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Hegemony of Anti-Anti-Fascism : Legalization of National anti-Fascism

Legalizovanje nacionalnog antifašizma

Author(s): Todor Kuljić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 097-098/2006

Keywords: anti-fascism; legalization;

Anti-Fascism, anti-Communism, anti-Capitalism and anti-Totalitarianism, ideological patterns which shaped up sociological thinking in the 20th century, are still active. As historical experience which shaped up those patterns grows more distant, the scope of their ideological use seems to be expanding. That anti-Fascism is a good example of the foregoing is is best proved by its diverse emphasis and also by its denial, that is, anti-Fascism. The term anti-anti-Fascism in the positive sense was for the first time used by the German extreme right-wing group \"Europe nation\" in 1972. They defined anti-Fascism as a political repression and peace movements as enemies of the nation. Currently in Germany, the expression \"Anti-antifa\" is a hallmark for neo-Nazis who collect data on the anti-Fascist activists to fight against them by violent means. Those data are thereafter published on \"black lists\" of the \"right-wing front\". Slogans like, \"Who is anti-Fascist is also a communist\", and \"Anti-Fascism is Marxism in disgusie\", serve to suppress anti-Fascism from public debates. However the notion of anti-anti-fascism has also a negative value version, which tries to justify or relativise fascism, and is present in various segments of society, ranging from scientific realm to the militant, street neo-Nazis. (1). In a chaotic ideological transition in the Western Balkans, in the past 15 years, anti-anti Fascist culture of remembrance has become hegemonious.It is important to note that it rests on a strong alteration of ideological-political premises: anti-totalitarianism has suppressed anti-Capitalism, anti-Fascism was nationalized, and anti-anti-Socialism has disappeared. By quoting randomly the number of victims of the Communist violence, the history of socialism is written by a pocket calculator. Thus the new culture of remembrance has opened the door to rehabilitation of various Quislings. On the other hand, emergence of strong national feelings among the local warring sides from the WW2, unfolds in the sign of anti-Yugoslovenism. To put it briefly anti-anti-Fascism relativizes crimes of Fascists, rehabilitates Quislings, and revalues anew victism and executioners. However, one should admit that in the right are also those who warn that criticism of anti-Fascism emerges as a response to overideologized function of anti-Fascism in Socialism and on omissions made by the socialist history. Communist anti-Fascism had a more important role in immunization of socialism from criticism. However, restoration of chauvinism and religion may be only partly interpreted by saturation with decreed communist anti-Fascism...

THE STRANGE SILENCE. WHY WERE THERE NO MONUMENTS FOR MUSLIM CIVILIANS KILLED IN BOSNIA DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR?

ČUDNA ŠUTNJA. ZAŠTO NEMA SPOMENIKA ZA MUSLIMANSKE CIVILNE ŽRTVE UBIJENE U BOSNI U DRUGOM SVJETSKOM RATU?

Author(s): Max Bergholz / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 08/2011

Keywords: Bosnia-Herzegovina; Kulen Vakuf; silence; Muslims; insurgents; monuments; mass killing

Newly available documentation from the State Archive of Bosnia-Herzegovina indicates that the majority of sites where Muslim civilians were killed during the Second World War remained unmarked as late as the mid-1980s. The existing scholarship, most of which argues that Yugoslavia’s communist regime sought to “de-ethnicize” the remembrance of all of the interethnic violence of the war, has failed to notice and explain this apparent bias against Muslim civilian war victims. This article seeks to answer the question of why so many sites in Bosnia-Herzegovina where Muslim civilians were killed remained unmarked after the war. It does so through the reconstruction and analysis of the wartime and postwar history of Kulen Vakuf, a small town located in northwestern Bosnia. The analysis of the dynamics of mass killing in the region reveals that the communist-led Partisan movement absorbed large numbers of Serb insurgents who had murdered Muslims earlier in the war. The transformation of the perpetrators of the massacres into Partisans created a postwar context in which the authorities, to avoid implicating insurgents-turned-Partisans as war criminals, and the Muslim survivors, out of fear of retribution and a desire to move on, agreed to stay silent about the killings. The end result was the absence of monuments for the victims.

THE METAMORPHOSIS OF HOLIDAYS: THE MARKING OF THE FIRST SESSION OF ZAVNOBiH (1983-1988-1993)

METAMORFOZE PRAZNIKA: OBILJEŽAVANJE PRVOG ZASJEDANJA ZAVNOBIH-a (1983 - 1988 - 1993)

Author(s): Edin Omerčić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 12/2013

Keywords: Regional Anti-Fascist Council for the People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina; The Day of the Republic; Statehood Holiday; Oslobođenje; Anniversary; Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; antifascism

Through the writing of Sarajevo’s newspaper Oslobođenje the author compared the mode of celebration of a statehood holiday in Bosnia and Herzegovina. As a case study he took the celebration of the 25th of November during the three years: in 1983, 1988 and 1993 (40th, 45th and the 50th jubilee anniversary). On that date during the Second World War in 1943 the Regional Anti-Fascist Council for the People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ZAVNOBiH) took place in Mrkonjić Grad (Varcar Vakuf). The purpose of this paper is to perceive the mode of celebrating the 25th of November and to show the changes which the ceremony of celebration went through in the different political circumstances, from 1983, after Tito’s death, across the years of crises and the breakdown of Yugoslavia, until the year of 1993, in which the war was raging all over Bosnia and Herzegovina. Among those years the writing of Oslobođenje newspaper lost the Marxist-Communists form and contents. Socialistic discourse was kept. Trough all those years the form of celebration had an anti-fascist character which is particularly emphasized during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995.

The Chronicles of the Sunday Promenade

Kronika nedjeljne šetnje

Author(s): Irena Lukšić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 4/2007

A book without a concept

Knjiga bez koncepcije

Author(s): Venceslav Glišić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2004

Students from Kosovo and Metohija in Belgrade in 1962

Studenti sa Kosova i Metohije u Beogradu 1962. godine

Author(s): Dragomir Bondžić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2007

Keywords: students; Kosovo and Metohija; Belgrade; Bel­gra­de Uni­ver­sity;

In the Spring of 1962 the Uni­ver­sity Com­mit­tee of the Le­a­gue of Com­mu­nists of the Bel­gra­de Uni­ver­sity and the Com­mit­tee of the Le­a­gue of Com­mu­nists of the hig­her scho­ols in Bel­gra­de con­duc­ted a sur­vey among the stu­dents form Ko­so­vo and Me­to­hi­ja. Be­si­des the ge­ne­ral in­for­ma­tion on the year an pla­ce o birth, on the re­si­ding pla­ce and na­ti­o­na­lity, the qu­e­sti­on­na­i­re re­qu­e­sted in­for­ma­tion on the fa­culty, gro­up, year of study, gra­du­a­tion plans, ways of sup­port, mem­ber­ship in the Le­a­gue of Com­mu­nists and in the Stu­dents al­li­an­ce as well as the so­cio-po­li­ti­cal ac­ti­vity du­ring the stu­di­es. Qu­e­sti­on­na­i­re was fil­led by 328 stu­dents from 17 fa­cul­ti­es, 5 hig­her scho­ols and 2 aca­de­mi­es, mostly men (84,1%) from en­ti­re re­gion of Ko­so­vo and Me­to­hi­ja, pre­do­mi­nantly from big­ger ci­ti­es and the­ir sur­ro­un­dings. The ma­jo­rity of the stu­dents we­re from the Fa­culty of Law (27), Sto­ma­to­logy (25), Tec­hni­que (22), Mi­ning and Ge­o­logy (21), Ci­vil En­gi­ne­e­ring and Mat­he­ma­tics (20) and Eco­nomy (19). The gre­at ma­jo­rity (c.80%) was at­ten­ding the first three years, the mi­no­rity was ap­pro­ac­hing the end of the­ir stu­di­es, and the­re we­re only 19 gra­du­a­tes. Over 80% of the stu­dents we­re bet­we­en 19 and 26 years old, and the rest we­re the ol­der stu­dents who eit­her to­ok the­ir ti­me or star­ted the­ir stu­di­es la­ter. Ac­cor­ding to the na­ti­o­nal bre­ak­down, the­re we­re 45.7% Serbs, 23.1% Mon­te­ne­grins, 24.1% Al­ba­ni­ans, 4.3% was the rest and 2.7% was un­de­ci­ded. Mo­re than half of the stu­dents (53.6%) we­re in the Le­a­gue of Com­mu­nists, and many we­re ac­ti­ve in pro­fes­si­o­nal, spor­ting, so­cial and cul­tu­ral as­so­ci­a­ti­ons and clubs. Mo­re than half of the stu­dents of all na­ti­o­na­li­ti­es to­ok part in fe­de­ral wor­king ac­ti­ons. Al­most 60% of the stu­dents we­re re­ci­pi­ents of scho­lar­ships from the lo­cal aut­ho­ri­ti­es or com­pa­ni­es, whi­le the rest we­re sup­por­ted by the­ir pa­rents or we­re re­ce­i­ving so­me sort of aid. Al­most 90% of the re­ci­pi­ents of scho­lar­ships we­re men, and 56.4% we­re the mem­bers of the Le­a­gue of Com­mu­nists. Ac­cor­ding to the na­ti­o­na­li­ti­es bre­ak­down, 54.7% Ser­bian stu­dents, 47.4% of Mon­te­ne­grin stu­dents and 83.5% of Al­ba­nian stu­dents we­re on the sti­pend.

Rebellion of Serbs in Pakrac municipality 1990-1991

Srpska pobuna u općini Pakrac 1990.-1991.: uzroci, nositelji i tijek

Author(s): Ivica Miškulin / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 11/2011

Keywords: Pakrac; Western Slavonia; Serb Democratic Party; Serb armed rebellion; Croatian War of Independence

Based on the accessible archival and journalistic sources as well as relevant book references, the author analyses origination and actions of the major leaders of Serbian political and armed rebellion in the territory of former Pakrac municipality. The local organisation of the Serb Democratic Party (Srpska demokratska stranka, SDS) had the central part in the rebellion. Its political propaganda led to the national homogenisation of local Serb population, which was armed in cooperation with the Yugoslav National Army (JNA). These two factors fulfilled the political and organisational conditions for rising up against the constitutional order of the Republic of Croatia. The paper analyses the actions of Serb rebel groups before the beginning of the open aggression, i.e. the attack on Pakrac. The Serbian rebellion in Croatia in the beginning of the 1990ies had several aspects, the most important of which were the political, the institutional and the military. Depending on ethnic, political and geographical characteristics of a certain area where the rebellion took place, the mentioned aspects of rebellion had different manifestations and extent. The central instigators of the rebellion were the Serb Democratic Party and, later on, the Yugoslav National Army and armed groups connected to it. The Pakrac unicipality suffered all three most important aspects of the rebellion. From the political perspective, the local branch of the Serb Democratic Party managed to start the rebellion by homogenising the Serb population based on the unfounded assumption of their existential endangerment by the newly-formed Croatian government, which was identified with the Ustaše movement from the World War II. This propaganda success determined the later sequence of events – after that, it was easy to convince the same population that they will not enjoy civil rights within any future Croatian constitutional framework. With regard to institutions, the local branch of the Serb Democratic Party executed the rebellion in two basic respects. First of all, they managed to win the majority in the local governmental bodies which, more and more openly as time went by, denied the rule of Croatian state government. The municipality of Pakrac, i.e. its municipal assembly and the executive council, openly confronted all decisions made by the government in Zagreb. Another form of institutional rebellion consisted of creating the Serb political autonomy, through the illegal widening of the municipality of Pakrac (by annexing some local communities of the surrounding municipalities or the entire neighbouring municipalities). The widened municipality of Pakrac was an integral part of the self-proclaimed Serb autonomous region in Croatia. The Serb armed rebellion was the only logical step following the earlier form of rebellion.

Biography and bibliography of Omer Hamzić

Biografija i bibliografija Omera Hamzića

Author(s): Rusmir Djedović / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 20/2005

OMER HAMZIĆ (sin Omera i Fatime), profesor jugoslavenskih književnosti, magistar društvenih nauka iz područja historije, esejist, novinar, rođen 7. 10. 1950. godine u Malešićima, općina Gračanica, osnovnu školu i gimnaziju završio u Gračanici, Pedagošku akademiju u Tuzli, Filološki fakultet u Beogradu, postdiplomski studij iz historije na Filozofskom fakultetu u Tuzli, oženjen je i ima jedno dijete.

REVIEW AND USE OF FONDS OF SOCIOPOLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS FROM THE ERA OF SOCIALISM IN THE ARCHIVE OF TUZLA CANTON

PREGLED I KORIŠTENJE FONDOVA DRUŠTVENO-POLITIČKIH ORGANIZACIJA SOCIJALISTIČKOG PERIODA U ARHIVU TUZLANSKOG KANTONA

Author(s): Hatidža Fetahagić,Selma Isić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian / Issue: 47/2017

Keywords: Archival fonds and collections; socio-political organizations;state; structure, use of materials;

The Archive of Tuzla Canton owns 34 fonds pertaining to the work and activities of socio-political organizations of the socialist period and two union funds. All these fonds were acquired before 1990 and all except one trade union fond was archivistically processed. Due to the situation in which these fonds were acquired (unbroken and in bulk), the processing of these fonds was made difficult. As a result, there was a need to revise the above fonds, which was done in the period from 2012 to 2017, when auditing 33 of the 34 fonds of this group was carried out, with the note being the last revision. Today, 30 inventories of social-political organizations can be found on the Archive’s website. Analyzing the use of these fonds found that only 15 researchers used these fonds between 2012 and 2016, which is relatively small. It is interesting to note that users who dealt with topics from the socialist period and used the materials of socio-political organizations did not use the material of intermunicipial conferences, although there may be reports or other documents that the municipal conferences did not preserve. Archivists have the obligation to provide researchers with help where the topic permits, as researchers sometimes do not orient themselves well in the research process, and sometimes they avoid some relevant archival material. Archivists worry about the uncertainty of records of socialist socio-political organization ist that has not been transferred to the Archive yet. The External Service is now following the state of the matter, which has largely remained with the Social Democratic Party committees, as well as the grassroots organizations. Since this is a very interesting type of material in the future, special attention needs to be directed and create good assumptions for digitization and microfilming of these funds, as well as adequate monitoring of the background of socio-political organizations created after 1990.

“Gornja Lohinja is liberated, Gornja Lohinja has fallen, Gornja Lohinja is...

“Gornja Lohinja je oslobođena, Gornja Lohinja je pala, Gornja Lohinja je...”

Author(s): Faruk Delić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 44/2017

Keywords: Gornja Lohinja; Gračanica; war on Bosnia and Herzegovina; 1992; negotiations; disarmament; emigration;

As one of direct participants, the author of this paper speaks of the summer of 1992 and the situation when the war-time leadership of the municipality of Gračanica conducted long and toilsome negotiations with the Serbian population in the village of Gornje Lohinje about the surrender of illegal military weapons and recognizing the authorities of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Nevertheless, the inhabitants of Gornje Lohinje decided to relocate to Ozren, the territory fully controlled by the Serbian aggressor. Along with the author’s memories, the paper presents a copy of original lists of displaced inhabitants of Gornje Lohinje that the author made on the spot.

The Defensive-Protective Self-Organization of the Working People and Citizens in the Local Community

Obrambeno-zaštitna samoorganizacija radnih ljudi i građana u mjesnoj zajednici

Author(s): Božidar Javorović / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 04/1987

Keywords: Self-Organization; Working People; Citizens; Local Community;

The constituting and internal organizing of a local community involves arrangements for total national defence and social self-protection. For this to function all the relationships based on socialist self-management ought to be fully developed. The basic human forces that make up of the system, and in particular the people associated within the Socialist Alliance of the Working People can be still more completely engaged in this task. The local community's role in defence and protection will be the more effective the more fully the working people and citizens «nil participate in the decision-making concerning total national defence and social self-protection.

Bibliography

Bibliografija

Author(s): Sonja Dvoržak / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 01+02/1985

Keywords: Bibliography;

Izbor iz prinova knjiga Biblioteke Fakulteta političkih nauka u Zagrebu 1984.

The role of society in training young people for the national defense

Uloga društva u osposobljavanju mladih za općenarodnu obranu

Author(s): Mladen Komorski / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 04/1978

Keywords: role of society; training; young people; national defense;

Poslije donošenja novog Ustava SFR Jugoslavije u posljednje tri do četiri godine postavljanje i razrada sistema odgoja i obrazovanja omladine za izvršavanje zadataka u općenarodnoj obrani bili su težišna obaveza većeg broja organa, organizacija i zajednica koje se bave problematikom odgoja i obrazovanja mlade generacije iz obrane i zaštite.

Civil Population in the Areas of Daruvar and Grubišno Polje in the Wartime Events 1990–1991

Civilno stanovništvo daruvarskog i grubišnopoljskog područja u zbivanjima 1990. - 1991. godine

Author(s): Vjenceslav Herout / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 8/2014

Keywords: Daruvar; Grubišno Polje; civil population; political parties; rebel Serbs; terrorism; victims; humanitarian actions;

The civil population in the Daruvar and Grubišno Polje areas shared in 1990 and 1991 all the wartime sufferings that other parts of Croatia were struck by as well. In this area, civilian victims outnumbered the ones who actively participated in wartime actions within military and police units. The events that marked the year of 1990 and the first half of 1991 should be regarded as political; therefore, they belong to the civil sector. The military component should be set in the background, especially after the arms belonging to the territorial defence were, mid 1990, stored in the Polom arsenal near Daruvar. This was, however, only a deceit; soon the civil population of Serbian nationality began to arm itself, and thereby commenced the realisation of the well-prepared military scenario regarding the fate of these areas. Political battles that started by forming new non-communist parties, which entered into a conflict in connection – to the most part – with the reorganisation of the state, marked this period. The Serbian Democratic Party and the majority of Serbian population in the areas of Daruvar and Grubišno Polje were followers of the policy of centralism, and later, of the expansion of Serbia, which Milošević advocated. The rest of the population expressed their opinion at the referendum conducted in May 1991; the choice for the future was – for the vast majority – Croatian independence and sovereignty. Though harsh words had been used for some time in political battles, this remained within tolerable limits. In both municipalities, the Social Democratic Party held the power in its hands, caring more about how to lower the political tensions in the areas, and believing that most problems would be solved at the state level and subsequently stilled. Due to such an atmosphere, civil population was confused, finding it hard to cope in the midst of the political turmoil. Not being used to living in a multi-party system, the majority did not enter the membership of any of the parties. This, however, does not mean that they did not prefer one to the others. Such events ceased when arms took over the place of the table in tackling political issues. Even if killing three police officers in Daruvar in July 1991 was intended to be presented as an act of terrorism, which was condemned by all parties, the attacks on Daruvar and Grubišno Polje in the second half of August 1991 completely disclosed the welldeveloped Belgrade scenario intended for these areas. In the Daruvar and Grubišno Polje municipalities, the unarmed civilians contributed immensely in performing numerous tasks during wartime operations, and were thus a major support to Croatian defenders. Among them, there were many educational and health workers, peasants, as well as men and women who provided food and clothing to the defenders. Civilian victims and contribution have so far remained inadequately valorised.

The importance of public libraries in the processes of emancipation and empowerment of women, as exemplified by the work of Muslim public library in Mostar between 1936 and 1941

Značaj narodnih biblioteka u procesima emancipacije i osnaživanja žena na primjeru rada Muslimanske narodne biblioteke u Mostaru u periodu od 1936. do 1941. godine

Author(s): Ajla Demiragić,Arijana Bajrić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 24/2019

Keywords: public libraries; Muslim Public Library in Mostar; analphabetic courses; emancipation of women;

In the first half of the 20th century, it was precisely the public libraries and reading rooms that have played an extremely important role in the processes of promoting progressive ideas and educating wide sections of society. Through their work these libraries have contributed to creating preconditions for the entire social and cultural transformation of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s society. Among other things, public libraries have been important actors in the processes of women’s empowerment, emancipation and education, and their reading rooms were often the only public space for sharing experiences and participating in socially beneficial activities. This paper presents activities that took place within the Muslim Public Library in Mostar from 1936 to 1941, enabling women not only to complete analphabetic courses but also to participate in the training and education of other women. Their engagement in the library has led many of them to become members of the anti-fascist resistance movement during the war and actively participate in the processes of post-war reconstruction and the building of a modern society of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Hot Dalmatian July 1989

Vreli dalmatinski srpanj 1989.

Author(s): Dragan Popović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2021

Keywords: nationalism; Yugoslavia; Serbia; Croatia; Dalmatia; Kosovo; antibureaucratic revolution; interethnic incidents;

The paper analyzes the events in July 1989 in Dalmatia, which had a great impact on Serbo-Croatian relations (and consequently on the whole of Yugoslavia). The paper will show how the following can be clearly seen in just one month: the directions of development of the Yugoslav crisis, the chain reaction caused by the explosion of Serbian nationalism in the late 1980s, the collapse of the so-called Croatian silence and changes in the editorial policy of an important regional newspaper – Slobodna Dalmacija. That month, after the continuation of the Gazimestan rally in Dalmatian Kosovo, Dalmatia will become the scene of dozens of incidents on a national basis that will be used by Serb and Croatian nationalists to construct the spiral of hatred and win or consolidate the power in both republics. The protagonists of the compromised policy, sometimes also called the Croatian silence were quickly marginalised and then removed from the political scene, and a special session of the LCY Central Committee dedicated to national relations, held at the end of the same month, symbolically marked the end of the illusion that the federal party has enough power, ability and even willingness to stand in the way of flared nationalism. The scene for the violent 1990s was then fully set.

The Conception of Total People’s Defence and Social Self-Protection: The Militarism of Self-Governing Socialism

Koncepcija općenarodne obrane i društvene samozaštite – militarizam samoupravnoga socijalizma

Author(s): Davor Marijan / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 3/2021

Keywords: Yugoslavia; Croatia; League of Communists; defence; security; militarism;

The conception of total people’s defence and social self-protection, as the Yugoslav defence-protection system was called, began to be implemented after the Warsaw Pact countries’ invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Yugoslav communists believed that this sudden and successful aggression could be effectively opposed only through the organised engagement of all available societal potentials, based on its revolutionary experience and reflections on Marxist classics regarding arming the populace. This was the beginning of a conception of defence that visibly burdened the society, increased the already large military budget, and prompted the militarisation of society. Although the security of society, called social self-protection, was discussed at the same time as defence, the true impetus for its theoretical and practical formation was the infiltration of the paramilitary cell Feniks (Phoenix) into Yugoslavia in summer 1972. In contrast to total people’s defence, whose implementation was considered successful, the implementation of social self-protection ran into numerous problems because security was from 1945 to 1966 exclusively the responsibility of the security service, and therefore difficult to accept in other social structures. For this reason, on several occasions the League of Communists initiated its acceptance on all levels of organisation in party and social-political structures. A relatively efficient fusion of these two protective complexes was achieved only in 1979, after the founding of committees for total people’s defence and social self-protection, which were supposed to secure the leading role of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the defence-security system.

ignificance and character of military operations in the July uprising of 1941

ZNAČAJ I KARAKTER VOJNIH OPERACIJA U JULSKOM USTANKU 1941. GODINE

Author(s): Srđa Martinović / Language(s): Slavic (Other) / Issue: 1-2/2022

The military actions of the Montenegrin insurgents were typically guerrilla, the structure of military units was organized on the strong tribal foundations of the former Montenegrin People‘s Army. The battle groups were prepared weeks in advance, but their number in the uprising exceeded expectations. Although poorly armed, the insurgents achieved great beginnings and successes. In just a few months, the military organization of guerrilla groups has developed into battalion and brigade formations. The echo of the July 13 uprising had a strong motivational capacity in other parts of Yugoslavia, and its messages are the corridor foundations of modern Montenegro.

In memory of work at the Institute for the History of the Labor Movement in Zagreb in the era of Franjo Tuđman (1962 - 1966)

Sjećanje na rad u Institutu za historiju radničkog pokreta u Zagrebu u eri Franje Tuđmana (1962. — 1966.)

Author(s): Mihael Sobolevski / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 1/2022

Keywords: Franjo Tuđman; Institute for the History of the Labor Movement in Zagreb; Yugoslavia;

O radu Instituta za historiju radničkog pokreta u Zagrebu i njegovom direktoru Franji Tuđmanu ispisani su brojni radovi, a naročito poslije njegove pobjede na prvim višestranačkim izborima 1990. godine. U tim mnogim radovima ima objektivnih prikaza njegova rada i Instituta, kritičkih zapažanja, ali i mnogih neistina i dakako najviše pohvala Tuđmanu od strane njegovih sljedbenika. Ovi potonji i danas pokušavaju od njegova života i rada stvoriti bezgranični kult ličnosti, što se ogleda u podizanju velikoga broja spomenika, naziva institucija i ulica. Ono što treba priznati je činjenica da je izborio teritorijalnu cjelinu avnojevske Hrvatske (iako su mu apetiti bili veći), ali je Republiku Hrvatsku ostavio u gospodarskoj i društvenoj pustoši, od koje se nije ni do danas oporavila.

Daruvar in World War I (1914 – 1918)

Daruvar u Prvom svjetskom ratu (1914.-1918.)

Author(s): Željko Karaula / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 5-6/2021

Keywords: World War I; Daruvar; battlefield; life in the background; shortages;

The paper, based on the study of archival sources and secondary literature, shows how the inhabitants of the Daruvar market and the Daruvar area went to fight in World War I and what life was like on the battlefield, and in the background. In addition, the paper points out how much the war affected the population of the Daruvar region and how they endured its consequences. As the years passed, the situation became more and more difficult, and the population was emaciated and poor.