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Keywords (449)

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Authors (125)

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Publisher: BCBP Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku

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Serbia and Hungary: Hammering Democracy
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Serbia and Hungary: Hammering Democracy

Serbia and Hungary: Hammering Democracy

Author(s): Marko Drajić / Language(s): English

Hungary is currently Serbia’s closest international partner. Bilateral relations between the two countries are no longer marred by any disputes and their political and economic interests increasingly coincide. The values underpinning the administrations of both countries have converged to such an extent that a similar modus operandi is evident in their attitudes to issues such as democracy, the rule of law, institutions, foreign policy priorities, political opposition, the media, non-governmental organisations and the migrant crisis. According to the latest Freedom House report, these values and the political systems they have given rise to categorise these two countries as hybrid regimes – one step closer to authoritarian systems of government.

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Amendment of the Law on Defence and Law on the Serbian Armed Forces: One step forward, three steps back
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Amendment of the Law on Defence and Law on the Serbian Armed Forces: One step forward, three steps back

Amendment of the Law on Defence and Law on the Serbian Armed Forces: One step forward, three steps back

Author(s): Marko Milošević,Katarina Đokić / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Law on Defence; Law on the Serbian Armed Forces

We have identified some positive trends as well as some missed opportunities and inadequacies concerning the latest provisions to amend the Laws on Defence and on the Serbian Armed Forces. The strengthening of the role of the Defence Inspectorate is certainly commendable. On the other hand, an opportunity has been missed to properly regulate the rights of defence sector unions and the relationship between the military and civil society. There is also room for improvement in provisions governing logistical support, documents pertaining transfers and also disciplinary offences. One of the goals of the forthcoming session of the National Assembly of Serbia will be the amendment of the Law on Defence (henceforth LD) and the Law on the Serbian Armed Forces (LSAF). Even though a new government is yet to be formed, the Ministry of Defence has organised a public consultation on draft amendments of the two laws. We hope to use this opportunity to present and discuss some significant changes the amendments will introduce but also to highlight provisions the legislature has failed to introduce in spite of several years of pressure from the expert community.

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FRANCE’S DEFENCE POLICY AFTER THE 2008 WHITE PAPER: FROM THE RETURN TO THE INTEGRATED COMMANDMENT OF NATO TO A STRONGER EUROPEAN DEFENCE POLICY
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FRANCE’S DEFENCE POLICY AFTER THE 2008 WHITE PAPER: FROM THE RETURN TO THE INTEGRATED COMMANDMENT OF NATO TO A STRONGER EUROPEAN DEFENCE POLICY

FRANCE’S DEFENCE POLICY AFTER THE 2008 WHITE PAPER: FROM THE RETURN TO THE INTEGRATED COMMANDMENT OF NATO TO A STRONGER EUROPEAN DEFENCE POLICY

Author(s): Caroline Timon / Language(s): English

Keywords: Defence Policy; White Paper (2008); National Security; NATO; EU

In August 2007, thirteen year after the publication of the last White Paper on Defence, the French President Nicolas Sarkozy set up a Committee whose mission was to draft a new White Paper on Defence and National Security. The goal of such a document is to define the objectives of French defence and security policies for the next years and structure the spending decisions. After a year of consultations the new White Paper on Defence and National Security was finally published on June 17th 2008. In a more unstable and unpredictable world than in 1994, many questions and events have become interlinked and put people in a situation of greater vulnerability while making borders between internal and external challenges fade away. The drastic acceleration of good, services, persons and information exchanges has changed the economic, social and political environment.

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EUROPE’S DEFENCE IN TIMES OF AUSTERITY: SPENDING CUTS AS A ONE-WAY STREET?
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EUROPE’S DEFENCE IN TIMES OF AUSTERITY: SPENDING CUTS AS A ONE-WAY STREET?

EUROPE’S DEFENCE IN TIMES OF AUSTERITY: SPENDING CUTS AS A ONE-WAY STREET?

Author(s): Marko Savković / Language(s): English

Keywords: NATO; EU; defence; Military Spending Cuts

Since the beginning of the global economic crisis NATO and EU countries have been called to reassess (and significantly cut down) their defence spending. With the public debt and Eurozone crisis, and economic growth projected to stagnate, pressure on decision makers has increased. So far, their first course of action has been to consider layoffs and termination of contracts, programmes and operations, risking credibility of their forces. In this analysis we consider some of the measures implemented so far, and think of possible alternatives.

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IS A MORE ASSERTIVE EUROPE POSSIBLE THROUGH POOLING AND SHARING INITIATIVES?
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IS A MORE ASSERTIVE EUROPE POSSIBLE THROUGH POOLING AND SHARING INITIATIVES?

IS A MORE ASSERTIVE EUROPE POSSIBLE THROUGH POOLING AND SHARING INITIATIVES?

Author(s): Marko Savković / Language(s): English

Keywords: NATO’s Smart Defence; EU’s Pooling and Sharing; European Defence Cooperation

It is hardly rocket science, achieve more by pooling and sharing resources that are already available within many different parts of a complex system. To put it into a perspective, maximum utilization has been one of the mainstays of any production cycle since early days of organised human life. However, for two of the world premier security actors, this presents a daunting paradigm shift. Two ambitious initiatives – NATO’s Smart Defence (SD), and European Union’s Pooling and Sharing (P&S) now face same old issues that have kept European defence cooperation lagging behind other policies for years. Europe’s persistent inability – to live up to its ambitions when it comes to projection of power abroad – has been much lamented before. Strategic “disablers” of EU’s defence are well known. First, policy it is supposed to grow from is not supranational; it is highly dependent on accommodation of diverse and often conflicting national interests. Second, a genuine leap forward in defence capabilities would come at a price exceeding many of members’ abilities, now more than ever.

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QUOTAS IN THE SERBIAN SECURITY SECTOR – DO THEY CONSTRAIN OR PROMOTE WOMEN?
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QUOTAS IN THE SERBIAN SECURITY SECTOR – DO THEY CONSTRAIN OR PROMOTE WOMEN?

QUOTAS IN THE SERBIAN SECURITY SECTOR – DO THEY CONSTRAIN OR PROMOTE WOMEN?

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English

Keywords: security sector; gender studies; police; military; Serbia; defence

Worldwide, the security sector is dominated by men, and Serbia is no exception to this. Recent times have seen some changes to this situation, with the quota system being among the factors responsible for this. Quotas are provisional measures which set a minimum proportion of women in security sector institutions. In the Serbian security sector, a quota system is used for the enrolment of women in police or military schools or in training for police or military jobs. Are quotas suitable for resolving the problem of inequality between women and men? Do they constrict or encourage the recruitment and promotion of women in traditional security institutions? Do they alter the prevailing perception of the role of women in the security sector, or do they reinforce existing preconceptions? This paper focusses primarily on analysing the way in which the quota system has been applied in the Serbian police and military. Based on this, recommendations are made for security and defence system institutions. In addition, the paper attempts to identify the origin of quotas and to outline the advantages and shortcomings of their application in the security sector.

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WRITTEN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION 2013 PROGRESS REPORT ON SERBIA
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WRITTEN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION 2013 PROGRESS REPORT ON SERBIA

WRITTEN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION 2013 PROGRESS REPORT ON SERBIA

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Keywords: prEUnup; the European Commision; international relations; migration policy; Human rights; regional issues; EU

“prEUnup” (ser. prEUgovor) is the first coalition of civil society organizations formed in order to monitor implementation of policies related to the Accession Negotiations between Serbia and EU, with an emphasis on Chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security). “prEUnup” is formed on the initiative of Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) with the mission to propose measures to improve the condition in the fields relevant for the negotiation process. In doing so, the coalition aims to use the process of EU integration to help accomplish substantial progress in further democratization of Serbian society.

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PREUGOVOR REPORT ON PROGRESS OF SERBIA IN CHAPTERS 23 AND 24( May 2014)
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PREUGOVOR REPORT ON PROGRESS OF SERBIA IN CHAPTERS 23 AND 24( May 2014)

PREUGOVOR REPORT ON PROGRESS OF SERBIA IN CHAPTERS 23 AND 24 (May 2014)

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Keywords: PrEUgovor; prEUnup; European Union; Serbia; international relations; EU integration

“prEUgovor” (Eng. prEUnup) is the first coalition of civil society organizations formed in order to monitor implementation of policies related to the Accession Negotiations between Serbia and EU, with an emphasis on Chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security). PrEUgovor is formed on the initiative of Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) with the mission to propose measures to improve the condition in the fields relevant for the negotiation process. In doing so, the coalition aims to use the process of EU integration to help accomplish substantial progress in further democratization of Serbian society.The platform “prEUgovor” gathering seven expert organizations has been monitoring areas related to obligations contained in political criteria and chapters 23 and 24. Findings in these reports are a result of scrupulous monitoring of the progress made in these areas, both in terms of legislative changes and the implementation of adopted legislation. Political dynamics and reforms in Serbia in this reporting period were marked by elections and formation of new Government. Proclaimed political will to tackle the key issues needs to be followed by a strong impetus to build and strengthen institutions. The monitoring report which follows covers developments from September 2013 to April 2014 and its main aim is to draw attention to major concerns related to targeted areas. A number of newly introduced laws and strategies (Strategy for Reform of Judiciary, Anti-Corruption Strategy, Public Administration Strategy Reform, etc.) are just at the beginning of being implemented, and need to be followed by numerous laws and bylaws and significant capacity building measures for institutions in charge of implementation and their true effects remain to be seen. Drafting of Action plans for Chapters 23 and 24 of the negotiation with the EU is going to be particularly important. Revision of the already adopted action plans and setting of clear measurable indicators of success as well as benchmarks and substantive financial resources dedicated to implementation will be of a paramount importance for further progress to be made in these areas.

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WAR ECHOES INTENSIFY FEARS - VIEWS OF SERBIAN CITIZENS ON RELATIONS IN THE REGION
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WAR ECHOES INTENSIFY FEARS - VIEWS OF SERBIAN CITIZENS ON RELATIONS IN THE REGION

WAR ECHOES INTENSIFY FEARS - VIEWS OF SERBIAN CITIZENS ON RELATIONS IN THE REGION

Author(s): Gorana Pebić,Ivana Ranković,Luka Šterić / Language(s): English

Keywords: public opinion; regional relations; Western Balkans; war in Ukraine

The Belgrade Centre for Security Policy conducted the annual public opinion survey on relations in the region, with a special focus on the Western Balkan countries and current events and trends. This report analyses Serbian citizens’ views on three main topics – the possibility of conflicts in the Balkans, Serbia’s bilateral relations with its neighbours, as well as key benefits and opportunities of regional cooperation and initiatives. Due to the current war in Ukraine and the war-mongering rhetoric in the Balkans, the fear of outbreak of conflict in the Balkans has risen. Compared to results from 2020, when more than half of citizens were not afraid of possible conflicts at all, the 2022 survey shows that almost two thirds of respondents are to a certain extent afraid of the outbreak of conflicts in the region in the next five years. Concerning potential causes of the conflict in the region, two-thirds of Serbian citizens believe that it is very or somewhat likely that a conflict might break out over the status of Kosovo. On the other hand, the results of the survey indicate a significant decrease in support of the reintroduction of mandatory military service, in comparison to results from 2020. When it comes to bilateral relations between Serbia and its neighbouring countries, the data shows a decline in support for potential separation of Republic of Srpska from Bosnia and Herzegovina and unification with Serbia. Citizens believe that relations between Serbia and Montenegro have not improved significantly, despite the signing of the Fundamental Agreement with the Serbian Orthodox Church. On the contrary, the negative perception of Serbian public towards Albania has slightly improved over the last two years, mainly due to the closer cooperation between the leaders of the two countries through the Open Balkan initiative. However, regional relations are still seen as strained, in part due to the promotion of the concept of Serbian world which creation is supported by slightly more than 40% of citizens. In 2022, the focus of the public in terms of regional cooperation was directed more directly to the Open Balkan initiative as a platform for collaboration between Albania, North Macedonia and Serbia. Although the data show an increase in the number of Serbian citizens who are familiar with the idea, there are still no concrete and publicly visible results of the initiative

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2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
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2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

Author(s): Alma Kovačević,Hamza Višća / Language(s): English

Keywords: police integrity; Bosnia and Herzegovina; police sector; corruption

A question of police integrity in BiH is quite difficult to consider due to the complexity of the police system. The police sector in BiH consists of 16 police agencies at all levels of government and 6 institutions which provide them support or carry out similar activities. This fact makes any research difficult because each police agency could be considered as an individual entity and particular research could be committed for each of them. Generally, findings of the report indicate that neither the legal framework, nor the practice is satisfying to ensure police integrity. In addition to that, the citizens assess police work as very weak and its efforts insufficient in fighting corruption. A very high influence of politicians on the police work still exists; police transparency is not satisfying when it comes to investigation of serious cases of corruption; human resources management and financing require serious reforms to be more functional in the fight against corruption; while both internal and external controls need serious changes to be more independent and functional. This report could help to consider police integrity from important points of view, including legal framework and citizens’ perspective. The report can help make a comprehensive study and a deeper analysis of each chapter.

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2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN KOSOVO
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2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN KOSOVO

2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN KOSOVO

Author(s): Plator Avdiu,Skender Perteshi / Language(s): English

Keywords: police integrity; Kosovo; police sector; corruption

The Kosovo Police is ranked by the citizens of Kosovo among the most trusted institutions; however, its independence and integrity require further improvement. There have been several occasions when the Minister of Internal Affairs, albeit indirectly, commented on police operations; this was noticed particularly during the 2015 protests in Kosovo against the Government. This raises the issue of depoliticization of the police force, as well as claims that the latter is influenced by the executive power. As regards other components of integrity, the Kosovo Police still does not possess the ‘integrity plan’ which would guide the most fundamental principles on enhancing accountability, impartiality and honesty. Bearing in mind that members of the police force are among the oldest in the region when it comes to average age, the early retirement of approximately 1,000 police officers and the recruitment of new ones will represent quite a challenge. There is also a need for better cooperation between the Kosovo Police and the State Prosecutor’s Office, the strengthening of professional capacities and human resources of the Police Inspectorate of Kosovo needed for inspecting and investigating the police, and for better supervision of the police activities by external oversight institutions, the Assembly of Kosovo in particular. This report aims to assess the integrity within the Kosovo Police and to address the key problems and challenges. Progress and regress in relation to police integrity is measured through six sections or indicators: the transparency of police work, the influence of political interests on the operational work of the police, human resources management, financial management, internal control and external oversight of police work. Given that this is a comprehensive study, it provides a qualitative analysis of the relevance of integrity principles, with the aim of keeping the Kosovo Police accountable, honest and ethical. The study revealed six major findings. (i) In general, the Kosovo Police is transparent in terms of providing information to the media and the public. The police Information and Public Relations Office is in charge of conducting all the activities related to transparency. However, the police are far from being perfect in this context. There should be far less bureaucracy when it comes to access, statistics, data and detailed information about its work. Therefore, the Kosovo Police should be more proactive to ensure its timely transparency concerning the requests from media, non-governmental organizations and other relevant parties.

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2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN MONTENEGRO
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2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN MONTENEGRO

2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN MONTENEGRO

Author(s): Dina Bajramspahić,Mario Sošić / Language(s): English

Keywords: police integrity; Montenegro; police sector; corruption

The integrity of the police in Montenegro has been compromised. The problems of bribery and misuse of office do not stand alone; there is also excessive use of force, passive professional behavior, extortion of statements, and political activity. Corruption is the second most common association of Montenegrin citizens when they are asked about the police, right after “security, safety and the protection of citizens,” and only 12 percent of the citizens believe that corruption does not run rampant in the police force of Montenegro. For the above reasons, the integrity of the police must become one of the priority areas of strategic further development of this service. There is a complex system of internal and external control of the police, which is characterized by insufficient cooperation and information exchange between the authorities in charge of oversight, insufficient effects of their controls, conclusions and recommendations, and by the citizens’ dilemma concerning the right authority to which to report abuse, corruption or overstepping of police powers, resulting from presence of too many actors. Although some progress has been made, supervisory authorities have not yet achieved necessary efficiency in the implementation of their powers. Reform of the Montenegrin police began shortly before the referendum on independence, through the enactment of the new Law on Police in October 2005. The Law on Internal Affairs of 2012 brought the Police Directorate back under the aegis of the Ministry of Interior, which resulted in reduced independence of the police concerning management and decision-making in many areas, from human resources and finance, to transparency. In this report we have presented the results of a study which aims to contribute to the improved functioning of the police, and increase the public trust and confidence in its work, which - as in all the Balkan countries – stands at quite a low level. The report is divided into six thematic sections: the first three relate to the issues of transparency, depoliticisation and management of human resources. The following three chapters deal with financial management and public procurement and the repressive measures for establishing the liability of employees, and analyze the work and results of all the actors in charge of internal and external control of police work. Each chapter is followed by recommendations for improvement within the specific area.

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2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN SERBIA
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2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN SERBIA

2015 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN SERBIA

Author(s): Alisa Koljenšić Radić / Language(s): English

Keywords: police integrity; Serbia; police sector; corruption

The integrity of the police in Serbia has been compromised. Only four percent of Serbian citizens believe that there is no corruption in the police force. The fight against corruption in the police became a “target” of the European Commission because the police has been identified in the Screening Report for Chapter 23: Judiciary and Fundamental Rights as a particularly sensitive area when it comes to corruption. Only one out of 23 Anti-Corruption Strategy activities listed in the Action Plan under section “Police” was implemented in full and within the set deadline. All this indicates the presence of a problem of accountable policing. Ministry of Interior has recognized the problem of compromised integrity of the police, and that is good. New strategic MoI priorities have been established: strengthening the accountability of the police and the internal control mechanisms to suppress corruption in police ranks. Consequently, the police reform in 2015 was marked by (i) drafting the new Law on Police, which will introduce new anti-corruption measures such as verification of the property of police officers in leading positions, and (ii) the establishment of an effective human resources management system in the MoI. The seriousness of this job may also be gleaned from the fact that adoption of the new Law on Police had been proposed three times already during this year, and that the new Human Resources Sector, as the main proponent of reform in this area, has yet to become operational even though changes in the human resources management had begun four years ago. This Report presents the results of monitoring the integrity of the police service in Serbia. Research indicates whether and to what extent the MoI and the police are behaving responsibly, i.e. whether the established strategic objectives and statutory functions are implemented in practice. The study offers an analysis of the integrity of the police using specific methodology for assessing the integrity of the police in six areas in which legal and practical weaknesses that may jeopardize such integrity have been examined: the transparency of police work, the influence of political interests on the operational work of the police, human resources management, financial management, internal control and external oversight of police work. Special emphasis was placed in the Report on the analysis of the solutions contained in the Draft Law on Police

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2016 ASSESMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN ALBANIA
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2016 ASSESMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN ALBANIA

2016 ASSESMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN ALBANIA

Author(s): Besjana Kuci,Eranda Begaj / Language(s): English

Keywords: police integrity; Albania; police sector; corruption

The adoption of the judicial reform package in July 2016 has been marked as the first concrete step in strengthening the rule of law and progress towards the European pathway. It goes without saying that the judicial reform is considered a panacea in the fight against corruption at all levels. Yet, in Albania, experience has proved that the enactment of legislation does not always match its implementation and that political will does not always coincide with genuine commitment to overcome the status quo. Hence, the focus on the judicial reform has virtually eclipsed police integrity concerns. Corruption is still largely widespread in many areas despite the anti-corruption measures in place. In this regard, this report aims to assess police integrity and examine its compliance with the principles of good governance and accountability. During this year police integrity has been compromised by problems of bribery and misuse of office, excessive use of force, passive professional behaviour and allegations of links to drug trafficking. Therefore, police integrity must become one of the priority areas of further strategic development of this service. There is a complex system of internal and external controls of the State Police (SP) in place, but it is characterised by insufficient cooperation and information exchange between the authorities in charge of oversight as well as insufficient implementation of their conclusions and recommendations. Moreover, the citizens tend to be confused about the proper channels and authorities to whom to report corruption or misconduct, as a consequence of presence of too many actors. Although some progress has been achieved, mainly with regard to the adoption of the legal framework on anti-corruption, oversight authorities have not yet achieved necessary efficiency in the implementation of their powers. The Law on SP of 2014 has been followed by the endorsement of a legislative package including the new State Police Regulation (2015), the Strategy on Public Order 2015- 2020 and its Action Plan 2015-2017 that lay down statutory gurantees concerning the prevention of corruption within the State Police. Moreover, the Law on Internal Affairs and Complaints Service, enacted in 2014, repealed the former Law on Internal Control Service. This Law had provided explicit provisions with regard to the fight against corruption in the police.

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2016 ASSESMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN KOSOVO
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2016 ASSESMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN KOSOVO

2016 ASSESMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN KOSOVO

Author(s): Plator Avdiu / Language(s): English

Keywords: police integrity; Kosovo; police sector; corruption

Kosovo Police has built its own internal governing mechanisms, especially related to internal control. However, there is still a lot to be done to make all those mechanisms more professional and stronger, and build the institutional integrity in order to prevent and fight police corruption. It seems that the main challenges that Kosovo Police faces are human resource management, the internal reform process, public procurement and prevention of abuse of official duty by the police officers. The need to professionalize KP’s human resources raised the need to undertake reforms in this institution of security starting from early retirement of police officers, which has not begun as a process yet. Weaknesses have been identified regarding updates of the files of KP’s personnel. Work performance assessment does not take place regularly for the police employees. In addition, the Kosovo Police personnel does not have any health insurance or life insurance in their workplace, which may harm its human resources. Public Procurement is another field where Kosovo Police should focus. It should pay special attention to legal procedures as defined by the Law on Public Procurement for the supervision of contracts and different projects, which get implemented by economic operators. Similarly, relevant institutional mechanisms should be strengthened in order to avoid those weaknesses reported regarding the process of preparation of tender documentation. Kosovo Police jointly with the Kosovo Police Inspectorate should closely collaborate to draft and implement policies in the area of prevention and combating police corruption. In this regard, lack of a Kosovo Police Integrity Plan, and lack of an action plan for its practical implementation, may harm all efforts to strengthen police integrity. Meanwhile, the role of Kosovo Police Inspectorate to supervise the Kosovo Police should be active, specifically related to the inspection and investigation of police officers, including those in high ranks and at the management level of the Kosovo Police.

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2016 ASSESMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN MACEDONIA
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2016 ASSESMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN MACEDONIA

2016 ASSESMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN MACEDONIA

Author(s): Magdalena Lembovska,Filip Stojkovski / Language(s): English

Keywords: police integrity; North Macedonia; police sector; corruption

The Parliament provides basic oversight and control of the police. The Committee on Security and Defence, as a parent committee in charge of security-related issues, mainly deals with discussing draft legislation. The Standing Inquiry Committee for Protection of Civil Freedoms and Rights, which is authorised to review communications from citizens and whose findings could be used as grounds for initiating a procedure for accountability of public office holders, has not had any track record since establishment. At the same time, the existing oversight mechanisms, such as holding oversight hearings, remain underused. On the other side, members of the Parliament make good use of parliamentary questions. On paper, the Ombudsman is well positioned within the Macedonian institutional setup; however, he is faced with obstructions from the institutions in fulfilling his mandate and lack of cooperation with the Internal Control Unit of the Ministry of Interior and the Public Prosecutor’s Office. It should be noted that the Ombudsman has noted an increase in policy brutality and a decrease in the protection of human rights and freedoms. In regards to internal control, the Department for Internal Control, Criminal Investigations and Professional Standards has undergone structural changes that should allow greater authority and a better delineation between preventive and reactive work. The number of decisions taken in favour of citizens in the cases of excessive use of force remains very low, which undermines public trust in this body. Also, there have been allegations of politicisation of the work of the unit. The adoption of the Law on Whistle-Blower Protection represents a positive development. Still, the Law needs to be amended to become more precise, and the institutions involved in the process of whistle-blower protection need to be equipped with necessary resources (human, technical, financial) in order to be able to perform. As for the prevention of conflict of interest, the State Commission for Prevention of Corruption needs to overcome certain structural deficiencies, including lack of independence, in order to be recognised as an independent oversight mechanism.

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2016 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN MONTENEGRO
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2016 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN MONTENEGRO

2016 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN MONTENEGRO

Author(s): Aleksandra Vavić,Ana Đurnić,Dina Bajramspahić,Ivana Bogojević,Milena Milošević,Milica Milonjić / Language(s): English

Keywords: police integrity; Montenegro; police sector; corruption

The second assessment of the institutional integrity of the police, prepared by a team of researchers of the Institute Alternative, analyses the following: the methods used by the system to resist irregularities and illegalities in the work of police officers, how the system responds to the observed irregularities, and especially the problems faced by the actors in charge of controlling the police in their attempts to achieve efficiency. The analysis covers the period from November 2016 to November 2017 and builds on the results of previous research.1 In this report we have presented the key novelties, changes and improvements, but also the negative practices and obstacles to efficient work, with the intent to make a contribution to improving the functioning of the police and increasing public trust and confidence in its work, the level of which – much like in other Balkan countries – happens to be very low.2 The report has five chapters. The first chapter is devoted to bodies that perform external oversight of the police. There are five of them in Montenegro: the Assembly of Montenegro, the Council for Civil Control, the Protector of Human Rights and Freedoms, the Agency for Protection of Personal Data and Free Access to Information, and the Anti-Corruption Agency. The two following chapters are titled Human Resources Management and Financial Management, while the last two are devoted to internal control in the broader sense (made up of the Internal Control Department, the Disciplinary Commission, the Ethics Committee, and the heads of organisational units of the police), and finally, to the criminal liability and the work of judicial authorities.

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2016 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN SERBIA
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2016 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN SERBIA

2016 ASSESSMENT OF POLICE INTEGRITY IN SERBIA

Author(s): Bojan Elek,Saša Đorđević,Sofija Mandić,Vladimir Erceg / Language(s): English

Keywords: police integrity; Serbia; police sector; corruption

The fourth assessment of the police integrity in Serbia covers the period from December 2015 to December 2016. To ensure the basic role of the police – maintenance and improvement of the safety of citizens – the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy has been regularly examining the integrity of the police since 2012. In addition to the above, the police are legally obliged to fight corruption, among other things, and they cannot successfully perform this task if they do not have the integrity necessary to prevent their own personnel from becoming susceptible to corrupt behaviour. The integrity assessment opens up a discussion of the abuse of police powers, corruption in the police force, and misconduct of police officers. Studies conducted in various democratic countries show that management of the police and police culture are the most important factors that influence the officers’ behaviour. Therefore, the focus of this study is to assess the institutional integrity of the police, i.e. the effectiveness of the reform and managerial moves in the police aimed at making it an accountable and transparent service oriented towards the citizens. We did not analyse whether the reforms at the organisational level have produced effects at the level of individuals, or if they have changed the police culture, as we have not had access to data required for this level of analysis. The research methodology was improved, compared to the last year's study. Two areas – transparency and management – which have been studied in detail in 20151 now represent integral parts of each field of integrity observation. Within them, we analysed the steps forward as well as the problems, in both legal and practical terms. Based on this methodology we have identified five areas of integrity observation: 1) external oversight, 2) police accountability, 3) human resources management, 4) financial management, and 5) criminal accountability. The last area is completely new and it served to assess a formal possibility for criminal prosecution of members of the police force for their corruption activities.

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2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Albania
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2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Albania

2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Albania

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Keywords: police force; public opinion; Albania; police sector

The most trusted institutions in Albania are the media and the education system. Slightly more than half (56%) of the respondents trust the police, while 43% have no trust in this institution. The least trusted institution is the Parliament (25%), followed by the judiciary (33%), customs (34%), the prosecutors’ offices (34%) and the Anti-Corruption Agency (35%). Corruption remains one of the major challenges of the governance in Albania, regardless of the existence of various anti-corruption institutions and measures. Police corruption is still persistent, even though the survey results show improvement of public trust in the police. The concern is that the important pillars in the fight against corruption are also perceived by the respondents as the most corrupt institutions in Albania: judiciary (79%), prosecution (76%), and the Parliament (75%). Corruption is least widespread within the media and non-governmental organisations. Despite the respondents’ prevailing opinion of police being corrupt, it is worth noting that 56% of the respondents believe that employment in the police is gained through public competitions, knowledge and capabilities of candidates. However, Influential friends and political ties form a shortcut to police employment for 71% of the respondents, which is a result that should cause concern in police officials. More than half (55%) of the respondents state that the police act mostly as a service to the citizens, while one fourth of the respondents (25%) who believe the opposite. The data show a high level of police politicisation: 40% of the respondents believe that politicians have complete influence over the operational work of the police force. An additional 39% share the opinion that politicians influence police work to a great extent. The data also show a contradiction in the citizen’s perception on the merit-based recruitment of police officers and the high level of political influence on policing. Traffic police force is considered the most corrupted police unit, (64%), followed by Minister’s closest associates (59%), border police and criminal police (54%) respectively. This indicates that the respondents associate police corruption mainly with bribery, despite the diversity of the forms of police corruption. Moreover, when asked about the institutions to which respondents would first report a case of police corruption, more than half (58%) said that they would report it to the local police station and the media. With regard to the impunity culture prevailing in Albania, about one fifth (23%) of the respondents suggest strict punishment of offenders, and another fifth (22%) point out that it is necessary to punish a greater number of high ranking police officers. More than one third of the respondents (36%) indicate that the central Government should lead the fight against corruption in the police organisation, assisted by other proposed institutions. Less than half of the respondents (43%) consider that non-governmental organisations should take active part in the fight against corruption, including collaboration with the state institutions favoured by 26% of the respondents.

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2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina
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2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina

2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Armin Kržalić / Language(s): English

Keywords: police force; Bosnia and Herzegovina; police sector; public opinion

The police happens to be most trusted part of the system of Bosnia and Herzegovina – more than half of the population has confidence in this institution. However, the image of the police among the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina is divided – while the opinion of some is quite positive, others list corruption, lack of politeness and discomfort as things that first come to mind at the mention of police officers. In the opinion of the population, one of the biggest problems with the police is the excessive influence of politicians on their work. The police officers are, thus, perceived as protectors of the interests of political parties instead of those who are there to serve the citizens. Citizens believe that corruption in the police force is widespread, but when we look at individual parts of the institution we see that this assessment varies and pertains mostly to traffic police, border police (especially the customs officers) and the closest associates of ministers of interior affairs. Citizens say that the process of employment in the police also happens to be problematic, i.e. that employment is gained through friends, family members, political connections and bribery. The number of those who say that they would report cases of corruption in the police, if they had the opportunity, is quite small. Such an attitude best illustrates the image of the police in public, that is, its disappointment with their work and lack of interest in their affairs.

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