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Search results for: independent individual work in lessons in All Content

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POWER STRUGGLE IN WORLD PRESS
5.00 €

POWER STRUGGLE IN WORLD PRESS

PUTEREA PRESEI IN LUPTA LUMII

Author(s): Gheorghe Micle / Language(s): Romanian

published by: TIPOGRAFIA„ VIATA LITERARA 1946 Content: PRESA CA MIJLOC DE PROPAGANDĂ, DE LUPTĂ ŞI EDUCAŢIE POLITICĂ. THE PRESS AS A MEANS OF PROPAGANDA, PPOLITICAL FIGHT AND EDUCATION PRESA CA INDUSTRIE ECONOMICĂ PRESS AND INDUSTIRAL ECONOMY MISIUNEA ŞI PRACTICA DE CORESPONDENT MISSION AND PRACTICE OF A CORRESPONDENT PRESA ŞI TEHNICA SCRISULUI THE PRESS AND TECHNICAL WRITING PRESA -- FACTOR DE PACE ŞI PROGRES. THE PRESS – A FACTOR FOR PEACE AND PROGRESS.

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Environmental subjects in selected countries. Report from study visit in England

Environmental subjects in selected countries. Report from study visit in England

Przedmioty przyrodnicze w wybranych krajach. Raport z wizyty studyjnej w Anglii

Author(s): Joanna Lilpop,Urszula Poziomek / Language(s): Polish

Keywords: education; study visit; UK

W styczniu 2011 roku członkowie Pracowni Przedmiotów Przyrodniczych IBE (PPP IBE) zrealizowali wizytę studyjną w Finlandii. Wybór kraju był podyktowany kilkoma czynnikami, z których najważniejszym były bardzo wysokie wyniki w dziedzinie przedmiotów przyrodniczych (Science) uzyskiwane przez fińskich uczniów w kolejnych cyklach międzynarodowego badania PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment). Celem wizyty było zbadanie, jakie elementy pracy fińskiej szkoły, w szczególności w obszarze dydaktyki przedmiotów przyrodniczych, mogą przyczyniać się do tego sukcesu.Stosowane w czasie wizyty studyjnej metody to nieuczestnicząca, jawna obserwacja zajęć edukacyjnych w szkołach na poziomie ISCED 2 (w Polsce etap gimnazjum) i wywiady indywidualne z nauczycielami przedmiotów przyrodniczych i dyrektorami tych szkół oraz pracownikami instytucji zajmujących się edukacją szkolną i badaniami edukacyjnymi.W efekcie uzyskano obraz fińskiej edukacji przyrodniczej, nastawionej na rozwijanie umiejętności posługiwania się metodą naukową, ale również na budzenie zainteresowania uczniów środowiskiem przyrodniczym i – nade wszystko celem jest wszechstronny rozwoj ucznia, w tym rozwój jego kompetencji spolecznych.

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Waiting for equality 2: Analysis of printed media reporting on LGBT issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2013

Waiting for equality 2: Analysis of printed media reporting on LGBT issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2013

Čekajući ravnopravnost 2: Analiza izvještavanja štampanih medija o LGBT temama u Bosni i Hercegovini u 2013. godini

Author(s): Kristina Ljevak,Jasmina Čaušević,Lejla Huremović / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: printed media; reporting; LGBT; research; BiH;

Analiza koja je pred vama nastavak je praćenja izvještavanja o LGBT temama u bosanskohercegovačkim štampanim medijima, koju treću godinu zaredom objavljuje Sarajevski otvoreni centar. Autorice su uradile ovu analizu koristeći svoja prethodna znanja i iskustva rada na analizama sadržaja medijskog izvještavanja iz 2011. i 2012. godine, i zahvalne su što su dobile priliku da i treću godinu zaredom prate nivo doprinosa štampanih medija u borbi protiv diskriminacije lezbejki, gejeva, biseksualnih, interspolnih, trans* i svih ostalih queer osoba2 u medijskom prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine. Kako u svojoj knjizi pišu Marko i Dardić, potrebno je kontinuirano pratiti i analizirati medije, jer pojedini mediji prepoznaju realne probleme sa kojima se pripadnici_e marginalizovanih grupa suočavaju i aktivno o tome izvještavaju, doprinoseći tako ne samo većoj vidljivosti ovih grupa nego i njihovom pozicioniranju u javnom i političkom životu. U vremenu komercijalizacije i tabloidizacije medijskog prostora, od velike je važnosti promovisati etičke i profesionalne standarde izvještavanja i koncept društveno odgovornog novinarstva, i ne dozvoliti da politički i ekonomski centri moći presudno utiču na kreiranje medijskih sadržaja. Mediji, odnosno novinari i novinarke, često su jedina spona između predstavnika_ca različitih marginalizovanih i ranjivih grupa. Profesionalnost novinarskog pisanja, etičnost i odgovornost pomjeraju društvo u kojem živimo ka prostoru veće tolerancije. Imajući u vidu rasprostranjenost i uticaj medija, bilo bi višestruko korisno za LGBT osobe u BiH da se u što više štampanih medija, kao i u svim ostalim medijima, pojave smišljene uređivačke politike koje prepoznaju značaj neselektivne borbe za ljudska prava i koje insistiranje na toj važnosti perpetuiraju kroz svoj prostor u skladu sa etikom i vrijednostima novinarske struke.

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The report on homophobia, bi-phobia and transphobia in schools in BiH

The report on homophobia, bi-phobia and transphobia in schools in BiH

Izvještaj o homofobiji, bifobiji i transfobiji u školama u BiH

Author(s): Damir Banović / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: homophobia; bi-phobia; transphobia; schools; LGBT population; BiH;

Cilj ovog izvještaja je da pokaže pravni okvir za ostvarivanje prava na obrazovanje LGBT osoba u srednjim školama u BiH, odgovarajuće obrazovne strategije, stepen uključenosti prava na obrazovanje LGBT osoba, način prikaza tema vezanih za LGBT osobe u udžbenicima koji se koriste u srednjim školama u BiH te istraživanja koja pokazuju stavove učenika_ica u pogledu homofobije, bifobije i transfobije. Zakon o ravnopravnosti spolova (2003) po prvi put izričito uvodi zabranu diskriminacije na osnovu seksualne orijentacije; indirektno na osnovu rodnog identiteta u pogledu ostvarivanja prava na obrazovanje LGBT osoba, te uvodi obavezu u pogledu prikaza tema vezanih za seksualnu orijentaciju i rodni identitet u nastavnim planovima i programima u smislu promovisanja principa jednakosti. Isti cilj postoji i u Zakonu o zabrani diskriminacije (2009), koji izričito navodi i rodni identitet kao zabranjeni osnov diskriminacije. Ove zakonske akte ne prate odgovarajuće strategije o obrazovnim politikama na državnom nivou koje se bave pitanjima prava na obrazovanje LGBT osoba, odnosno politike obrazovanja na entitetskom i kantonalnom nivou, te se homofobija, bifobija i transfobija uopšte ne spominju kao oblasti u kojima državna tijela i obrazovne institucije trebaju posebno djelovati kao bi se uklonila diskriminacija, netačne informacije i stereotipne slike. Da postoji diskrepancija na socijalnoj bazi pokazuje istraživanje o stavovima prema LGBT osobama koje je provedeno među učenicima_cama 2005. godine od strane Udruženja Q, te o načinu prikaza tema vezanih za LGBT osobe u udžbenicima koji se koriste u srednjim školama u BiH (2010). Na kraju, stavovi učenika_ca u srednjim školama pokazuju visok nivo spremnosti učenika_ca na verbalno i fizičko nasilje prema LGBT osobama (2012). Sve ovo ukazuje na potrebu da država i obrazovne institucije preduzmu odgovarajuće korake ka uklanjanju diskriminacije, te homofobije, bifobije i transfobije u srednjim školama u BiH kroz preduzimanje sljedećih koraka: - usvajanje izmjena i dopuna zakonskih akata koji regulišu oblast obrazovanja u BiH, kojima će seksualna orijentacija i rodni identitet eksplicitno postati zabranjeni osnovi diskriminacije u pogledu ostvarivanja prava na obrazovanje LGBT učenika_ica; - usvajanje i/ili izmjena obrazovnih strategija kojima će se odgovarajući organi obavezati na državnom, entitetskom, kantonalnom nivou, te nivou Brčko distrikta BiH, odnosno obrazovne institucije o uklanjanju netačnih informacija i stereotipa koji utječu na stvaranje i razvoj homofobije, bifobije i transfobije; - revidiranje nastavnih planova i programa u smislu uklanjanja netačnih i stereotipnih predodžbi o LGBT osobama, te otvaranje prostora za izučavanje tema vezanih za LGBT osobe, odnosno tema vezanih za drugačije seksualne orijentacije i rodne identitete. Ovaj prostor se prije svega može otvoriti unutar predmeta kao što su književnost, sociologija, psihologija, filozofija, demokratija i ljudska prava i sl; - revidiranje udžbenika koji sadrže netačne i stereotipne podatke o LGBT osobama, te razvijaju pogrešan stav kod učenika_ica o pitanjima koja su vezana za LGBT osobe; - uključivanje, kako u nastavu, tako i u sve vannastavne oblike tema vezanih za seksualnu orijentaciju i rodni identitet; - senzibiliziranje nastavnika_ca, pedagoga_inja, psihologa_inja i menadžment timova u srednjim školama o temama vezanim za LGBT osobe, te u tom smislu organiziranje do-edukacije kroz koju bi se izgradio LGBT senzitivan pristup; - rad na polju saradnje ministarstava obrazovanja, srednjih škola i pedagoških zavoda i nevladinih organizacija koje se bave LGBT pravima i slobodama; - uključivanje pitanja nasilja u srednjim školama nad LGBT osobama u programe rada ministarstava obrazovanja i unutrašnjih poslova, te usvajanje odgovarajućih izmjena u Krivičnom zakonu Federacije BiH, kojim bi se uveo zločin iz mržnje kao posebno krivično djelo ili kao otežavajuća okolnost pri izvršenju osnovnih oblika krivičnog djela ubistva, teških tjelesnih povreda, lakih tjelesnih povreda i sl; - primijeniti zakonske norme i standarde usvojene na državnom i nižim nivoima o razvoju demokratskog okruženja i poštivanja različitosti u srednjim školama.

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Constitutional changes in Montenegro in the context of the upcoming revision of the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia

Constitutional changes in Montenegro in the context of the upcoming revision of the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia

Ustavne promjene u Crnoj Gori u kontekstu nastupajuće revizije Ustava Republike Srbije

Author(s): Petar Šturanović / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Public law; Constitution; changes; revision; Montenegro; 2013; Republic of Serbia;

The author in his work analyzes the need for revision of the Constitution of Serbia under the influence of the negotiation process with the European Union. He points to the shortcomings of the present Constitution so stylistically and in terms of the core. Comparing the experience of Montenegro, which is in similar circumstances changed its Constitution, the author indicates possible failures and errors. Critically reflects on the specific solutions provided by constitutional amendments in the Constitution of Montenegro, as well as the manner in which the revision was carried. Paid special attention to the constitutional changes relating to appointment procedures of the Supreme State Attorney and the judge of the Constitutional Court, assessing these solutions as experimental and deeply flawed. The need for new constitutional revision in that section is an arguments that the previous solutions were not appropriate. By supporting certain stylistic adjustments provided for under the constitutional changes, as well as solutions that have contributed to the autonomy of the judiciary, the author draws attention to issues that are not be subject to constitutional changes, and where there is a need for it.

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Institution of the Ombudsman in the Republic of Croatia

Institution of the Ombudsman in the Republic of Croatia

Institucija pučkog pravobranitelja u Republici Hrvatskoj

Author(s): Dijana Kesonja / Language(s): Croatian

Keywords: Public law; constitution; Republic of Croatia; ombudsman; institution; human rights; independence; autonomy; evaluation;

The Ombudswoman of the Republic of Croatia as the commissioner of the Croatian Parliament responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights and freedoms and the central equality body for combating discrimination, carries the central role in the field of the protection of human rights in the Republic of Croatia. Institution’s independence and autonomy have been strengthening during the time, following updated legal solutions and organizational improvements. Today it is institution with regional offices over the state, recognized among the citizens for its work in the field of the promotion and protection of human rights and combating discrimination and dealing with the highest number of citizens’ complaints during its 25 years work. However, despite its accreditation with status „A“ according to the Paris Principles, institutions further works on improving and strengthening its' independence in carrying out its mandates and competences.

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Presentation of national minorities in the Republic of Serbia, problems and possible solutions

Presentation of national minorities in the Republic of Serbia, problems and possible solutions

Predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina u Republici Srbiji, problemi i moguća rešenja

Author(s): Đorđe Marković / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Public law; constitution; electoral system; ethnic minorities; representation; Republic of Serbia; national council; national assembly; problems and solutions;

Author observes the problems of representation of national minorities in the Republic of Serbia. Emphasis is placed on the participation of minorities in the National Assembly as well as the nature of their representative mandate. Special attention is paid to the solutions and problems that occur during the work of the national councils of national minorities. The final part discusses the possible directions of electoral reforms concerning the situation of national minorities in elected bodies.

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The staff of the EEAS. An issue for 2013 review?

The staff of the EEAS. An issue for 2013 review?

The staff of the EEAS. An issue for 2013 review?

Author(s): Ryszarda Formuszewicz,Dorota Liszczyk / Language(s): English

Keywords: European External Action Service (EEAS); Catherine Ashton; diplomacy; European Union; High Representative

In the context of the forthcoming review of the European External Action Service, scheduled for 2013, staff issues may well find themselves in the spotlight given their importance for the efficiency of this structure. The current personnel policy and recruitment process – carefully watched by the Member States – have reduced the imbalances in the representation of individual EU members within the EEAS staff, but not eliminated them. The review should, therefore, provide an opportunity to search for further acceptable solutions to compensate existing deficits, so that European diplomacy is equipped with the competencies and skills to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century.

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Social Protection in the Republic of Serbia: The Advantages and Disadvantages of the New Law on Social Protection

Social Protection in the Republic of Serbia: The Advantages and Disadvantages of the New Law on Social Protection

Socijalna zaštita u Republici Srbiji: Prednosti i mane novog zakona o socijalnoj zaštiti

Author(s): Vukašin Nišavić / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Public law; social protection; legislation; new law; evaluation; advantages; drawbacks;

Following delivery of new a Law on Social Protection, we can say that the system of social protection in the Republic of Serbia has been enhanced. The law has improved the position of socially handicaped categories of population, and enabled to have a higher number of persons with social protection and provided an increase of cash amount of material support. According to the Law, the social welfare institutions may be established by other legal and natural persons, which open the opportunity of providing social protection services for the entities that are not established by national or social capital, but only by capital that is in private ownership. This will certainly improve the quality of social protection, because it will create an open market and competition between services shall increase service quality. As for the conditions that must be met in order to obtain the right to some kind of tangible support, a new law introduces a variety of innovations. On the one hand, too restrictive conditions regarding the right on remuneration for assistance and care of another person, provided by regulations on pension and disability insurance have been reduced, which will certainly lead to an increase the number of beneficiaries of the mentioned law. On the other hand, the law provision regulating that person who is incapacitated for work together with application for financial aid must also submit a final court order, judicial settlement or evidence about proceeding before competent court in order to determine the obligation of alimony will certainly lead to a reduction in number of users of this kind of material support. The existing law is expanded by the new law; also certain new rights are introduced making the whole system of social protection more complete. The Country of Serbia has brought closer its social welfare system to European standards, especially in terms of decentralization and the introduction of private capital in the social protection system and has showed that in conditions of economic crisis the State is taking care of the vulnerable layers of population.

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Does Bosnia and Herzegovina need a supreme court?

Does Bosnia and Herzegovina need a supreme court?

Treba li Bosni i Hercegovini vrhovni sud?

Author(s): Nurko Pobrić / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: Public law; constitution; Constitutional Court; Supreme Court; BiH; necessity; VSTV; HJPC;entities; RS; FBiH; EU;

The author emphasizes the work of reason and the current need for a debate on the judicial system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in conjunction with the discussion of the need for the establishment of the Supreme Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper presents outlines of a model of the complex of courts (federal) states. Explained the reasons - why in Bosnia and Herzegovina has not established the Supreme Court. Such an "institutional gap" author sees the shortcomings of the Dayton constitution. Despite these shortcomings, the author's opinion, interpreting the relevant provisions of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Constitution can be found the basis for the decision of the Supreme Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the establishment of the Court. The analogy is receiving appropriate in the Law on Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina in which the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina found that in accordance with the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnia and Herzegovina (which in this respect can not be an exception compared to other states) requires the Supreme Court, because the existence of such a tribunal, as the highest court, ensures the unity of the judicial system, harmonization of court practice, the application of equal rights and equal justice before the law.

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Commission for Displaced Persons and Refugees (CRPC) - legal legacy

Commission for Displaced Persons and Refugees (CRPC) - legal legacy

Komisija za raseljena lica i izbjeglice (CRPC) – pravno nasljeđe

Author(s): Srđan Arnaut / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: Public law; constitution; Constitutional Court; CRPC; Displaced Persons and Refugees; commission; mandate; human rights; BiH;

Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina established state structure clearly indicating what are the competencies of institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina and by the principle of negative competence defined that all that is not under the state responsibility is under the responsibility of entities. However, in accordance with the Article 7 of Dayton Peace Agreement the Commission for Real Property Claims of Displaced Persons and Refugees (CRPC) was established and it used to be an absolute authority in the domain of property return and tenancy rights for displaced persons and refugees, as well as to all those illegally deprived from property during the war period in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Commission did not use to work on the basis of regulations and laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but on the basis of its own regulations. CRPC decisions could not be revised by any institution in Bosnia and Herzegovina. CRPC could only revise its own decision by the appeal of interested party or by the official duty. This Body which had an international character and whose members enjoyed the immunity had limited time of duration of its mandate and during this period they resolved 300.000 requests by which more than 95% of deprived or occupied property was returned. When the mandate of CRPC ceased, all unsolved requests were passed to entities in accordance with entity laws and they continued to be resolved in accordance with the entity regulations. After the casement of CRPC, 700 appeals on which objections were given in a due time by interested parties, remained unsolved, but due to the undisputed decisions of CRPC and prohibition of their revision no one could decide on them.

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Analysis of the Institute of Minimum Wages in Croatia and other European Union countries

Analysis of the Institute of Minimum Wages in Croatia and other European Union countries

Analiza instituta minimalne plaće u Hrvatskoj i drugim zemljama Europske unije

Author(s): Nataša Novaković / Language(s): Croatian

Keywords: Public law; legislation; wage; minimum wages; EU countries; Republic of Croatia; comparison;

The paper aims to give review of mechanisms for setting up minimum wages in EU countries and to compare it with Croatian mechanism. The author tried to illustrate how minimum wage levels vary considerably across EU member states. In Croatia, we had three methods of setting up minimum wages in last five years so it is interesting to see what we have achieved (if) with this reforms. Statutory minimum wages imply both benefits and costs. They can play a role in preventing wages from falling beyond socially unacceptable levels. They can also serve to improve incentives to take up work. But if they give rise to large disemployment effects their costs may outweigh the benefits. Their effectiveness in bolstering incomes of low paid workers will also depend on their interactions with other policies designed to support law income households. It appears that government in Croatia has no clear position on the future of the minimum wage. The government initiates and facilitates negotiations between social partners and would most likely accept any agreement as long as it does not include direct costs for the government budget. The government may have some motivation to support a higher minimum wage for tax collection purposes. The practice of envelope payments is widespread and that means that many more workers falsely declare the minimum wage as their total income than they should. In such cases, an increase in the minimum wage would not affect employment but only increase tax revenues. However, any increase in the minimum wage level would also increase costs of unemployment benefits and as a result the government position is likely to be neutral on cost grounds. Last example – law on minimum wages in Germany showed that this will be pretty important subject in European Union, especially now when infringement procedure is activated.

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Reform of the right to old-age pension in Serbia: between the budget deficit hammer and the anvil of social justice

Reform of the right to old-age pension in Serbia: between the budget deficit hammer and the anvil of social justice

Reforma prava na starosnu penziju u Srbiji: između čekića budžetskog deficita i nakovnja socijalne pravde

Author(s): Filip Bojić / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Public law; constitution; Constitutional Court; Law on Pension and Disability Insurance; amendment; budget; pension system; Republic of Serbia;

The National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia adopted in July 2014 the amendments to the Law on Pension and Disability Insurance of the Republic of Serbia in urgent procedure, without prior public debate and participation of the social partners. This paper aims to highlight the importance of adopting laws in the field of labor and social legislation with the participation of the social partners, in accordance with the principle of tripartism. In addition to a comprehensive analysis of the pension system of the Republic of Serbia since the reforms and the adoption of the law in 2003, until the last amendment of the Law, the Author of the work gives his critical vision of the newly adopted amendments to the Law, with special emphasis on the institute of early age retirement pensions and the institute of special insurance service. This paper examines in detail the new conditions for entitlement to age pension, and the conditions for early retirement. Starting from the comparative analysis of similar institutes in the region, the author takes equidistance between the existing and potential future solutions, emphasizing caution in further legal regulation of this institute.

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The Separation of Powers in the Serbian Constitutional System: Possibility of Balance

The Separation of Powers in the Serbian Constitutional System: Possibility of Balance

Podela vlasti u ustavnom sistemu Srbije: mogućnost ravnoteže

Author(s): Irena Pejić / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Separation of Powers; Serbian Constitutional System; principle of trichotomous separation of powers; legislative and executive branch of government;

The main goal of this paper is to show how the framers of the Constitution can elaborate the basic core of parliamentarism in different varieties in order to achieve the objectives of balance in the system of separation of powers. There is a wide range of acceptable theoretical possibilities and solutions, but one should not ignore the non-legal factors which have significant impact on the constitutional authorities and the expected or assumed objectives of their public functions. The principle of trichotomous separation of powers, its balance and mutual relations between the authorities are being developed under the influence of the political game rules, at a given time and within the framework of the current constitutional system. These issues constitute the connective tissue of the organizational and functional scheme of the separation of powers. Due to the different conditions underlying the frame for developing this constitutional principle and many controversies encountered in practice, there is a need in new democracies to reconsider the classical theory of separation of powers. In that context, the author analyzes the relations between political authorities in the legislative and executive branch of government, in light of the normative framework provided by the Constitution of Serbia (2006). The analysis of the constitutional arrangements is accompanied by proposals for amending and potentially establishing a new system of separation of powers.

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WEEK - Issue 056. Thursday July 10, 2003
4.50 €

WEEK - Issue 056. Thursday July 10, 2003

JÁVA - Numri 056. e ejte 10 korrik 2003

Author(s): Ramush Tahiri,Petrit Selimi,Ragip Luta,Femi Cakolli,Robert Elsie,Gani Jakupi,Jelena Bjelica / Language(s): Albanian

Keywords: Kosovo 2003;Mother Tereza;

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WEEK - Issue 066. Thursday October 2, 2003
4.50 €

WEEK - Issue 066. Thursday October 2, 2003

JÁVA - Numri 066. e ejte 2 tetor 2003

Author(s): Ramush Tahiri,Artan Muhaxhiri,Artur Korriku,Dejan Anastasijević,Valentin Batalaku,Chris Hughes,Petrit Selimi,Gjeneza Budima / Language(s): Albanian

Keywords: Kosovo 2003;Adem Demaçi;Anton Çefa;

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Feminist movement builders’ dictionary
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Feminist movement builders’ dictionary

„Feministički rječnik"

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: Feminism; Identity and diversity; Feminist dictionary; Equality; Gender studies; Sexism; Sexuality;

Mnogi aktivisti/kinje i učenjaci/kinje dijele mišljenjeda se susrećemo sa „krizom diskursa“ u kontekstu građanskih akcija od lokalnog ka globalnom. Riječi,koje su nekada označavale radikalne vizije društvene promjene su usvojene od strane moćnijih grupa kojeih lišavaju njihovih originalnih značenja i politika. Primjerice, kada Svjetska banka odluči koristiti pojmove poput „osnaživanje“ i „participacija civilno gdruštva“, ti pojmovi poprime znatno drugačiji kontekst od onog u kojem se nalaze kada ih koriste aktivističke grupe. Budući da feministički/e aktivisti/kinje i graditelji/ce pokreta zavise od političkog značenja riječi, mi u JASS-u smo odlučili/e da stvorimo i patentiramo sopstvene definicije.

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DCFTA implementation in the Transnistrian region: progress or just rhetoric?
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DCFTA implementation in the Transnistrian region: progress or just rhetoric?

Implementarea ZLSAC în regiunea Transnistreană: progres sau doar retorică?

Author(s): Valentin Lozovanu / Language(s): Romanian

Keywords: DCFTA; regional cooperation; Transnistria-conflict;

In all probability, Chisinau's strategy was to gradually integrate the Transnistrian economy into a single economic and legal space by signing and implementing AA56. At the same time, Tiraspol, which obstructed the negotiations in the working groups by delegating a single person (lower rank), tried to extend the PCA to postpone the application of DCFTA and obtain unilateral concessions from the EU and the Chisinau authorities. . The EU avoided a crisis in the wake of the withdrawal of trade preferences for exports from the Transnistrian region in order not to antagonize Russia7 and to maintain the instrument of soft power by intensifying economic ties on both banks of the Dniester, involving the region's business and civil society. However, in view of the fact that the authorities in the region will not agree to apply the commitments agreed in the roadmap for the two-year period (or will do so incompletely, avoiding more sensitive areas for the EU) both Moldova, which has committed itself to apply the provisions throughout its territory (but which does not have the possibility to exercise regular control8), as well as the EU will be in a difficult situation. Chisinau began applying customs controls at its borders in 2006 to check goods that are imported and exported from / to the Transnistrian region and thereby, indirectly, ensures the adoption of rules of origin in areas it does not control. 9 However, even if customs control is exercised at the border and unofficially and limited to certain undertakings in the region, these arrangements cannot ensure comprehensive monitoring at all stages of rules of origin and quality standards (sanitary and phytosanitary). in the technological process of production10. Moreover, there are a number of other measures related to the harmonization of the legislative and policy framework with that of the EU (part of the conditions in the roadmap) in terms of competition, intellectual property rights, procurement, customs administration, etc. whose implementation does not depend on the private sector but on the activity of the institutions. One year after the decision, it remains unclear both the progress of implementing these requirements in the Transnistrian region (to maintain the possibility of exporting to the EU) and the prospects of this compromise as Chisinau and Tiraspol look in different directions (EU and EUE). -a complicated regional economic context.

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The Voice of the Minorities. 1938-01+02
4.50 €

The Voice of the Minorities. 1938-01+02

Glasul Minorităţilor. La Voix des Minorités. Die Stimme der Minderheiten. 1938-01+02

Author(s): / Language(s): Romanian,German

please find in the » Introduction.pdf « a complete Table of Content for all annual issues of 1938

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Are municipalities in Montenegro fighting against corruption and how?
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Are municipalities in Montenegro fighting against corruption and how?

A luftojnë komunat në mal të zi kundër korrupsionit dhe si?

Author(s): Ana Nenezić / Language(s): Albanian

Keywords: Montenegro; governance; municipalities; corruption; transparency;

Raporti A luftojnë komunat në mal të zi kundër korrupsionit dhe si? jep përmbledhjen e rezultateve të vetëqeverisjeve vendore në zbatimin e mekanizmave për parandalimin dhe luftën kundër korrupsionit në nivel lokal në Mal të Zi gjatë vitit 2017 dhe në gjysmën e parë të vitit 2018. Në këtë kontekst, raporti përbenë informata të reja për zbatimin e masave dhe aktiviteteve të përcaktuara me një sërë dokumentesh strategjike. Përmbledhjen e parë të zbatimit të tyre e kemi bërë në raportin paraprak, Mendo lokalisht – vepro lokalisht, i cili mbuloi periudhën deri në vitin 2016. Periudhën e analizuar raportuese e karakterizoi plogështia e administratave vendore ndaj obligimeve të marra përsipër dhe të definuar me dokumentet kombëtare, si dhe mungesa e iniciativës për aktivitetet e menduara vet. Aktivitetet e nivelit qendror për vendosjen e kornizës institucionale dhe normative antikorruptive nuk nxitën nivelin vendor të pushtetit në pjesën e zbatimit të politikave dhe mekanizmave adekuate antikorruptive në nivel lokal. Prandaj nuk befason fakti që vetëqeverisjet vendore në Mal të Zi, në dy vitet e fundit (2016 dhe 2017) nuk kanë raste të denoncimit të korrupsionit, duke marr parasysh se shumica e tyra akoma nuk i miratoi planet lokale të veprimit për luftë kundër korrupsionit për vitin 2017 - 2018, që nuk kanë përgatitur udhëzimet e brendshme për evidentimin e denoncimit të korrupsionit brenda institucioneve dhe veprimit në bazë të denoncimeve, e që ishin të obliguar ta bëjnë sipas planeve të integritetit. Po ashtu, sipas eksperiencave të drejtpërdrejta të hulumtuesve në terren, vetëqeverisjet vendore nuk i kanë të përcaktuar sistemet dhe procedurat e qarta për denoncimin e korrupsionit nga ana e qytetarëve/eve, që tregon se sistemi nuk është funksional. Obligimet e marra përsipër në kuadër të negociatave anëtarësuese në Bashkimin Evropian, sidomos përmes kapitullit 23 (Gjyqësori dhe të drejtat themelore), nuk plotësohen, ndërsa për to vazhdon raportimi i jo precizë, që shkakton brengosje shtesë. Në raportin e Komisionit Evropian për vitin 2018 shkruan: “Plani i Veprimit i Malit të Zi për kapitullin 23 përfshinë elementet bazë të reformave gjithëpërfshirëse në fushën e parandalimit të korrupsionit dhe luftës kundër korrupsionit. Atë e plotëson “Dokumenti operativ”, i miratuar në vitin 2016, në të cilin përcaktohen masat shtesë për parandalimin e korrupsionit në fusha të caktuara, të cilët janë në veçanti të ndjeshëm ndaj korrupsionit, siç janë prokurimet publike, privatizimet, planifikimi hapësinor, arsimi, mbrojtja shëndetësore, vetëqeverisja vendore dhe policia. Mirëpo, ndikimi i këtyre masave vazhdon të jetë i kufizuar dhe Mali i Zi duhet të zhvillojë plane më të efektshme për parandalimin e korrupsionit të cilët do të jenë të lidhur konkretisht me sektorët individual”. Të ngjashëm ishin edhe rekomandimet e mëparshme të Komisionit Evropian, por siç duket pa ndikim sepse planet lokale të veprimit për luftë kundër korrupsionit nuk janë miratuar në shumicën e komunave malazeze, gjersa qasja ndaj planeve të integritetit është tërësisht formaliste. Mungesa e përcaktimit të sistemit të kompetencave mbetet problem dhe është shumë vështirë të përcillet realizimi i dokumenteve antikorruptive në nivel lokal për shkak të mungesës së raportit për realizim. Parakusht i luftës së suksesshme kundër korrupsionit është korniza legjislative dhe institucionale funksionale antikorruptive, si dhe zbatimi i vazhdueshëm, konsistent dhe i cilësor i dokumenteve strategjike. Prandaj, arsyen e mungesës së rezultateve duhet kërkuar pikërisht në jo-efikasitetin e sistemit të vendosur, por edhe në qasjen e zgjedhur formaliste ndaj kësaj çështje nga ana e institucioneve kompetente në nivel kombëtar dhe lokal. Rezultatet e vetëqeverisjeve lokale në parandalimin dhe luftën kundër korrupsionit, në periudhën e analizuar raportuese, pothuajse nuk ekzistojnë dhe pikërisht pasqyrojnë këtë qasje të papranueshme. Raporti mbulon periudhën prej janarit të vitit 2017 deri në shtator të vitit 2018 dhe përfshinë 23 vetëqeverisje lokale në Mal të Zi. Fokusi u vendos në dy mekanizma kyç dhe efektet e zbatimit të tyre – planin lokal të veprimit për luftë kundër korrupsionit në nivel lokal dhe planin e integritetit. U dha pasqyrimi i masave të (pa)realizuara për periudhën e përmendur, përmes analizës së raporteve ekzistuese të dorëzuara nga ana e institucioneve kompetente në nivel kombëtar dhe lokal, por edhe përmes hulumtimit duke shfrytëzuar dispozitat e Ligjit për qasje të lirë në informata. Përveç kësaj, sistemi u testua edhe me zbatimin e metodës “blerësi sekret” (ang. Mystery shopper), ndërsa rezultatet kanë vërtetuar gjetjet e fituara me analizën e dokumenteve kyçe antikorrupitive.

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