIN ACHIEVEMENTS AND PROSPECTS FOR MUTUAL RELATIONS" INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE // NATO's open door to Ukraine interests all of Europe // As a free and sovereign country, Ukraine itself is primarily responsible for charting its course into the future // The new situation requires new thinking // To see light at the end of the tunnel // Attainment of compliance with the criteria of NATO membership is what we need above all else // From rhetorical statements to concrete steps halfway // Disasters know no borders // Do everything for our good intentions to materialise // To change the ideology of relations with NATO: from co-operation - to integration // Not a declarative but a realistic policy is needed // Ukraine's road to NATO: it is easier to pass the marathon distance together // Ukraine's future membership in NATO is a task of the national scale // The process of accession to NATO will depend on Ukraine's movement towards European standards NATO integration: economic issues // Integration of Ukraine into the European and Euro-Atlantic structures requires solution of a number of problems // To be successful, our joint work must include a sufficient investment by Ukraine of resources and personnel // Military reform and establishment of an effective system of civilian control as the preconditions for implementation of the strategy of Ukraine's integration to NATO // Defence reform - its time to put a theory into practice // The substance of our relations with NATO lies in raising the standard of living of Ukrainian citizens // Real integration of Ukraine into the Euro-Atlantic structures depends on the internal situation // NATO-UKRAINE RELATIONS IN THE PUBLIC FOCUS
More...UKRAINE’S GAS TRANSPORTATION SYSTEM: READY FOR COOPERATION? // 1. ESTABLISHMENT OF AN INTERNATIONAL GAS TRANSPORTATION CONSORTIUM ON THE BASIS OF UKRAINE’S GTS: THE INTERESTS AND POSITIONS OF THE CONCERNED PARTIES // 2. WAYS, FORMS AND METHODS OF ENHANCEMENT OF THE EFFECTIVENESS OF UKRAINE’S GTS: THE PROBLEM OF CHOICE // 3. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS // DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN EXPERTS ON ESTABLISHMENT OF AN INTERNATIONAL GAS TRANSPORTATION CONSORTIUM IN UKRAINE THE TRANSFER OF THE GTS INTO MANAGEMENT BY THE CONSORTIUM IS NOT JUSTIFIED ECONOMICALLY // SEVERAL MODELS OF THE CONSORTIUM: ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES // ABILITY SHOULD BE DEMONSTRATED TO THE PUBLIC AND PARTNERS // TRANSPARENCY, COMPETITION AND DIVERSIFICATION OF SUPPLIES WILL HELP UKRAINE ACHIEVE ENERGY INDEPENDENCE // CONSTRUCTION OF A NEW GAS PIPELINE IS THE MAIN DIRECTION OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION // THE PREINVESTMENT STAGE OF THE PROJECT IS UNDERWAY // THE OPTION THAT GUARANTEES THE MOST WORKING PLACES AND THE HIGHEST PROFIT FOR UKRAINE SHOULD BE FOUND // PRIVATE COMPANIES WILL BE PROVIDING FINANCE FOR THE CONSORTIUM AND NOT STATES OR GOVERNMENTS // THE MOST EFFICIENT SYSTEM OF OPERATION IS TO GIVE THE GTS IN CONCESSION TO AN INTERNATIONAL CONSORTIUM // CONCESSION OF THE GTS IS THE MOST ACCEPTABLE CHOICE // UKRAINE’S NATIONAL INTERESTS SHOULD BE PUT AT THE FOREFRONT // PREMATURE DISCUSSION MAY HAMPER FURTHER PROGRESS IN NEGOTIATIONS ON ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSORTIUM // COMPREHENSIVE ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF DIFFERENT COOPERATION OPTIONS IS NEEDED // THE FOCUS SHOULD BE ON THE CONDITIONS OF TRANSFER OF THE GTS INTO THE CONSORTIUM’S MANAGEMENT // AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE CABINET OF MINISTERS OF UKRAINE AND THE GOVERNMENT OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION ON STRATEGIC COOPERATION IN THE GAS SECTOR // INTERNATIONAL CONSORTIUM FOR UKRAINE’S GTS MANAGEMENT: SEQUENCE OF EVENTS
More...EXTERNAL FACTOR IN THE 2004 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS // 1. EXTERNAL INFLUENCE ON UKRAINE’S ELECTIONS AND INTERNATIONAL LAW // 2. ACTORS, GOALS AND MECHANISMS OF EXTERNAL INFLUENCE // 3. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS // SPEECHES BY PARTICIPANTS OF THE ROUNDTABLE ONE SHOULD NOT VIEW THE STATE AND SOCIETY AS IDENTICAL NOTIONS // THE AUTHORITIES REMAIN UNDECIDED WITH REGARD TO THE INVOLVEMENT OF PUBLIC ORGANISATIONS IN THE ELECTION PROCEDURES // THE CENTRAL ELECTION COMMISSION DOES ITS BEST TO ENSURE TRANSPARENT ELECTIONS // THE ROLE OF EXTERNAL FORCES IS IMPORTANT IN TERMS OF LEGITIMISING THE ELECTIONS’ OUTCOME // HIGH STANDARDS IN THE FUTURE OR NORMAL CONDITIONS OF LIFE TODAY? // ONE SHOULD DISTINGUISH BETWEEN THE IMPERIAL DEMOCRACY OF THE AMERICANS AND THE EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY // ASSISTANCE FOR FAIR ELECTIONS IS A SERIOUS FACTOR OF INFLUENCE // UKRAINE HAS DEMAND FOR EXTERNAL INFLUENCE // EXTERNAL INFLUENCE SHOULD NOT BE EXAGGERATED // THE ELECTION RESULTS WILL BE DECIDED IN UKRAINE BY THE UKRAINIANS // WE ARE AS HARD A PARTNER FOR THE WEST AS A FOOTBALL PLAYER IS FOR A CHESS PLAYER // THE 2004 ELECTIONS WILL BE DEPRIVED OF ROMANTICISM // THE AUTHORITIES INTEND TO SECURE THE VICTORY OF THEIR REPRESENTATIVE BY ANY POLITICAL MEANS // COOPERATION OF INTERNATIONAL OBSERVERS AND REPRESENTATIVES OF UKRAINIAN PUBLIC ORGANISATIONS ELECTIONS IS A LEGITIMATE WAY TO INFLUENCE THE ELECTORAL PROCESS // WHAT IS NOTED BY THE WEST AND WHAT IS OMITTED BY RUSSIA // EXTERNAL INFLUENCE IS MORE OF AN ACADEMIC SUBJECT
More...Keywords: Albanian political development; Albanian social development;
The report takes a comprehensive look at the country’s capacity developmentprocesses, at the set of successful policy choices and specific capacityinvestments, with a focus on the role of investments in knowledge, humanresource development, public governance and public accountability for thecountry to be better prepared to face the increasing challenges of EU accession.NHDR Albania 2010 provides also an updated map of human development inthe country. The report makes use of data from Living Standards MeasurementSurvey 2008 to calculate the new human development indicators—HumanDevelopment Index (HDI), Human Poverty Index (HPI), Gender-relatedDevelopment Index (GDI) and Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM).
More...In this year’s Human Development Report, entitled “Baltic Way(s) of Human Development Twenty Years On”, distinguished social scientists from the three Baltic countries have analyzed our twenty-year journey. They have highlighted the similarities and parallels but, being serious scientists, have focused primarily on the areas in which the countries have searched for and found original paths. Their analyses provide a valuable and comparative overview of the changes that have occurred in the economic and political coordinate system since the collapse of the so-called Eastern Bloc. // The main objective of this report is not to rank countries, or once again give in to the human urge to prove to our¬selves, and everyone else, that despite all the hardships and naysayers, the three Baltic states have managed to leave behind the burden of the 50-year Soviet occupation and become developed European countries through persistent work and effort. Instead, we should look at the texts as discussions on whether our development model, our way of doing things, is the most effective and could, in the future, be set as an example for other countries and regions that currently, for various reasons, stand on the threshold of major change.
More...Keywords: BiH; education; public legal education; law; needs; opportunities; capacities;
A number of countries in the world have initiated various programs aimed at realization of public legal education (PLE), which may be defined as systemic and continuous dissemination of information about the legal system for purpose of better understanding thereof by the citizens, building confidence in justice institutions, and better coping by the citizens in the maze of legislation, rights, and responsibilities. Education of general public about the legal system offers potentially important contribution to addressing a number of societal problems, especially improvement of the status of various marginalized and vulnerable groups. Thus, for example, the report of the UN General Secretary for 2009 emphasizes the importance of legal education for the poor as one of the necessary conditions in order to create sustainable living and eradicate poverty. This study, completed in the period September – December 2011, confirms that there is considerable need for such educational programs in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Some of the fundamental reasons why PLE is especially relevant for Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter BiH) are the post-conflict, transitional, and reform contexts marked by a myriad of new legal institutes and regulations, as well as the complicated network of judicial and other institutions, and often unclear competences at different levels of organization of the government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Creating relevant programs for public legal education is especially important for young people who are usually not aware of the legislation that relates to them, or available mechanisms of exercising their rights. Research in other countries demonstrates that it is exactly the young people who are most likely to face a legal problem. In addition, it is important to keep in mind that organizing such programs is especially fitting for a group of young people, given the fact that the formal education system, encompassing the great majority of the young people, may be used for the purpose. The goal of this present research was to assess the nature and scope of current activities in public legal education, with special focus on the youth, as well as the needs and capacities for their development within the specific context of BiH. To that end, a comparative analysis of PLE programs was conducted, mainly based on secondary sources about the programs and activities in this field of public education in Bosnia and Herzegovina, countries of the region, Europe, and beyond. In that context, experiences from Canada, United States of America, and United Kingdom were especially important, for these are the countries where such programs are the most advanced. In addition, the data for assessment was collected through primary research, which included 14 interviews with the representatives of competent ministries and other governmental institutions, as well as international and domestic organizations dealing with these issues at least to a certain extent. With respect to the current situation in the PLE domain, the first thing to highlight is that most of the past efforts in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been directed towards education about human rights, with inconsequential engagement in awareness raising and providing information and knowledge on certain judicial institutions, their powers, and roles they play in the society, as well as the legal rights and responsibilities of citizens. The analysis shows that current efforts towards public legal education in BiH are also insufficient, and that Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the countries where PLE programs are underdeveloped, though there are also substantial initiatives in this field. Some of the major problems in this domain are weak collaboration between key players, especially governmental and non-governmental sector, and the fact that projects in this area do not sufficiently encompass important aspects of the law and legal system, such as family law, employment and labor rights, social care rights, as well as available mechanisms for protection of rights. Another problem is presented by the lack of appropriate platforms for strategic partnerships between non-governmental sector and justice institutions and other governmental institutions in this area, as well as inadequate integration of PLE segments within the strategic documents of the justice sector and other sectors relevant to certain target groups (e.g. youth strategy at different levels of government). In addition to the above, another problem is presented by inadequate representation of the PLE in formal education, which lacks permanent institutional solution, continuity of education, and of educators in this field. Most of our interlocutors think that a significant problem is presented by the lack of financing or human resources for organization and coordination, as well as for the very implementation of activities aimed at public legal education and information. Implementation of such educational programs for general population is a complex task in any environment because it requires a larger number of participants and communication channels to encompass the broadest population possible. Nonetheless, according to relevant comparative experiences and available literature, in order to fulfill their purpose, PLE programs should reflect five key principles: accessibility (information should be written in plain language, and accessible to all, regardless of obstacles like cultural differences, life in isolated areas etc.), decentralization (forming of networks and partnerships among service providers in PLE at the level of the entire state improves efficiency and encompasses the majority of population), coordination, continuity, and sustainable financing. Of course, different target groups also lend themselves to different options for implementation of PLE programs. In that regard, it is estimated that these educational programs are especially easy to organize for a group of young people given their accessibility through educational institutions, as well as due to the fact that, because of their inexperience, they are exposed to additional risk. Options for development and institutionalization of PLE programs for youth are primarily identified in expansion of the existing PLE elements within the educational system (i.e. primarily civil education subjects) aiming to include as many young people as possible, and education in this field would be implemented even before they start encountering specific legal problems. In that context, it is especially important to address introduction of curriculum contents that develop competences, as well as creating interesting educational programs to entice the interest of this population. However, one should not neglect options for implementation of PLE programs for general population, such as the activities planned in various strategic documents of competent institutions, primarily those operating in the justice sector, or the potential in the domain of PLE offered by legal aid agencies, as well as the coordinated activities by non-governmental organizations. Some of the possible solutions include intensifying activities of relevant departments of various, primarily judicial institutions (e.g. public relations departments) in the domain of PLE or long-term PLE programs implemented through the media, as well as utilizing different educational mechanisms such as seminars, printed materials, free info lines etc. Examples of the best practice in the world have served us as a framework for the analysis, as well as the source of inspiration in formulating proposals for possible future steps in the domain of PLE in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Within such comparative framework, and based on the analysis of accessible sources and practices, as well as the assessment of needs and capacities for enhancement and institutionalization of PLE programs in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the following recommendations were formulated: 1. It is necessary to create an appropriate framework, i.e. strategic documents, for implementation of PLE in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They should adhere to and reflect the five key PLE principles identified, and they are as follows: accessibility, decentralization, coordination, continuity, and sustainable financing. 2. It is necessary to create detailed and long-term PLE programs for the youth in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with a broad scope of topics, and explore options for their institutionalization. An integral part those programs should include continuous evaluation systems, which would ensure that the contents correspond to expressed needs, as well as to changes in the legal system. 3. Necessary steps should be taken towards establishment of a network or partnerships between organizations and institutions that would take active part in implementation of PLE programs. 4. It is necessary to establish an appropriate resource center, where legal professionals, as well as trainers from other professions would be able to obtain required information, training, materials, and whatever they need to conduct various activities and PLE programs. 5. Scarcity of human capacities and resources for implementation of PLE programs could be overcome by establishment of institutional mechanisms to create incentives for legal professionals to volunteer in this field. Another possible solution is to focus the education on future trainers in this field, such as teachers in elementary and secondary schools, activists in various non-governmental organizations, or to engage a number of unemployed lawyers or law students from BiH universities on a voluntary basis in realization of PLE programs.
More...Keywords: BiH; minorities; political participation; political representation of minorities; Constitution; Article 15;
U evropskom kontekstu, najvažniji ugovor koji se bavi pravima manjina je Okvirna konvencija za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina (Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities) (u daljnjem tekstu: Okvirna konvencija ili FCNM) Vijeća Evrope iz 1998. godine, koju je usvojilo više od 40 država članica širom kontinenta. Okvirna konvencija se u članu 15. bavi pitanjem participacije nacionalnih manjina u javnim poslovima, ali je sam tekst neodređen i nudi premalo pojašnjenja za praktičnu implementaciju. Kao odgovor na sve veće priznanje participacije u javnim poslovima kao važnog aspekta prava manjina, stručno tijelo koje prati implementaciju Konvencije – Savjetodavni odbor za Okvirnu konvenciju za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina (u daljnjem tekstu: Savjetodavni odbor ili SO) – 2008. godine je objavio detaljan Komentar o efikasnoj participaciji pripadnika nacionalnih manjina u kulturnom, društvenom i ekonomskom životu i javnim poslovima (Commentary on the Effective Participation of Persons Belonging to National Minorities in Cultural, Social and Economic Life and in Public Affairs), koji nudi tumačenje osnovnih standarda za provedbu člana 15. i predstavlja odraz izvještaja koje podnose države. Nema sumnje da je Savjetodavni odbor dao veliki doprinos podizanju svijesti o participaciji manjina u odlučivanju i uspostavljanju standarda u ovoj oblasti. U ovom izvještaju analizira se njegov Komentar, kao i najaktuelniji ciklusi podnošenja izvještaja svake države članice Okvirne konvencije, kako bi se pojasnilo značenje efikasne participacije u odlučivanju i kako bi se identifikovali modeli najbolje prakse. Kao okvir koji obuhvata institucionalne mehanizme participacije i zajednička pitanja koja treba uzeti u obzir prilikom njihovog oblikovanja, ovaj izvještaj posvećuje pažnju koordinaciji među mehanizmima, te koordinaciji na različitim nivoima vlasti, uključujući lokalni nivo, koji je često zanemaren u stručnim analizama. Pored ove opće svrhe, poseban je cilj izvještaja da posluži za pojašnjenje, promoviranje i pružanje smjernica u implementaciji vladavine koja uključuje nacionalne manjine u Bosni i Hercegovini i drugim zemljama Balkana. Ova druga dimenzija izvještaja rezultat je često primijećenog nerazumijevanja koncepta političke participacije manjina, te često neizvjesnih i kompliciranih puteva ka istinski multietničkoj vlasti kojima ove zemlje, u različitoj mjeri, trenutno idu. U analizi se također uvažavaju dva postojeća faktora koja utječu na rad Savjetodavnog odbora u postavljanju standarda i u ocjenjivanju prakse država. Prvi je široka sloboda procjene koja se daje državama u oblikovanju sistema političke participacije manjina, kao i individualizirani pristup Savjetodavnog odbora, koji uzima u obzir specifične kontekste različitih država (kao što su trenutni nivo uključenosti manjina, historijski i društveno-politički faktori) prilikom ocjenjivanja ovih sistema. Drugi je faktor ograničeni mandat Savjetodavnog odbora, jer o dnevnom redu u proceduri podnošenja izvještaja u najvećoj mjeri odlučuju same države potpisnice, a SO se oslanja na saradnju država i ne posjeduje mehanizam provedbe kojim bi osigurao ispunjavanje svojih preporuka. Ova studija, dakle, istražuje i utjecaj tih faktora na postavljanje standarda i na pojedinačna mišljenja SO-a o implementaciji političke participacije manjina koju provode države potpisnice. Ona nudi slikovite primjere iz postupka podnošenja izvještaja samih država kako bi se istaknuli i dodatno pojasnili relevantni standardi. Međutim, analiza također ima za cilj da reducira dio optimizma prema radu SO-a u svjetlu primjetnih nedostataka, na koje dijelom utječu i postojeća ograničenja njegovog mandata. Nakon uvodnog dijela, u prvom poglavlju se ispituju kriteriji koje države obično koriste za priznavanje postojanja nacionalnih manjina prema domaćim zakonima i porede se sa uputama SO-a. Sam termin „nacionalna manjina” pravi je primjer slobode tumačenja u pojedinim zemljama, jer u Konvenciji ne postoji zajednička, općeprihvaćena definicija. Uprkos ovom slobodnom prostoru, SO predviđa osnovne principe kojih države članice treba da se pridržavaju a koji se odnose na zauzimanje inkluzivnog i fleksibilnog pristupa u dodjeljivanju statusa nacionalne manjine. SO smatra neopravdanim proizvoljno isključenje ili razlikovanje grupa na osnovu njihovog dugotrajnog prisustva u zemlji, teritorijalnih veza sa geografskim područjem i brojčane zastupljenosti. Ono što je važno jeste da Odbor insistira i na tome da državljanstvo ne treba predstavljati osnov za isključivanje osoba koje pripadaju nacionalnim manjinama (mada su malobrojne države koje su usvojile ovaj princip), jer mnogi dijelovi Konvencije, uključujući član 15, ne zahtijevaju dimenziju državljanstva. SO je naročito odlučan u tome da državljanstvo ne treba predstavljati uslov za glasanje ili kandidiranje na izborima na lokalnom i regionalnom nivou. Nalazi ove sekcije imaju odjeka i u narednim poglavljima izvještaja, jer je zvanično priznanje nacionalnih manjina direktno povezano sa dodjeljivanjem posebnih participatornih prava rezerviranih za pripadnike nacionalnih manjina. U narednom poglavlju analizira se trodijelna institucionalna struktura participacije nacionalnih manjina u političkim aktivnostima. Ona obuhvata predstavljanje u kontekstu izabranih funkcija, kao što su one u parlamentima i lokalnim vijećima, konsultativna ili savjetodavna tijela, te zapošljavanje u javnoj upravi. Predstavljanje u kontekstu izabranih tijela i pozicija obično je najdirektniji način na koji predstavnici manjina aktivno učestvuju u odlučivanju. Među ključnim mjerama koje se mogu koristiti za povećanje prisustva pripadnika nacionalnih manjina u izabranim tijelima jesu: dozvola djelovanja političkih stranaka manjina, oblik izbora sa odvojenim glasačkim listama, izuzeća od izbornog praga, kvote i rezervirana mjesta, te posebna prava kao što je pravo manjinskog veta. Konsultativna tijela još su jedan institucionalni mehanizam i služe kao mjesto gdje predstavnici manjina mogu učestvovati u međusobnom dijalogu kao i u dijalogu sa organima vlasti. Ova tijela imaju savjetodavnu funkciju i mogu predlagati i dopunjavati zakone koji se tiču nacionalnih manjina. Zaposlenje u javnoj upravi još je jedan način uključivanja manjina u javne poslove, a angažiranje nacionalnih manjina u tom segmentu ima veliki utjecaj na podizanje opće svijesti o manjinama u državi i kod većinskog i kod manjinskog stanovništva, kao i na ulijevanje povjerenja u institucije vlasti kod pripadnika nacionalnih manjina. Osim ova tri osnovna mehanizma, SO poziva specijalizirane organe izvršnih vlasti, kao što su ministarstva i odjeli za prava manjina, da koordiniraju, prate i uključuju manjinska pitanja na svim nivoima vlasti. Specijalizirani organi vlasti imaju zadatak da koordiniraju državnu politiku prema nacionalnim manjinama i zaduženi su za praćenje implementacije i rezultata, kao i za povezivanje sa predstavnicima manjina, manjinskim organizacijama, te odgovarajućim tijelima u kojima učestvuju manjine u cilju olakšavanja komunikacije. U ovom smislu, specijalizirani organi vlasti uključuju manjinska pitanja u cjelokupni institucionalni okvir i državni aparat. I na kraju, decentralizirani oblici vlasti, kao što su regionalna autonomija i samouprava, mogu predstavljati korisno sredstvo da se nacionalnim manjinama omogući kontrola nad njihovim interesima, naročito na lokalnom i regionalnom nivou. Drugi dio drugog poglavlja bavi se zajedničkim pitanjima koja se tiču efikasnosti institucionalnih mehanizama. Tu se ubrajaju legitimitet i pluralizam predstavnika nacionalnih manjina i ostalih sagovornika (kao što su relevantni predstavnici nevladinih organizacija, istraživači i drugi stručnjaci) da zastupaju pripadnike nacionalnih manjina; raspon tema pored kulture, obrazovanja i jezika u pogledu kojih predstavnici mogu učestvovati u odlučivanju, uključujući i raspodjelu budžeta; njihov utjecaj i glas u odlučivanju, pri čemu se naglašava značaj suštinske participacije, za razliku od pukog prisustva u organima vlasti; kao i uključivanje pitanja koja se tiču manjina u državnu politiku i institucije vlasti. Ova pitanja predstavljaju suštinske standarde participacije i moraju se uključiti u strukturu institucionalnog okvira kako bi se osiguralo da mehanizmi participacije omoguće pripadnicima nacionalnih manjina pravo da učestvuju u odlučivanju. Ovi standardi se zatim ispituju u trećem poglavlju, gdje se procjenjuje dosljednost djelovanja Savjetodavnog odbora. Među značajnijim prazninama u njegovom radu je nedovoljna povezanost direktnih kritika i dosta apstraktnih preporuka koje SO nudi u svojim mišljenjima. U trećem poglavlju se povezuju dva ranije spomenuta faktora – sloboda procjene i individualizirani pristup; ograničeni mandat i reaktivni pristup – da bi se objasnio dio ovih nedosljednosti. Istražuju se i drugi primijećeni propusti, kao što su: jednake kritike prema državama koje imaju različitu praksu; nedosljednosti i blagost; predlaganje alternativnih metoda koordinacije i uključivanja politika prema manjinama u pojedinim državama, a koje se razlikuju od uputa iz Komentara samog Savjetodavnog odbora; te nedosljednosti u reagiranju Odbora na izbor mehanizama participacije kada država članica iskazuje neujednačen razvoj tri vrste participatornih kanala ili njihov neujednačen razvoj na različitim nivoima vlasti.
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