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Publisher: DPC Democratization Policy Council e.V.

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№01 Understanding and Breaking Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Constitutional Deadlock: A New Approach for the European Union and United States.
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№01 Understanding and Breaking Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Constitutional Deadlock: A New Approach for the European Union and United States.

№01 Understanding and Breaking Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Constitutional Deadlock: A New Approach for the European Union and United States.

Author(s): Bodo Weber,Kurt Bassuener / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; constitution; Dayton accords; Bonn Powers; Serb Republic; OHR; Milorad Dodik; independence; international community; EU; US; constitutional reform;

Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is currently in a severe crisis that could yield total political paralysis,and perhaps eventual disintegration of the state. The international community in BiH has no discernable strategy. While rejecting Republika Srpska (RS) Premier Milorad Dodik’s desire for eventual RS independence and international acquiescence to it, there has been no effective response. The international community’s acquiescence leaves BiH in a “neither secession nor success,” limbo. Unable to align its desire for a reduced commitment to the ugly on-the-ground reality, the EU nevertheless has clung to its standard script of progress and “transition” brought about solely through EU inducements – a theoretical nirvana of carrots without need of sticks. This lack of strategic engagement has fostered political decay. BiH requires far more tailored reform than the off-the-peg acquis communautaire, which treats BiH as if it were Slovenia. Last December, the desire to proclaim “success” at any cost by initialing a Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) led to an ignominious surrender on police reform – a surrender that has now proved futile, as reform is once more blocked. Even if the SAA is signed later this year, it will not transform BiH into a functional state. The stumbling block for BiH is its constitutional order. Robust international engagement through the Office of the High Representative (OHR), equipped with its executive “Bonn Powers” has allowed a project of state-building from above over the past decade. This has resulted in a number of institutions, laws, and reforms that have helped BiH recover from its 1992-1995 war. But the durability of these accomplishments in the face of hostility from established political elites is questionable – as the degeneration of the past two years has shown. The BiH political elite forms an oligarchy, and while the Dayton order suits no faction leader perfectly, it is the second-best option for all of them. Dayton’s Annex IV deters linkages among citizens who consistently profess similar priorities and concerns. With weak international engagement, Dayton BiH defaults toward de facto partition. Until there is a constitutional order capable of allowing BiH to advance toward the EU under its own steam, all the Dayton instruments, including the High Representative with Bonn Powers, must be maintained – and strengthened. The EU holds the carrots and the HR wields the sticks. Creative thinking regarding new sticks is urgently needed.

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№02 DPC POLICY BRIEFS: Sliding toward the Precipice: Europe’s Bosnia Policy.
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№02 DPC POLICY BRIEFS: Sliding toward the Precipice: Europe’s Bosnia Policy.

№02 Sliding toward the Precipice: Europe’s Bosnia Policy.

Author(s): Kurt Bassuener,James Lyon,Eric Witte / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; constitution; Dayton accords; EU; Milorad Dodik; Haris Silajdžić;

Over the past three years, Bosnia’s political environment has noticeably worsened: the current trajectory could lead to attempts at secession and renewed conflict. Among Bosnians, perceived threats to personal safety and livelihood have risen to new post-war heights as international listlessness has permitted Bosnian politicians to believe they can pursue wartime objectives without challenge. For years the European Union has claimed that reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina is heading in the right direction, albeit slowly. EU officials point to the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) signed on 16 June 2008 as evidence of progress.But Bosnia has not only stagnated over the past three years – it has been sliding backwards at an accelerating pace. To be sure, Bosnia is not at the brink of war, but it has slid well down the slope in that direction. As the situation deteriorates, the cost of international engagement to end the threat and place the country on stable footing will climb, perhaps exponentially. The November 10 meeting of EU foreign, development and defence ministers (GAERC) provides an opportunity to take the first steps toward checking this emerging crisis. In the short term the EU should bolster international capacity to deter anti-Dayton actions by nationalist politicians that could tip Bosnia into the abyss. Then, in order to move Bosnia beyond crisis management, they should signal that fundamental constitutional reform will be the focal point of international involvement in the EU’s forthcoming mission, which will join the EUSR with the EC Delegation. This would set the stage for action by the broader Peace Implementation Council (PIC), the international steering board for OHR that meets later in the month.

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№08 EUFOR: In Urgent Need of a Plan B.

№08 EUFOR: In Urgent Need of a Plan B.

№08 EUFOR: In Urgent Need of a Plan B.

Author(s): Kurt Bassuener,Bodo Weber / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; EUFOR; UNSC; Plan B; Moscow; RS; veto;

The EU’s foreign ministers last week reaffirmed their support for EUFOR/Operation Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), overcoming reluctance on the part of a number of EU members – France and Germany in particular – to extend the executive aspects of the mission. On November 11, the UN Security Council (UNSC) is scheduled to vote on extending EUFOR’s executive mandate, under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter, allowing it to use force to ensure international peace and security. The disposition of Russia, a veto wielding member of the permanent five members of the UNSC (“P-5”), is in question. This policy brief reviews the continuing need for EUFOR’s executive mandate in BiH and assesses concerns as to Moscow’s position prior to next month’s vote. It then considers the West’s potential fallback options.

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№06 EU Policies Boomerang: Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Social Unrest.

№06 EU Policies Boomerang: Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Social Unrest.

№06 EU Policies Boomerang: Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Social Unrest.

Author(s): Bodo Weber,Kurt Bassuener / Language(s): English

Keywords: EU policy; BiH; social unrest; Tuzla; protests; FBiH; police; fragmentation; politicization; incompetence; political opportunism;

The social discontent manifest in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), begun with violent protests in Tuzla on February 5, spread throughout the Federation, was a new phenomenon. But it was long in the making. As manifest in demands for non-partisan and technical governments, much of the general population has clearly lost hope that the country’s political system can represent them or deliver any meaningful change. Such misgivings are well-founded: the problem is structural and institutional, not simply a question of who occupies given offices. It is hard to see any solutions being arrived at institutionally – or the current political menu offering hope of meaningful change at the ballot box in October. The protests arose for legitimate reasons, were anti-incumbent and anti-establishment, not ethnic in nature, and appear to have spontaneously grown and spread. But existing political elites have sought to either redirect this anger or harness it, often with ethnic and ethno-territorial argumentation. This situation owes directly to the EU-led international posture of the past eight years. Hopes that the EU enlargement process would impel reform and progress by BiH’s political class were shown to be clearly misplaced by late 2006. Yet larger EU member states, especially Germany and France, as well as the European Commission and EEAS, hew to this failed policy to the present day, attempting to mold the Bosnian reality to their preference to avoid further responsibility and entanglement. The rules-free environment engendered by this policy allowed BiH politicians unlimited room for venality and irresponsible action (and inaction). Such a policy was bound to have a nasty confrontation with reality. It has finally arrived.

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The Western Balkans and the Ukraine crisis – a changed game for EU and US policies?

The Western Balkans and the Ukraine crisis – a changed game for EU and US policies?

The Western Balkans and the Ukraine crisis – a changed game for EU and US policies?

Author(s): Bodo Weber,Kurt Bassuener / Language(s): English

Keywords: Western Balkans; Ukraine crisis; EU; US; policy; Russia; energy policy; geopolitics;

Well before the ongoing Ukraine crisis began in late 2013, Russia had asserted itself in the Western Balkans politically, often using economic leverage to that end. A lack of Western unity has enabled Moscow’s efforts. Russian interests are in play throughout the region, but are most problematic in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the latter through the Serb entity, the Republika Srpska. The full extent and nature of these relationships are shrouded in opacity. Yet both are increasingly problematic for Western interests, and even European security. The conflict in Ukraine, and the resulting impact on the relationship between Russia, the EU and the US, has affected developments in and around the Western Balkans in different ways. The Ukraine crisis has drawn Western policy attention away from Balkans. Yet the region has become an additional proxy battlefield in this new geopolitical conflict, symbolized by intensified Russian diplomatic and propaganda activities aimed particularly, but not exclusively, at Serbia. The various international and Western Balkan actors have occupied different policy positions. The EU among its 28 members, the EU as a corporate body and the US, have struggled to articulate a joint policy position to counter Russia’s aggression in Ukraine, often based on varying levels of economic – and especially energy – interdependence with Russia. Security perceptions vary according to both distance from Russia and the historical nature of the relationship, with Baltic states and Poland most adversarial in their posture toward Moscow. In parts of the Western Balkans where a joint Western policy had already coalesced, such as with the Serbia-Kosovo dispute, the EU and the US have maintained a common policy despite the differences in confronting the challenge posed by the Ukraine crisis. Yet in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Western reactions mirrored the existing policy divide. It remains to be seen whether the roles and opportunities of European and American energy companies in the Western Balkans will be affected by the Ukraine crisis or whether they will influence individual Western countries’ policies towards the region. Yet at present, the Ukraine crisis has added substantial resolve to the European Commission’s already standing existing objections to the South Stream pipeline in Bulgaria (and Serbia) for its breach of EU regulations, to the dismay of the six EU member states participating in the project.

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DPC POLICY PAPER: Time for a Plan B: The European Refugee Crisis, the Balkan Route and the EU-Turkey Deal

DPC POLICY PAPER: Time for a Plan B: The European Refugee Crisis, the Balkan Route and the EU-Turkey Deal

DPC POLICY PAPER: Time for a Plan B: The European Refugee Crisis, the Balkan Route and the EU-Turkey Deal

Author(s): Bodo Weber / Language(s): English

Keywords: Europe; refugee crisis; Syria; Balkan route; EU-Turkey agreement; Hungary; borders; segregation;

Over the course of 2015, an estimated 1.5 million people – the bulk of them refugees from Syria – made their way from Greece to Western Europe via the Balkan route. The shift to this previously marginal route for irregular entry of refugees and migrants into the EU led to the collapse of the EU’s external border in the Aegean and turned the long-standing problem of the EU’s deficient common asylum policy, which disproportionately affected the southern member states, into a full-fledged crisis. This crisis was of the EU’s own making and could have been avoided with sufficient political will. If the international community had fully funded UNHCR’s Syria refugee response plan rather than providing just 35% of the requested budget in 2015, and if a few EU member states had been willing to resettle 2- 300,000 Syrians from Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan, the EU most probably would not have seen more asylum-seekers in 2015 than in previous years. Instead, the Union’s Dublin system broke down. Following the reinstatement of internal borders in half a dozen member states, so did Schengen, amplified by additional ingredients: the weakness of Greece’s public administration; the fragility of asylum systems, administrative capacities, and democratic policing in the Western Balkans; and the authoritarian transformation of Hungary’s political system. As late as early autumn 2015, the refugee crisis was still fully manageable. The EU’s immediate response followed the playbook used in various crises from the eurozone crisis onwards – a combination of reactive German leadership supported by a coalition of willing member states. On September 4, Chancellor Merkel, supported by her Austrian counterpart Werner Faymann, arranged with Prime Minister Viktor Orbán for the transit of refugees and migrants from Hungary with the aim to avert an escalation of the situation in that country. Merkel assembled a coalition of willing states that accepted to receive the bulk of refugees and migrants and worked with the countries on the Balkan route to avoid regional tensions over the wave and to achieve an initial smooth transit free of major human rights violations. However, unlike in previous crises, Merkel’s attempt to shift from crisis management to a joint European policy failed. Merkel and the EU got stuck when a relocation scheme for 160,000 asylum seekers, approved later in September by a weighted majority of member states, provoked dissent from Robert Fico, Slovakia’s prime minister. Fico’s announcement (supported by other Central European countries) that Slovakia would not implement the scheme marked a turning point: with it, the EU in effect ceased to function as a rules-based entity in the field of refugee and asylum policy. A rise in subsequent unilateral measures by member states led to the gradual erosion and ultimate collapse of the coalition of the willing, with France, Sweden, and Austria defecting from it and abandoning their liberal asylum policies. Yet giving in to populist pressure still proved unsuccessful in mobilizing support from electorates: even in Slovakia, Fico’s party subsequently saw substantial losses to right-wing forces from which it had taken its antimigration rhetoric. At the same time, Merkel also came under domestic pressure for her liberal approach. In the absence of joint EU action, the receiving countries instead turned their attention to ways to reduce the flow of refugees and migrants through the Balkan route, even if that meant that the countries along the route would have to breaching domestic and international legal obligations. The countries on the Balkan route were now being held hostage by individual EU member states, first and foremost Austria. Vienna’s policy led in time to the complete closure of the route. The failure of the EU’s established crisis management revealed the core problem behind the refugee crisis: the EUs own unresolved internal problems which turned a manageable migration emergency into an existential issue for the EU. Merkel’s policy style – managerial, and averse to risks, broad strategies, and vision – had seen the EU through a decade of crises, but at the same time camouflaged the core of the Union’s weakness: the reluctance to address its structural challenges. In the end, this failure contributed to the erosion of internal legitimacy and joint action which greatly contributed to the UK’s sleepwalking out of the EU. In this change-averse environment, Merkel’s only remaining option was the desperate outsourcing of the EU’s refugee management to Turkey, sealed by the March 17 EU-Turkey refugee deal. There is both an irony and a political logic in the fact that the deal, which tied the refugee issue to the reanimation of Turkey’s EU accession and visa liberalization process, was a product of the policy of two member states – Germany and Austria – that for years had blocked Turkey’s EU bid. The deal stopped the flow of refugees and migrants across the Aegean Sea practically overnight. But in the medium and long term, it will inflict more collateral damage than it delivers in short-term benefits. First, by declaring Turkey a safe country for asylum-seekers – a legal sleight-of-hand to enable the return of those arriving on the Greek islands to Turkey – the EU has damaged its internal legitimacy as a Union based on liberal democratic values and rules, and endangered the internal enforcement of decisions and rules in all policy areas. Second, by offering Ankara progress on EU accession without internal agreement on Turkey’s eventual membership, the EU severely diminishes the transformative power of its enlargement policy and undermines pro-European, pro-reform Turks. Third, by outsourcing the management of the European refugee crisis to an increasingly authoritarian regime in Ankara while continuing to avoid addressing its own structural problems, the EU has made itself dependent on Turkey. This bodes ill for the EU’s ability to deal with future crises. The coup attempt in Turkey of July 15 and resulting political tensions between Ankara and Brussels have not substantially affected the refugee deal. But the Turkish government’s threat to re-open the gates to Europe and the hypocritical demands from within the EU to freeze Turkey’s EU accession process have highlighted some of its core deficiencies. In order to prevent long-term damage to the EU and mitigate the risk of a purely reactive response should the deal collapse, it is high time for the EU to develop a more sustainable Plan B for handling the refugee crisis, and to address the core structural problems which openly lurk behind it.

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DPC POLICY NOTE 03: The 2013 Census in Bosnia and Herzegovina – A Basic Review.

DPC POLICY NOTE 03: The 2013 Census in Bosnia and Herzegovina – A Basic Review.

DPC POLICY NOTE 03: The 2013 Census in Bosnia and Herzegovina – A Basic Review.

Author(s): Valery Perry / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; 2013; census; review; law on cesus; European integration; politicization;

Following a delay of several years and much heated debate, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) conducted a long-overdue census between 1 - 15 October 2013, the first in 22 years. This census is of crucial importance to both BiH and the international community, as many of the Dayton-era power-sharing arrangements between the three constituent peoples (Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs) are based on the 1991 census. The new census results will reflect the significant demographic changes caused by wartime ethnic cleansing and displacement. Given the continuing downward spiral of BiH’s current political dynamic, there should be little doubt that census results will be extremely controversial. On 3 February 2012, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s (BiH) Parliamentary Assembly adopted a law for a census to be conducted in April 2013. The delay in adopting the law meant that BiH did not hold a census in 2011, the year that all European Union (EU) member states (as well as other former Yugoslav countries) held theirs. Additional political haggling delayed the census from April to October 2013. Even though the process of knocking on doors has finished and many are already exhausted from the politicization of the process, the issue is far from over. The aggregation, analysis, and most importantly, the use of the data will remain open questions during 2014 – a general election year. This brief provides an overview of the key issues surrounding the census in BiH and identifies a number of potential policy and political implications that will continue to both shape and reflect the politics of numbers.

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DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Political Malpractice

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Political Malpractice

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Political Malpractice

Author(s): Valery Perry / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; politics; malpractice; banks; manipulation; Sarajevo; University Clinical Center Kosevo; Bakir Izetbegović; SDA; transparency; legislation; Law on Conflict of Interests; SNSD; SDP; economy; reform; agenda;

Bosnia Daily: January, 25, 2016 – Political Malpractice

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DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Why My Prescriptions on BiH Are Frequently Misunderstood

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Why My Prescriptions on BiH Are Frequently Misunderstood

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Why My Prescriptions on BiH Are Frequently Misunderstood

Author(s): Kurt Bassuener / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; prescription; misunderstanding; Paddy Ashdown; Wolfgang Petritsch; entities; high representative; EU membership; NATO; Dayton accords; constitution; revision; political elites;

Bosnia Daily: June 16, 2016 – Why My Prescriptions on BiH Are Frequently Misunderstood

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DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Some Census Findings that Caught my Eye

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Some Census Findings that Caught my Eye

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Some Census Findings that Caught my Eye

Author(s): Valery Perry / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; census; results; delay; analysis; public confidence;

Bosnia Daily: July 8, 2016 – Some Census Findings that Caught my Eye

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DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Europe Must Play a Key Role in the Balkans

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Europe Must Play a Key Role in the Balkans

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Europe Must Play a Key Role in the Balkans

Author(s): Bodo Weber,Kurt Bassuener / Language(s): English

Keywords: Europe; Balkans; key role; political instability; political elites; EU; Angela Merkel; Boris Tadić; NATO;

Bosnia Daily: March 30, 2017 – Europe Must Play a Key Role in the Balkans

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DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Brussels is Letting Bosnia’s Reform Agenda Slip Away

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Brussels is Letting Bosnia’s Reform Agenda Slip Away

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Brussels is Letting Bosnia’s Reform Agenda Slip Away

Author(s): Bodo Weber / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; reform; agenda; Brussels; general elections; EU initiative; IFI; IMF; EU integration;

Bosnia Daily: April 7, 2017 – Brussels is Letting Bosnia’s Reform Agenda Slip Away

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DPC BOSNIA DAILY: DPC Did Not "Reject" the EU Initiative

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: DPC Did Not "Reject" the EU Initiative

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: DPC Did Not "Reject" the EU Initiative

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Keywords: DPC; EU initiative; BiH; Picard; misrepresentation; RS; government;

Bosnia Daily: April 3, 2015 – DPC Did Not "Reject" the EU Initiative

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DPC BOSNIA DAILY: About That "Progress" You Mentioned...

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: About That "Progress" You Mentioned...

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: About That "Progress" You Mentioned...

Author(s): Kurt Bassuener / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; EU; progress report; Banja Luka; Lars Gunnar Wigemark; Denis Zvizdić; EUSR; RS; legislature; referendum; economy; agriculture;

Bosnia Daily: November 16, 2015 – About That "Progress" You Mentioned...

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DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Nexus with Islamist Extremism

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Nexus with Islamist Extremism

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Nexus with Islamist Extremism

Author(s): Vlado Azinović / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; Nexus; Islamist Extremism; 1992-1995; Salafism; "Operation Ruben"; law enforcement; SIPA; OSA;

Bosnia Daily: November 18, 2015 – Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Nexus with Islamist Extremism

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DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Constitutional And Governance Reforms In Bosnia and Herzegovina (II)

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Constitutional And Governance Reforms In Bosnia and Herzegovina (II)

DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Constitutional And Governance Reforms In Bosnia and Herzegovina (II)

Author(s): Raluca Raduta / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; constitution; governance; reforms; citizens; agriculture; corruption; politics; economy; ethnic issues; EU; IPARD;

Bosnia Daily: January 9, 2015 – Constitutional And Governance Reforms In Bosnia and Herzegovina (II)

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DPC BALKAN INSIGHT: Bosnia’s Fragile Stability Masks a Downward Spiral.

DPC BALKAN INSIGHT: Bosnia’s Fragile Stability Masks a Downward Spiral.

DPC BALKAN INSIGHT: Bosnia’s Fragile Stability Masks a Downward Spiral.

Author(s): Kurt Bassuener / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; stability; protests; political elites; NATO; AFBiH; IMF;

As Bosnia and Herzegovina approaches the first anniversary of the German-British initiative and the 20th anniversary of the Dayton Accords, the Democratization Policy Council, DPC, and the Atlantic Initiative, AI, are collaborating on a series of policy notes which examine various aspects of BiH’s security situation. Written by my DPC colleague Bodo Weber, AI’s Vlado Azinović, and myself, these papers comprise the DPC and AI’s second edition of our 2011 Security Risk Analysis. The first four policy notes – on inflammatory political rhetoric, socio-economic drivers, the Armed Forces of BiH, and EUFOR – have been published; two more – on police and Islamist extremism – are forthcoming.

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DPC BALKAN INSIGHT: The West Won’t Strike Gold in Bosnian Election.

DPC BALKAN INSIGHT: The West Won’t Strike Gold in Bosnian Election.

DPC BALKAN INSIGHT: The West Won’t Strike Gold in Bosnian Election.

Author(s): Kurt Bassuener / Language(s): English

Keywords: BiH; elections; west; electoral system; floods; USAID; political elites;

The West should not make the Bosnian electorate responsible for its own policy confusion. Since the formal election campaign period began in Bosnia three weeks ago, USAID has mounted a get-out-the-vote campaign entitled “Vote or Suffer.” Employing ominous music and evocative black-and-white images of the destruction wrought by the May floods, as well as references to the long-term devastation wrought by more than two decades of bad governance – such as unemployment and poverty – the campaign seems well suited to the mood of popular dissatisfaction. Western governments, particularly the EU and US, palpably hope that the elections will deal them a better hand in terms of potential partners to champion meaningful reform.

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DPC BH DANI: Dodik after the secession of Crimea almost declared the RS independence?

DPC BH DANI: Dodik after the secession of Crimea almost declared the RS independence?

DPC BH DANI: Dodik nakon secesije Krima umalo proglasio nezavisnost RS-a?

Author(s): Bodo Weber,Kurt Bassuener / Language(s): Bosnian

Keywords: BiH; Crimea; secession; RS; independence; EUFOR; NATO;

BH Dani: September 5, 2014 - Dodik after the secession of Crimea almost declared the RS independence?

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DPC – EUROTHINK POLICY NOTE: Macedonia Had an Electoral Sea Change – Now for the Hard Part
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DPC – EUROTHINK POLICY NOTE: Macedonia Had an Electoral Sea Change – Now for the Hard Part

DPC – EUROTHINK POLICY NOTE: Macedonia Had an Electoral Sea Change – Now for the Hard Part

Author(s): Kurt Bassuener,Ljupcho Petkovski,Andreja Stojkovski / Language(s): English

Keywords: Zoran Zaev; Nikola Gruevski; VMRO-DPMNE; SDSM;

It is difficult to overstate the scale of the electoral sweep of Prime Minister Zoran Zaev’s Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM) party in the October 15th municipal elections. Former Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski’s party, the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), lost power at the local level across the country. Zaev’s victory, and that of his SDSM, following the June assembly of the coalition which included all ethnic Albanian parties, will reinforce the Zaev government’s control – and political responsibility. What Does This Mean? – The Chance for a. Democratic Reset

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