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Традиција у жанровској књижевности
This monograph analyzes and discusses usage o f some traditional motives in Serbian science-fiction literature in relation to socio-cultural milieu since 1970’s until today. The object of analysis covers the works in genre literature published since late 1970’s up to the present. The sources included so-called specialized journals from the given period as well as certain number o f novels published since the late 1980’s until present. The first part o f the analysis covers the whole area o f the former Yugoslavia, especially the published works from 1970’s and 1980’s. However, the focus is on the literary production originated in Serbia since m id 1980’s until the present. The sociocultural milieu o f this period appears as especially interesting: the period is characterized by a process of tradition revival, the usage o f certain traditional elements outside their context, to target various aims. M y primary goal is to analyze a certain genre o f literary production which carries particular pop-culture contents and to determine the potential influences o f the process o f tradition revival. In addition, I will point out to how such literature constitutes a reality per se. By taking into account the literature production until the present, I will point out to not only the usage o f certain traditional motives but also their transformation and modification in regards to the societal reality in which they originated. That is, this particular approach will allow us to determine ways and means used by a culture to represent itself both to the insiders and outsiders.
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Gornja sela is a group of mountainous settlements at Bjelasica's foothill, on west and north-west side from Berane (Ivangrad). This region is situated in the middle between Berane, Bijelo Polje, Mojkovac, KolaSin and Andrijevica. The settlements developed on the southeast slopes of Bjelasica, in the valleys and riverbanks. Jelovica, Suvodola, Gunjara and Bistrica and villages of Vuča and Zagrad are situated on the hillsides of Vuča and Zaučka gora, in the valley and riverside of the Zagradska river. The area was presumably named in the 18th century or maybe some time before, when the newcomers from Brda and Stara Crna Gora settled in these villages and Has as well. Since this group of villages was situated high above Župa, the inhabitants of Župa gave them a single name Gornja sela. Although naturally separated by Vuča's saddle, Zagrad was always considered as one of the villages forming Gornja Sela. It was so since the Šćekić's family settled there as well other clans related to the clans from Gornja Sela. Gornja Sela with Bjelasica behind them, are the widest and the highest part of Berane valley. The highest peak at Galica (Cma Glava) is 2.139 m high, and the lowest settlement (Lubnica) is at 1.000 m above the sea level. In accordance with the real state registry compiled in the fifties, the square area of this region, without Zagrad. is 103.91 km With regard to other estimates the figure is slightly reduced (Mr. Milisav Lutovac, Ph.D. from Ivangrad - Berane valley is of the opinion that Bistrica's river basin encompasses whole region and it is 130.7 km , although the southern part of the river basin belongs to Andrijevica municipality and the western part belongs to Kolasin. Bjelasica, in its long geological history, passed through two glacial ages. During interglacial age river network on Bjelasica was very dense due to thawing of glaciers. During the last Glacial Age the high parts of Bjalasica mountain were covered by glacial. Pointed peaks and mountain ranges stood out from the glaciers (Zekova Glava, Galica. Strmcnički Vrh and etc.). Glaciers were specially high at the mouth of the river Jalovica, Jezerištc, Suvodola and branch sources of the Biogradska river. The highest group of peaks was concentrated on mountain mass Zekova Glava - Galica - Reljina - Šiška - Dolovi with centre at Reljina. On the opposite, east side, there are Bjelogrivac - Ogorelica - Strmcnica (Crna Glava) - Potrkovo with center at Strmcnica (2.122 m). Their glaciers wedged the lake basins, and mud planes at the foot of the highest mountain massif. Bjelasica's massif with its hilltops undergone the change in its releif due to lowering of the bottom (Berane) basin and under the influence of outer forces. Natural resources of Bjelasica and its foothill are considerable. The total square area of this region is 10.391 ha and forests cover almost half of it - 4.756 ha, that is the main source of raw material for lumber industry. Fields and pastures cover the square area of 4.132 ha. Therefore cattle raising was developed in this region. The region is rich in ore that has not been examined yet. Climate on Bjelovica is very severe: Short summers and long winters with sharp transitions with the change of season. The climate at foothill up to 1.200 m is considerably gentler, but at the same time it is more severe than in Berane valley. The difference in microclimate are considerable. That can be seen during vegetation periods at the outskirts of the valleys. Therefore, agriculture and fruit growing areas in Gornja Sela are reduced to river valleys and south sides up to 1.100 m, and occasionally higher. This region, with Bjelasica behind it was one of the richest with water in Berane's district. There are many springs in this region - stronger and weaker, streams, rivers and lakes as well. Waters from Bjelasica are very important for the economy mountain. Richness of water is due to the composition of soil, relief and a lots of rain throughout the year (there is more than 3.000 mm of rain on Bjelasica). Traces of old settlements can be found in this region, they are specially visible above 1.200 m. The traces were destroyed by human work, but they can be found occasionally. Some traces were left by the Illyrians - the ancient inhabitants of this region. Some traces of the Roman culture can be found in Zagrad and Vuča (a village). The ancient fortress, Samograd, bellow Zagrad was certainly build during that period, and the Serbs rebuild it after they settled in this area. The Romans and Roman oriented inhabitants left the traces of huge buildings, usually at the outskirts of present settlements, made of stone and lime. It seems that they were build at the time when our ancestors - the Serbs began to settle, and the Romans moved from the valley to the higher parts of Bjelasica towards the sea. At the time when Budimljanska district was densly inhabited by the Serb population, a part of the population migrated towards the rim, and settled in the river valleys of the Lim tributaries. So, Gomja Sela were inhabited by the Serbs and they became shepherds on Bjelasica. The earliest mention of a village close to Gomja Sela is from 1324/25, the king Dušan, as a young man, gave Zagrad with the other villages as a contribution to St. Peter's church in Bijelo Polje. All villages comprising Gomja Sela were inhabited at that time, and during this period , five or six churches were constructed in Lubnice, Međurečje, Praćevac, Glavac and Zagrad (two). Gornja Sela are region where it is difficult to develop transportation. The region is separated from the valley by mountain massif and the Bistrica canyon and Bjelasica separates it from Potarje. This region was connected with the whole network of main and side caravan roads with the settlements in the valley, Potarje the sides of Bihor. During long winters, when the snowdrifts were much higher than today, the roads were closed for every transport, and they were practically of regional importance. Trading caravans from Potarje passed through this region towards Budimljanska district and Bihor. The tales say that there was a market in Lubnica, Jelovica and Suvodol where cattle and livestrock products were bartered for other goods. After bloody pogroms organized by the Turks in 1653. there was a shift of native Serbs in Gornja Sela. Those who survived clans from Brda and Stara Crna Gora started to inhabit deserted land. But, certain families like Šćekić’s and Obradović's inhabited this region before 1653. During the 18th century and especially after the Turkish programs in 1737/38, the families from different parts of Brda and Crna Gora started to settle in small but closely related groups. They settled depending on their family ties, close to one another if there was enough space. The natives their number decreased due to several Turkish pogroms. Newcomers mostly settled during the first decades of the 19th century. After that families divided the land, and they took certain propertis either in accordance with the master's approval or without in - if the family was a strong one. They also made friends with each other. The inhabitants of this region comprised of nine Montenegrian tribes: the Piper's, the Njeguša's, the Bjelopavlić's, the Bratonožić's, the Kuča's, the Drobnjak's, the Cuca's, the Vasojević's. There were only 16 clans which implies that the clans were young. Although heterogeneous, the inhabitants were united and the territories they occupied were closely related - which were two factors dictated by the historic and life conditions. They were all reduced to survival and the fight against constant enemy. The inhabitants of this region were indulged in cattle raising, above all, and agriculture. Part-time occupations varied from time to time and the composition of inhabitants. The New-comers from different parts of Montenegro brought with them their habits, custom and crafts. Serbs, the natives, knew several crafts that the new-comers did not accept, as for example, blacksmith's trade. They considered it a low job. During the Middle Ages all villages of Budimljanska district belonged to monasteries and churches. There are no information to whom Gornja Sela belonged. We can suppose that they belonged to St. Janja's church in Lubnice. Some villages belonged to their own churches, and their contributions supported the church. After the Budimljanska district was occupied by the Turks (in 1455) the economy of the region basically changed. Crafts and trade gradually ceased to exist, and Turkish masters took the village land. They tyrannized and robbed the Serbs, in the Asiatic way, and they introduced the farming system. After Turkish oppression in 1737/38 ancient Budimljanska district and Has was divided between the Turkish land owners (known as agas) from Plav and Gusinje. Since then Gornja Sela belonged to them and they introduced very cruel ruling system. After centuries of unbearable life under the Turkish occupation, situation in Gornje Polimlje started to change, and strong resistant movement was organized. The situation in Gornja Sela was getting better since this legion was far away from the centers of power and Turkish authorities as well. Therefore, the master’s income was reduced and they became impoverished. After the Great War in 1878. the Turkish land owners started to sell land to the peasants. Until the end of 19th century, all agriculture land in Gornja Sela was bought up, and family clans bought up the land in the mountains and forests. Agriculture didn't develop much since the middle ages. The reason was a simple one - these were mountainous villages where it was difficult to use agricultural machinery. The greatest achievement in agriculture was the use of iron plow instead of the old fashioned single-handed wooden plow, and some facoty produced tools as well. The inhabitants of Gornja Sela took active part in battles and wars against Turkish aggressor since they settled in this region. They were always the first to receive a blow from the Turks from Kolašin and Bihor, and even from Plav and Gusinje. Gornja Sela suffered considerable damage during the liberation war from 1875 to '78 when the villages were burned, and more than 300 hundred people were imprisoned, 40 people were killed, the cattle was taken away and the crops destroyed. Battalion from Gornja Sela was firm support to Miljan. the duke, in all battles with Turks, so even the prince Nikola praized them and refined to them as a "chivalrous battalion from Gornja Sela". People from Gorja Sela fought the Turks until final liberation in 1912. This book didn't deal with participation of people from Gornja Sela in the liberation wars the Balkan War, World War I and II because such a work is under preparation by another chronicler. Gornja Sela, as a spacious region of Berane valley, is of a great importance for the economy of Berane. The society and state has to take care of natural resources - which wasn’t the case up to present - we witness destruction of forests all over Bjelasica. Existing mountain crossings are left untended, or they cease to exist. They used to lead to lakes and spacious pastures. The only passable roads are those used to transport timber. The quantity of timber is measured in millions of cubic meters. Cattle raising has also been neglected. The state can establish acceptable economic conditions and develop them into profitable activities, if based on the local natural resources. Although soil is mostly infertile, agriculture can be advanced, too if a special brand of plants is used. The villages are almost deserted. The young can be kept there only if there is an economic activity going on, and therefore the pressure on cities will be reduced.
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This study is based on long-term in-depth research in the south-east of Kosovo (part of a broader area known as the Kosovsko Pomoravlje or Morava river basin), in the areas of the Gornja (Upper) and Donja (Lower) Morava (in the town of Gnjilane – the regional centre, and in the surrounding villages of Šilovo, Gornji Livoč, Gornje Kusce, Parteš and Pasjane; in the township of Vitina and the surrounding villages of Vrbovac, Grnčar, Binač, Mogila and Klokot; and also in the villages of Letnica and Draganac because of their religious significance). I also conducted research among displaced people from this region in few towns in Serbia: Smederevo, Vranje and Vranjska Banja. The research was carried out between 2003 and 2006, but I remained in contact with some of the interlocutors and continued to keep track of community dynamics within the region for a number of years subsequently. The fieldwork was conceived as multi-sited (Marcus 1995), because it was about a migratory situation. The terrain was defined as a network of localities (Hannerz 2003a; Hannerz 2003b). The aim of the research was to study the relationship between ethnicity and other forms of identification (religious, regional, local, gender) of the Serbian community of south-east Kosovo in a profoundly changed post-war situation following the establishment of the international administration in Kosovo, in 1999. My intention was to make an empirical and analytical contribution to our understanding of the complexity of social interaction from different perspectives “from below”, in a specific frontier and post-conflict region such as Kosovo. In the last decades of the 20th century, the identities of Kosovo became homogenized and acquired fixed boundaries, ethnic identification becoming more relevant than other forms of belong ing. Ethnic identity, as shown in numerous studies, gains in importance in unclear situations, in periods of change and crisis, when conditions are in place for the experience of threatened boundaries (Eriksen 2002: 68, 99). Kosovo is a prime example of how political and other interest groups construct and mobilise, direct and exploit ethnic identities. Since 1999, Kosovo has been inhabited almost exclusively by Albanians. The Serbs are a minority, ghettoized into small enclaves and rural environments. Many other ethnic, religious and/or linguistic groups have been displaced or assimilated. War provokes great social disruption and change; a constituent element of this is migration. The experience of war and forced migration of one part of the community changes the ways of both self-identification and the identification of the other, thus re-defining intra-ethnic and inter-ethnic relations and boundaries. As much research indicates, armed conflict is preceded by processes of homogenization within communities, the strengthening of boundaries and the assimilation of various types of identification into the ethnic. In a post-war context, with radical changes in the ethnic and social landscape, processes of articulation and re-articulation of identity have opened up in the Serbian community, rendering problematic its differing aspects. This research aims to extend our understanding of such processes. The study is divided into seven chapters. The first two establish the theoretical, methodological and analytical framework of the research. The third chapter, “Kosovo – a frontier region” aims to place the researched community in context. Processes of identification in frontier areas are specific in several respects. The results of many studies show that in the frontier and peripheral areas, group boundaries are less well-defined and more fluid, and identities – not only ethnic, but religious and others – are undetermined, situational, ambivalent and multiple (in contrast to those in central areas) (Duijzings 2000: 13, 24; Wilson, Donnan 1998: 13). In these areas, changing identity and/or recourse to various forms of mimicry may be the only way to survive in certain political and social circumstances. Kosovo is a paradigm of these processes and solutions. This chapter also deals with the history of Kosovo, paying particular attention to the period of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the escalation of the conflict and the introduction of an international administration. Special attention is paid to the connection of the Serbian Orthodox Church with Kosovo. Next, the basic characteristics of the community are outlined: dense social network, the meaning and importance of internal boundaries, linguistic practice, etc. The fourth chapter, “Living in a post-war region” examines everyday life, family and gender relations, identity discourse on traditional female costume and wedding. This chapter deepens the analysis of the connection between ethnic and religious identification of the researched community (hybrid cultural practice, particularly in the sphere of religion, the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the post-conflict period, pronounced traditionalism, etc.). The Serbian Orthodox Church has great influence as the only Serbian institution that remained in Kosovo after the withdrawal of the Yugoslav and Serbian military and police in June 1999. For the Serbian community in Kosovo, the Church has much greater significance than simply as a religious institution; it is seen as the only institution that did not abandon the community in hard times. The members of the Serbian community of south-east Kosovo primarily thematize ethnicity with religious rituals and markings. Religious and ethnic identification become blended in such a way that the religious is in function of the ethnic. Finally, this chapter gives a detailed analysis of the paroxysm in the ethnisization of reality. The next chapter is devoted to intra-ethnic relations and boundaries. Even though “externally” and/or from the “top down”, the Serbian community of Kosovo is defined as homogenous, its members within their own community, identify sub-group distinctions which cause tension. In the post-war context of evident ethnic homogenization, solidification and boundary closure, intra-ethnic categorization and the accompanying tensions it remain current and, in relation between Kosovo Serbs and Serbs from Serbia, gain new dimensions. For this reason, it is necessary to take a flexible approach to ethnicity which neither assumes a priori intra-ethnic homogeneity nor inter-ethnic heterogeneity (Talai 1986: 252, 266). Inter-group perceptions between the old inhabitants and the colonists are also addressed in this chapter as well as their implications. Then the analysis of the external definition – categorization of the so-called ‘Serbian Gypsies’ ensures (the term ‘Serbian Gypsies’ [Srpski Cigani] is used tentatively, since it is an exonym) and the long road this group have traveled from inter-ethnic towards intraethnic other (Zlatanović 2017). In the light of the post-war migrations, attention is paid to discourse and practice in relations between the displaced people of Kosovo and the population in Serbia. The sixth chapter explores inter-ethnic relations and boundaries. First, attention is given to the discursive construction of the Kosovo Croats are defined in discourse, and the over-coming of religious boundaries. Next, the focus is on the most important, most complex and most ambivalent other – the Albanians (analysis of the basic characteristics of the discourse on the Albanians, the problem of naming, overcoming of boundaries – through cooperation, friendship, religion, and insight into the consistency of boundaries – mixed marriages were almost unheard of). The relations between members of the Serbian and Albanian communities are also considered beyond ethnicity, since there are many shared elements of identification that connect them. The final chapter offers some concluding remarks on the relation between ethnicity and other forms of collective identification of researched community.
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Моје родно место Сантово је село које је постало позиато по прелазу људи из римокатоличке у православпу вeру. To је било крајем девeтпаестога века. Раније је то било чисто шокачко село. А знаш ли ко су Шокци? To су исто Срби који су примили римокатоличку веру. Срби који су се касиије доселили у Сантово нису имали коме да се приклоне у верском погледу, јер тамо није било православне цркве. Тако су се и они полагано некако прилагодили Шокцима и римокатоличкој цркви. А већ моји родитељи припадају генерацији која се вратила на православиу веру. Моји дедови и баке су још били крштени у римокатоличкој цркви, али су касније и они прешли иа православље. У то време су почели градити садашњу православну цркву. Прво је била саграђена једна дашчара, црква од дасака, и она је служила док није завршена градња ове садашње. Та данашља је велика, лепа црква, грађена је за отприлике две хиљаде душа. А шта је био разлог тог враћања у православље? У оно време су сe почели насељавати Мађари у Сантово. Опи су тражили да се миса, то јест литургија, служи иа мађарском језику.
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Although world literature has thoroughly studded fairy tales, this cannot be said for the ones that are a part of Serbian folk creativeness. Partly dealt with in our folkloristic, they have remained, in general, out of the domain of scientific interest of Serbian ethnology. Hance my wish to treat, from an ethno-folkloric aspect within our bounds, this insufficiently explored matter. Regarding the fairy tales as a particular meta-language, used to carry on definite messages, my theoretical and methodological starting point was to investigate the fairy tale as a symbolic system through a structural-semantic analysis. The research was directed to what the fairy tales are talking about, what notional and value content imbues their structure, and finally, to what level of reality they pertain. Although a fairy tale transmits universal ideas indeed, and the matter it deals with concerns essential and existential problems in the human life, such as life and death, love and hate, sexuality and sin, happiness and destiny etc. I have decided to make choice of particular segment of reality and limited myself to social, to be more precise, and family relations. This election has been motivated by the fact that the basic interest of the fairy tale is directed to the destiny of the individual, has process of maturing and the affirmation he realizes within the sphere of personal, marital and family relationships. The basic aim of the research was therefore the establishing structure of the messages that fit in the context of the above mentioned social relationships in the Serbian tales and their deeper „reading" by means of two global semantic model — cognitive and axiological. Thus the paradigmatic organization of the social code that dominants structure of the fairy tale has been extracted, not discarding, the other ones with which the social one is deeply integrated and knitted manifold, for instance, the cosmological and mythological, religious, geographical, biological, moral and others, that altogether take part in building the general filed of meaning in a fairy tale. The analysis has operated with the results that structural anthropology and folkloric have come up to. In most cases I have used A. J. Greimas’ method of the semiotic square or the elementary structures of meaning because this logical model gives clear picture of the notional structure of the fairy tales when the bigger and smaller meaning units combine on the principles of the opposites, contradictions and implications. Distributed on the bases and sides of the semiotic square, these terms build multilateral and multi-leveled mutual meaning relationships. Furthermore, certain analytic modes of other structuralists and semioticians, such as Levi-Strauss, Vladimir Propp, Meletinsky, Joseph Courtes, Claude Bremond and others have been applied. In a great number of cases direct application of these methods was impossible and thus I have operationalized them, that is, adapted to the matter I was dealing with. Material that form my research I have limited to the Serbo-Croat language domain, fairy tales collected throughout the nineteenth and twentieth century in those regions of south Slavic countries inhabited by Serbian population. A body of forty fairy tales, which the plot and the unknowing on the narrative plane encompass at the same time the conflict on. the plane of marital and family relationships, has been chosen. It has been taken from the two best known, and in my opinion, best collections of Serbian folk tales, Vuk St. Karadzic’s and Veselin Cajkano. Undoubtedly, the motif and thematical scope of the Serbian fairy tales represent variations of the known international stories. However, the particular type of cultural and social reality in which the tale generates and is further carried on, will determine the choice of motifs and themes understandable and acceptable to that culture. In that sense it should be expected that the fairy tales Serbian folk has narrated contain a selection and adaption of international motifs applied to its specific culture. Hence the ethnographic context is determined which represent a referential frame for stipulating the messages codes and interpretation. This context is partly extracted ideotypologically as a reconstruction of the patriarchal, traditional system of the Serbian rural society whose main axsis lay on the relationships within the family, the co-operative, the kin and the village. It is familiar to us from abundant ethnographic material indirectly dealt with and used in the semantic analysis. Their reconstruction. is based upon generally accepted premises about the global construction of the patriarchal societies believed to be the social-historical foundation for the genesis and transmition of fairy tales. It should be pointed out that the protracted domination of the patriarchal regime among the Serbian folk has contributed to the maintaining of certain archaic elements that have for a long time disappeared from the other European fairy tales in societies with more developed urban culture than has been the case with Serbians. Aside from The Introduction, the book contains three great thematical wholes: Out of the Circle, Circular Travelling and In the Circle. These headlines metaphorically denote the course the author has taken in solving this problem. In the first part through the chapters „Toward interpreting fairy tales" and „Serbian fairy tales: culture „digested" inwardly and outwardly" theoretical and methodological frames of research have treated and the introduction into the goal of work has been presented. In the second part, the analysis of the chosen body of fairy tales has been carried through. They are divided into three problem groups that contained typologically internal semantic homogeneousness, and thematically took for granted the elementary ideas out of which sprang the constant of the stories. The first cycles called „Initiation Secret" is divided into two sub-chapters: „Faraway Princesses" and „Insignificant Marriages" gave the basis for a classificational system which brings out what are the conditions to contract a proper marriage, where and how to look for a partner as well as all the obstacles could be encountered on the way. The second thematic round „Model Girls" through the confrontation of two sub-chapters, headed „Life in Ashes" and „The Slope", adjoins the problem from the previous group and talks of family conflicts sprung from the need to contract a marriage but accentuates the incompatibility of certain choices: too close or too distant partners and, of course, the solution of the problem. Finally, the third cycles „In the World of Spells or of Love" with the chapters „The Forbidden Chamber" and „The Beauty and the Beast", treats the mutual relationships of the partners, focusing on the semantic paradigms of sexuality, love, eroticism, sin and death. The third part of the work „In the Circle" in the chapter „Diagonals and Parallels", contains final treatises come up with in the previous analysis. It has turned out that the third cycles of the fairy tales has closed the circle attaching to the first cycles about dragons and dragon killers or, one could also say, it has opened a new thematic round always to be fulfilled on the semantic filed of fairy tales. At the end there are two annexes. The first contains the tabular presentation of the analyzed fairy tales according to the formally structural classificational criteria. In the second, named „The Structure of the Plot or Reason at Work", detailedly the theoretical and methodological procedure applied in the work has been inspected.
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Many authors, who have researched Matavulj’s works, have mentioned the ethnographic elements found there, sometimes even unintentionally, but as a result of the way they experienced and wrote about the world around them. A number of scientific works have been written, master and doctoral thesis have been defended, lectures and scientific gatherings held and the Collection of works of Simo Matavulj has been published in more editions. “…there are not too many writers who, in their artistic creation, knew to use their own life experience in a way Simo Matavulj did. The events he witnessed, people he met, stories he heard among people-all of them found a place in his stories”- states Marko Car. Matavulj`s works contains not only the historical testimonies but interesting travel descriptions as well. Not only did he portrayed coastal and Montenegrin areas but he was also the urban writer, introducing modern topics and characters into the Serbian literature of the time. Ivo Andric claimed that Matavulj “expanded geographical borders of Serbian short story that had been Balkan and middle European before that. He brought the elements of the seafarer`s life, of sea and all the possibilities that the sea opens for a men”. Every character from Simo`s stories “has two lives, one on the land and the other one, directly or indirectly, at the sea that represents the wide world. Matavulj wasn`t considered modern and avant-garde for his time just because he introduced Swedish gymnastics but the reviewers rated him as a writer who was the closest to the European realism among all his contemporaries.
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Идентитет и субјективност у Др Фаустусу Томаса Мана и Проклетој авлији Иве Андрића
The monograph, The Moon Grammar - Identity and subjectivity in Doctor Faustus by Thomas Mann and The Damned Yard by Ivo Andric researches the subject of identity and the relation between subjective and objective, individual and collective, which are the focal points in contemporary anthropology, as well as in narratology with a distinctive difference that narratology is focused on the status and identity of the narrator and diversory relationship between the narrator and the narrative text. In this research the narrative analysis is used to outline the anthropological implications of the literature that was read from the narrative structure in Doctor Faustus by Thomas Mann and The Damned Yard by Ivo Andric. This indicates that the anthropological reading of literature could be based on analyses of the formal characteristics of the literature allowing the intentionality of a literary text. In the literary texts the intention is entangled with the way of structural expression because it activates and exploits the intentional potential of the language. Due to this reason we have concentrated on establishing the intentional structure in Doctor Faustus and in The Damned Yard through a narrative analysis to achieve a more thorough reconstruction of extensional structure of the narrative world and its distinctive anthropology, especially when the subjects of identity and subjectivity are analysed. Both literary works address aesthetical, ethical, religious, ideological, sociological and existential questions. On the aesthetical plane, after the fall of the totalitarian ideologies, the art displays symptoms of general intellectual climate. This period is characterised with criticisms of humanistic values of mind, objectivity of science and progressive ideas, including the traditions of Enlightenment. These literary works can be read as indicative announcements of postmodern suspicion in the human being as a self-identifying subject and as a forecast of contemporary crisis of identity. The result that these social, cultural or spiritual events have brought us could be characterised as alignment, problematizing or even eradication of identity borders of personality or as explicit continuation of Thomas Mann’s – Moon-grammar. Polyphonically organised narrative is analogue to the eradication of identity borders of personality, which sense is in displacement of monological unity of the narrative subject with itself regardless of the primary style of narration (from 1st person to 3rd person).
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