Publisher: BCBP Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku

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2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Kosovo

2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Kosovo

Author(s): Donika Emini / Language(s): English

Keywords: police force; Kosovo; police sector; public opinion

This research show that the Kosovo Police, education institutions, media, civil society organisations, municipal authorities and health care institutions are listed as trusted institutions by about 50 percent of the respondents. On the other hand, judicial institutions, the Anti-Corruption Agency, the Assembly of Kosovo are listed as the least trusted institutions. The low level of trust of the respondents shows that these institutions are struggling to maintain their image and facing a rather challenging period in their work as reflected in the survey results. Kosovo Police appears to belong among the most trusted institutions in spite of the fact that the end of 2015 and the beginning of 2016 were marked as the most challenging periods for this institution. The positive perception can be attributed to the leading role that the Kosovo Police has taken in the fight against violent extremism. Closeness and daily contact with the citizens and even being considered as the first address to report issues and concern related to their safety – has been one of the factors leading to the increase of overall trust towards this institution. However, there is still a lot of scepticism among the respondents, especially bearing in mind the survey results in regard to the fight of police corruption and political influence over the police. Similarly to the overall good perception towards the police, the survey results show that there is positive perception towards police officers (both men and women). This perception has strong ties to the uniform and the nature of the work; seemingly the uniform is also associated with safety, protection and discipline. Regarding the hiring in the police, this process was accompanied by many debates. Nevertheless, the results show that a majority of respondents believe that the hiring process is fair, whereas nepotism, pulling strings, and political influence are believed to play a large part of the hiring process. In spite of the fact that more than half of the respondents listed the police as an institution that serves the citizens of Kosovo, the respondents also seem to think that they are highly influenced by politics. Moreover, the qualitative research shows that the respondents think that the politicians in Kosovo exercise extensive influence over this institution. Although the police is listed as the institution that serves the citizens’ interest the most by more than 50 percent of the respondents, a large group of them believe that politicians exercise influence over the Kosovo police and that the police serves the interests of the Government and small elites. The results show that the perception of the level of corruption in public institutions is very high and widespread in all institutions. Corruption within the police is a great concern of the citizens, mostly referring to the traffic police, border police, and the Minister’s associates as the most corrupted units. More than half of the respondents stated that the Government should fight corruption within the police force, followed by the Anti-Corruption Agency, the internal control mechanisms, while they listed non-governmental organisations as not capable of fighting corruption.

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2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Macedonia

2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Macedonia

Author(s): Magdalena Lembovska / Language(s): English

Keywords: police force; North Macedonia; police sector; public opinion

The police are the most trusted institution in Macedonia with almost 60% of the respondents stating that they mostly or completely trust it. Still, nearly one-quarter of the population do not trust the police at all. In general, women tend to trust them more than men, whereas males are the demographic group with least confidence in this institution. Citizens are also divided among the ethnic lines. Ethnic Macedonians generally express more positive views than ethnic Albanians, particularly concerning the question of trust. Moreover, the level of trust is the highest among the public sector employees, followed by pensioners and those working in the private sector. The students’ and unemployed citizens’ level of trust is much lower. Macedonian citizens have a positive perception of police officers, describing them mainly using positive words/adjectives, and with female police officers scoring slightly better. However, negative perceptions prevail in many aspects of the work of the police. For instance, the most popular belief about the employment process within the police is that candidates are selected via political connections or by pulling strings with relatives or friends. Moreover, the police force is rather seen as operating as means for protection of the interests or particular groups than as a service of the citizens. In line with this finding, more than half of the citizens believe that politicians do have an influence on the operating work of the police force. Apart from the police, only education and healthcare received positive trust assessments by more than half of the respondents, while least trusted institutions are the judiciary, the Anti-corruption Agency, the prosecutors’ offices and the Parliament. Moreover, all institutions except non-governmental organisations are considered by more than half of the respondents to have widespread corruption. The most widespread corruption is perceived to be found in the judiciary, followed by the prosecutors’ offices, commercial inspectorates and the customs. Compared to other institutions, the police is positioned somewhere in the middle. Breaking down the results to specific police units, the traffic police is considered to be the most corrupt, followed by the Minister’s closest associates and the border police. The least corrupt are believed to be police officers responsible for public law and order. On a positive note, it is encouraging to see that 76% of the Macedonian citizens would be willing to report a case of corruption in the police (being asked for a bribe), even if they were required to reveal their personal data. This is in line with the popular belief that motivating citizens to report corrupt police officers is the most necessary action for preventing corruption. Other suggested measures are: increasing the salaries of police officers, strict sanctioning of offenders and more frequent punishing of corrupt police officials. The internal control unit, responsible for addressing corruption within the police, is not the citizens’ first choice for reporting a case. Most of the citizens would report it to the local police station or the chief of the station. Similarly, the institution that should be the first to fight corruption in the police force is considered to be the police force itself through the control of the police, by the minister of interior, or the police officers themselves. On the other side, citizens mainly agreed that the primary role of the NGOs in the fight against corruption should be collaborating with the state.

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2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Montenegro

2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Montenegro

Author(s): Milena Milošević / Language(s): English

Keywords: police force; Montenegro; police sector; public opinion

Six out of ten citizens of Montenegro trust the police. This suggests that police, despite numerous challenges, has citizens on its side as significant impetus to its work. In a nutshell, these opinions include, apart from the high level of public trust, largely positive associations about typical policemen and policewomen. This trust score in police is in contradiction with other survey results, drawing a somewhat complex picture of people’s opinion of the police. Citizens think that corruption in this institution is relatively widespread; that the police predominantly serve particular interests, and that recruitment is not merit-based. Serbs tend to trust the police less and perceive it as particularly alienated. Less than half of the respondents (42%) who declared themselves as ethnic Serbs said that they trust the police highly or completely. This lack of trust is supported by other answers as well: only 21% of the respondents who declared themselves as Serbs stated that the police serve the citizens, while all of 80% said that politicians influence police work completely or to a large extent. By contrast, Albanians, Croats and Bosniaks/Muslims tend to have an above-average positive perception of specific aspects of the police. Although citizens believe that corruption within the police is widespread, they are not eager to report it. The striking majority of over 73% of the respondents said that they would not report corruption within the police even if they were not asked to disclose their personal data. The key trends remain steady in comparison with the survey conducted in 2015. This suggests that relatively turbulent developments and opposition protests in the capital city of Podgorica from October 2015, which resulted in excessive use of force by a number of police officers, have not significantly affected the general perception of the police. Also – like in 2015 – trust in the police and perception of corruption are not positively correlated, indicating the need for further research of key determinants of public trust in institutions. Possible explanations can be associated with the predominant political culture, which is not highly participatory and civic-oriented but is, instead, still parochial and submissive to a significant extent, meaning that a significant portion of population is not eager to question the authorities regardless of their performance. The major novelty of this year’s survey was its focus on women in the police force. Although policewomen were largely assigned positive attributes, some general stereotypes about women appear in this survey as well. Beauty, looks and charm are among the most frequent first associations when it comes to policewomen, while, when asked to describe a typical policeman, only 1% of the respondents listed beauty, looks and charm as their first answer. Also, not a single respondent claimed that a typical male police officer is not suited for the job, while more than 5% of the respondents gave precisely this answer as their first description of women in the police force.

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2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Serbia

2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Results of a Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Serbia

Author(s): Aurelija Đan / Language(s): English

Keywords: police force; Serbia; police sector; public opinion

Citizens of Serbia trust the education system the most. However, the level of their confidence in other institutions is not satisfactory. More than half of the population does not trust the market inspectorate (59%), the judiciary and the Parliament (56%), the municipal and city administration (55%) and the customs (55%). Trust in the media and the civil society has not reached a satisfactory level either. Citizens are still divided over how much they trust the police. It is true that the level of trust has grown by 2% in 2016 in comparison to 2015: slightly more than half the population (54%) stated that they trust the police, while 44% do not have confidence in this institution. The problem however - just like last year – is in the fact that there is still a high percentage of those who believe that there is corruption in the police force. The percentage of those who believe that the police is corrupt has increased by 2% in comparison with the previous year, so now a total of 72% of citizens believe that corruption in the police is widespread. Citizens perceive the police in different ways, depending on their gender: they see policewomen are pretty and policemen as corrupt. The results of this survey show that citizens believe that the impact of politics on operational police work is high and that employment in the police force is usually gained through friends and relatives. Citizens still insufficiently perceive the police as a service to citizens, but it is good that more than a third of them (37%) do – which is increase from 27% as measured last year. It has already become a rule for Serbian citizens to think that corruption is most widespread among the representatives of the police force they most frequently come in contact with. This year too, they believe that corruption is most widespread in the traffic and border police. Citizens are not yet ready to report corruption in the police. It is notable that men (37%) are more willing to do so than women (31%) when required to disclose their personal information. The Anti-Corruption Agency still remains the first choice for reporting corruption. Compared to the previous year, a larger percentage of the population believes that sanctioning the perpetrators should be one of the main measures to combat corruption in the police. The number of people who believe that the political will of the Minister and officials is necessary to solve the problem of corruption in the police has decreased. One quarter of the citizens believe that the internal police control should be the main body to fight corruption in the police (24%). A quarter of the respondents see the role of civil society in the direct fight against corruption, as well as in their cooperation with the state.

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2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Comparative Analysis of Public Opinion Surveys Conducted in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia

2016 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - The Comparative Analysis of Public Opinion Surveys Conducted in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia

Author(s): Sofija Mandić / Language(s): English

Keywords: police force; Albania; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Montenegro; Kosovo; North Macedonia; Western Balkans; police sector; public opinion

Citizens of the Western Balkans have a high level of trust and confidence in the education system, the health system and the police. However, even in the case of institutions they trust most – such as the police, trusted on average by 58% of the population – many believe that they cannot be relied on. Representative bodies (the Parliament), the judiciary, the prosecutors’ offices and the media are trusted the least. In comparison with the survey conducted in 2015, trust in most key institutions has increased. The respondents see the average policewoman first as polite and good looking, and only then as a professional ready to perform her job. Male members of the police force are associated primarily with their professional engagement – protection of citizens, someone who is strong and trustworthy – and to some extent with behaviour and method of communication, whereas assessments concerning their physical appearance are completely absent. Citizens of the Western Balkans believe that the dominant mode of employment in the police is through friends and relatives, political affiliation, or by giving bribes. Many of them also believe that police officers operate mainly to protect the interests of the government, political parties and police officials, and only then those of the citizens. Similarly, they believe that politicians have a strong influence on the operational decision-making in the police. Although more than half the citizens have confidence in the police, this institution is simultaneously also considered deeply corrupt. This suggests that corruption is percieved as something that is acceptable and normal. Awareness of corruption in the police thus persists together with a sense of trust, without these two perceptions excluding each other. Border and traffic police are believed to be the most corrupt, together with the close (political) associates of ministers of interior affairs. Special police units are viewed as least vulnerable to corruption. Citizens are divided in their opinions as to whether they would or would not report corruption, and those who would do it would first contact the local police station or its chief. Citizens believe that repressive measures would be most effective for preventing corruption. They also believe that the Government, the Minister of Interior Affairs and the internal police control should be the first to address this problem. Respondents recognise civil society as actors in the fight against corruption, but mostly as direct actors and associates of the state in this task. Only then do they recognise their contribution through research, documentation and protection of victims of corruption.

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2017 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - Results of the Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Albania

2017 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE FORCE - Results of the Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Albania

Author(s): Redion Qirjazi / Language(s): English

Keywords: police force; Albania; police sector; public opinion

The police force is the most trusted institution in Albania. Almost two-thirds (61%) of the population says that they trust it. However, most of the Albanian institutions that have been selected for this public opinion survey lack the trust of the public. On average, in 2017, 46% of the Albanians trusted their institutions, in comparison with 44% in 2016. Results on the citizens’ perception of the police vary in accordance with age, gender and geographic location. Women show a greater level of trust in the police than men (63% and 59% respectively). People in cities trust the police less than those living in rural areas. People over 45 years of age trust the police the most, as well as less educated respondents. Policewomen are perceived as kind and decent (25%), followed by being correct on the job (17%) and friendly and helpful (16%), while male officers are seen as capable and efficient (17%), strong and powerful (13%), and serious and responsible (9%). The 2017 survey indicates that 66% of the citizens believe that police recruitment is conducted through public competitions, compared to 56% who thought the same in 2016. This positive trend indicates increased confidence in fairness and professionalism when employing police officers. Furthermore, in 2017, 66% of the respondents believe that the police are operating as a service to the Albanian citizens, in comparison with 55% that thought the same in 2016. Yet, the vast majority (69%) believe that politicians influence the operational work of the police, although this number is still lower than that of 2016 (79%). Just over half of the population (52%) believes that corruption in the police force is widespread, in comparison with last year’s 62%. On average, the perception of police corruption has remained at similar levels across genders, age groups and geographic regions. Perception of corruption within police units has also decreased since 2016, from 51% to 45%. The most corrupt police units are the Minister’s closest associates, with 52%, followed by the border police (49%). Traffic police has achieved excellent results in reducing the perception of corruption, from 63% - which made it the most corrupt unit in the eyes of the population 2016 - to 43% in 2017. Citizens are more likely to report a case of police corruption in 2017 (54%) than they were in 2016 (47%). This number would be higher if citizens’ identities were to be kept confidential. Male citizens between the ages of 18 and 29 are more likely to report a case of police corruption. As in 2016, the first choice for reporting police corruption is the local police station, followed by the media. Most Albanians believe that strict punishment for offenders and police managers is the key to preventing police corruption. Furthermore, 31% believe that the Government should lead the fight against police corruption, followed by the Minister of Interior with 16%. These data resonate closely with the previous year. When we compare the results with those from 2016, it seems that this year Albanians are placing greater emphasis on the ‘advisory’ and capacity-building roles of NGOs rather than their taking active part in fighting corruption.

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2017 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE - Results of the Public Opinion Survey conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina

2017 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE - Results of the Public Opinion Survey conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Armin Kržalić / Language(s): English

Keywords: police force; Bosnia and Herzegovina; police sector; public opinion

The results of the third round of the public opinion polls reveal alarming data, expressed in a fall of trust and confidence of the citizens in the 12 institutions included in the survey conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2017 (by an average of 10%). The confidence of the citizens in the police of Bosnia and Herzegovina has experienced a significant decline in relation to the second round of research (conducted in 2016). In BiH, the percentage of those who trust the police first fell from the initial 54% in the first round of 2015, then rose to 60% (in 2016), only to fall again to 47% in the third round. The difference between the second and third rounds is a significant 13%. The trend of using positive adjectives when describing policewomen who happen to be in direct contact with the citizens continued in the third round of research (2017). In the third round, the percentage of respondents who described policewomen as polite, cordial and pleasant rose to (24%), while the second most frequent response, describing them as pretty, good looking and charming, fell by 4%. As regards the best description of a male police officer, the percentage of respondents who in this round of research described policemen in BiH as polite, cultured and pleasant (13%) is almost identical to that from the previous round. Also, the same percentage of respondents described police officers as mostly serious, responsible and aware of the work that they do. There is quite a difference between the description of male and female police officers. As opposed to policewomen, respondents describe policemen as less polite and less pleasant. Also unlike policewomen, policemen are percieved as dishonest, arrogant and aggressive. The largest statistical difference between male and female police officers was noted in the description relating to corruption. Thus, 12% of the respondents described policemen as persons who can be easily corrupt, while the percentage is considerably lower when it comes to policewomen (2%). According to the citizens, one of the biggest problems in this area is the high level of influence of politicians on police work. Therefore, the largest percentage of the respondents believes that the police in BiH act the least as a service to the citizens - 61% (the first round - 67%, the second round - 51%, the third round - 66%), and that they mostly operate as a means of protecting the interests of political parties - 30% (the first round - 33%, the second round - 28%, the third round - 30%). The police are perceived as a means of protecting the interests of political parties, and not as a service to the citizens. Citizens believe that corruption is widespread in the police force, but when we examine specific parts of it we can see that this opinion varies, and that it mainly applies to the traffic police, the border police, and the closest associates of th Minister of Interior. Stable findings show that half the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina believe that the selection of candidates and employment in the police are carried out in a dishonest manner, either through friends or family connections: 52% (the first round - 49%, the second round - 54%, and the third round - 53%). There is a small number of citizens who say that they would report a case of corruption in the police if an opprotunity presented itself. Such a position best illustrates the public perception of police work, that is, the citizens' disappointment and lack of interest in it. The results obtained after the third round of research regarding the role of non-governmental organisations in the fight against corruption show growth in the percentage of respondents who see the role of non-governmental organisations in direct participation.

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2017 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE - Results of the Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Kosovo

2017 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE - Results of the Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Kosovo

Author(s): Plator Avdiu / Language(s): English

Keywords: police force; Kosovo; police sector; public opinion

In 2017, the police was the most trusted institution in Kosovo. The trends have shown that the public trust in the Kosovo Police in 2017 has increased by 10 percent in comparison to the levels noted in 2015 and 2016, making it the institution the respondents experienced in the most positive light. It is worth mentioning that the survey was conducted soon after the early parliamentary elections in Kosovo, which could have impacted the results as regards the police to a certain extent. Positive attitudes of the respondents towards the police have been demonstrated with respect to the perception of police officers, both male and female. The public perceives police officers mainly as kind, cultured, decent and trustful people who work in compliance with the country’s laws and regulations. However, the respondents have shared quite different views regarding the selection of candidates and the employment process within the police. Although the majority believes that an open and public competition precedes employment, they also see political connections, pulling strings and bribery as issues that seemingly still present major challenges to a fair and merit-based recruitment process. Despite the results indicating that the majority of respondents believe that the Kosovo Police serves the citizens the most, there is still serious concern that the police also serves the interests of the Government and the political parties in Kosovo. Moreover, the risk of political influence on the police is believed to be quite high, given that a vast majority of the respondents feels that the Kosovo Police is politically influenced indeed, with particular emphasis on the operational work of the institution. According to the respondents’ perceptions, corruption in the Kosovo institutions is widely spread. Althought the level of corruption in the Kosovo Police in 2017 is perceived as lower in comparison with earlier years, this however does not imply that the current state is satisfactory. In addition, relevant police units such as the traffic police, the border police and the closest associates of the Minister of Internal Affairs are viewed as corrupt by almost 50 percent of the citizens. As the public in Kosovo expressed concerns regarding the corruption of relevant police units, respondents have shared their ideas on the prevention of police corruption. More precisely, the research showed that strict punishment of offenders and stricter sanctions for police managers involved in corruption might be necessary to fight police corruption in Kosovo. As trends from 2015 to 2017 show, respondents have listed the Government first when asked about the bodies that should fight corruption within the Kosovo Police. The Government was followed by internal control bodies of the police and the Anti-Corruption Agency. It is surprising that only a small group of tose surveyedh (less than 5 percent) perceived the Prosecutor’s Office as relevant in fighting police corruption. This is mainly attributed to the low level of public trust in the prosecution and judiciary in general. Non-governmental organisations are also not viewed as a significant contributor in this regard. 7 Since serious concerns have been expressed by the respondents who thought that the police is placed at risk by political influence over its operational work, it follows that the independence of the Kosovo Police should be ensured and freed from any influence. In this regard, provisions of the Law on Police should be fully implemented, and the operative police work should not be subject to any influenceat all. Internal policies of the Kosovo Police should be strengthened to gurantee that the recruitment of candidates for employment in the police is conducted solely based on merit. The Police Inspectorate of Kosovo should regularly inspect and oversee the recruitment cycles in the Police to eliminate negative phenomena (such as political connections, pulling of strings, or bribery) in hiring new personnel. Police corruption in Kosovo is still a major concern. Therefore, internal control mechanisms of the Kosovo Police have to further enhance the activities to prevent and combat corruption within the institution itself. According to the responses provided by respondents in this survey, the police should apply strict sanctions when its personnel are implied in the corruption cases, with the aim to reduce and fight police corruption.

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2017 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE - Results of the Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Macedonia

2017 THE CITIZENS’ OPINION OF THE POLICE - Results of the Public Opinion Survey Conducted in Macedonia

Author(s): Magdalena Lembovska / Language(s): English

Keywords: police force; North Macedonia; police sector; public opinion

The police force is the second most trusted institution in Macedonia among those selected for this public opinion survey, preceded only by the education system. More than half the population (55%) show trust in the police, but almost one quarter (23%) still don’t trust it at all. The survey showed a positive perception of police officers among the population, especially when it came to policewomen. This should be taken into consideration by the Ministry of Interior when developing communication strategies for building public trust. Also, the Ministry should work harder to gain the trust of unemployed persons, students and young people in general, as the levels were lower in these categories. Private sector employees exhibit the highest trust in the police, followed by those working in the public sector and the pensioners. The level of trust in the police among the ethnic Albanians has increased in 2017, which a positive trend given that it used to be much lower than that of ethnic Macedonians. Currently, there are no significant differences between these ethnic groups. The survey showed that citizens believe that politics play an important role in police work – starting with employment practices that are viewed as dependent on the political connections of the candidate, but also on the operational level. Citizens mainly see the police as a means for protection of the interests of political parties or other particular groups. In line with this, most of the citizens perceive a high level of influence of politicians on operative police work. Therefore, the Ministry of Interior needs to make a considerable effort to depoliticise the police and ensure the implementation of professional standards at all levels within this institution. Even though public trust in the police is relatively high, there is also a perception of widespread corruption which indicates high tolerance of corruption within the Macedonian society. Still, it is encouraging to see that the vast majority (70%) of the citizens would be willing to report police corruption even if they were required to reveal their personal data. Moreover, around half of them would change their minds and report such a case if they could do so anonymously. In addition, there is a wide consensus that motivating citizens to report corrupt police officers is the most necessary action for preventing corruption. Therefore, the stakeholders should focus on promoting the application of mechanisms for oversight and control. If citizens believed that their complaints would indeed be taken seriosly and that corrupt police officers would be held responsible for their deeds, they would be better encouraged to report cases of corruption. Going to the local police station is the first choice for reporting police corruption, while the internal control unit – which is actually responsible for such cases – Is not a very popular choice. Still, most of the respondents think that control within the police force should be first to fight police corruption. It is also interesting to note that one quarter of the citizens would report a case of corruption to a friend working in the police force, meaning that citizens often prefer more informal channels and would rather refer to people than institutions. Therefore, all the employees within the Ministry should be trained to handle such situations. Also, it is espeically important that the staff working at local police stations is properly trained in receiving and proceeding with reports on police corruption.

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Protection of Whistleblowers by making Public Disclosures (Alerting the Public)

Protection of Whistleblowers by making Public Disclosures (Alerting the Public)

Author(s): Sofija Mandić / Language(s): English

Keywords: Whistleblowers;

Public disclosures may be made, without prior notice to the employer or authorised agency, in case of imminent peril against life, public health, security, environment, large-scale damage, i.e. imminent peril of evidence destruction. Albeit there are understandably tightened requirements for direct public address, the law noticeably places the bar for peril requirements too high – it is not sufficient to have a peril at hand (against life, public health, security, environment, large-scale damage, evidence destruction), but it must also be imminent. The term ‘imminent’ relates to a precisely specific moment when the specific peril occurs and becomes certain. Only then is a whistle-blower entitled to address the public without repercussions and with hopes of court protection.

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Who defends the defenders? Mechanisms for the protection of human rights defenders

Ko brani branitelje? Mehanizmi zaštite branitelja ljudskih prava

Author(s): Isidora Stakić / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Human rights; Colombia; Mexico; DR Congo; Philippines; Turkey; Serbia; defamation campaigns; legal persecution

Human rights defenders are people who act independently or jointly to improve human rights and basic freedoms and fight for their protection at local, national and international levels. As a rule, defenders' activities run counter to the interests of the powerful, be it governments or private corporations, and therefore need protection. This study analyzes legal and institutional instruments for the protection of veterans at the international level and in six countries: Colombia, Mexico, DR Congo, the Philippines, Turkey and Serbia. In these countries, human rights defenders are in a difficult situation, in which they face numerous threats and pressures - from police repression, through defamation campaigns to legal persecution. Therefore, these are countries where there is a need for additional protection of veterans, but (still) a significant gap between the normative level and practice.

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Eco-extremism

Eko-ekstremizam

Author(s): Aleksa Simić / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Ecological degradation; climate changes; environmental protection; extreme groups; environmental initiatives; eco-terrorists; eco-extremists

Ecological degradation and climate changes in the past decades have caused the growing concern of citizens and the formation of many movements for environmental protection. However, along with legitimate activism, radical and extreme groups have emerged that use violent methods to advance their goals. In recent years, there has also been a significant increase in environmentally motivated violent incidents, which can lead to the delegitimization and criminalization of justified environmental initiatives. Serbia is no exception in this regard. Thus, in the last few years, environmental initiatives have appeared that oppose lithium mining in Serbia, which the authorities called eco-terrorists and eco-extremists in order to discredit them. Therefore, it is important to clearly distinguish radicalism from extremism in order to support democratic activism while preserving community safety.

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The concept of Protean Power

Koncept protejske moći

Author(s): Milica Marinkovski / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: protean power; international relations

The concept of protean power is a new concept in international relations. It was designed by Peter Katzenstein as a response to the traditional concept of control power. This concept got its name "proteus" after the Greek god of the sea, Proteus, who was known for his gift of predicting the future, but also for avoiding giving answers to queries by changing his shape, so he predicted the future only to those who would manage to catch him. So Proteus often left the other party in suspense. Proteian power is exactly like that, because it tries to take advantage of uncertainty and to adapt to the new situation.

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Special Public Prosecutor's Office in North Macedonia

Specijalno javno tužilaštvo u Severnoj Makedoniji

Author(s): Jovana Maričić / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Public Prosecutor's Office; North Macedonia;

The Special Public Prosecutor's Office (hereinafter SPO) in North Macedonia was established by the Law on Public Prosecution for criminal prosecution in cases related to the content of unauthorized interception of communications in 2015 (hereinafter the Law on SPO). This prosecutor's office was established after a series of scandals involving the illegal wiretapping of thousands of political and state actors, which revealed a high level of corruption in the country. Then-opposition leader Zoran Zaev released a series of audio clips - what he called "bombshells" - in which top government officials are heard planning to rig votes, buy off judges and punish political opponents. It was established as a temporary institution where the Law on SPO is valid for 5 years from its adoption and can be extended once every subsequent year (for one year) by a two-thirds majority vote in the Parliament if there is a need for it. The law also stipulates that the function of the SPO ends upon completion of all investigations and prosecutions within its mandate.

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Special Prosecutor's Office for the fight against corruption in Romania

Specijalno tužilaštvo za borbu protiv korupcije u Rumuniji

Author(s): Milica Divljak / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Special Prosecutor's Office; corruption; Romania

The National Anti-Corruption Directorate (DNA) was established in 2002 by a Romanian Government Decree with the aim of reducing the level of political and high- and middle-level corruption in Romania. In terms of organization, the DNA functions as a special department within the Supreme Prosecutor's Office at the Higher Court of Cassation. Therefore, the Directorate, as a part of the Supreme Prosecutor's Office, is formally managed by the Supreme Prosecutor of Romania, but the Supreme Prosecutor of the Directorate is at the head of the DNA, who has the authority to manage and coordinate all activities of the DNA. Funds for work are provided from the state budget, within the allocation for the Supreme Prosecutor's Office. The functions of a prosecutor, judicial police officer or specialist within the DNA are incompatible with any other public or private function, except for the position of teacher in higher education institutions.

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How ready is Serbia to protect whistleblowers?

Koliko je Srbija spremna da zaštiti uzbunjivače?

Author(s): Sofija Mandić / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Serbia; whistleblower; judicial protection

In 2024, Serbia will mark ten years since the adoption of the Law on the Protection of Whistleblowers. During the past decade, there was no serious and comprehensive assessment of its application by the Serbian authorities, and despite declarative statements and assumed strategic commitments, the protection of whistleblowers never became a real political or judicial priority in Serbia. The report "How ready is Serbia to protect whistleblowers?" analyzes and evaluates the performance of institutions for the protection of whistleblowers, presents the outcomes of cases in which whistleblowers have sought judicial protection, and identifies strengths and weaknesses in practices that lead to good or unsatisfactory case outcomes.

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The Ukrainian community in Serbia: Yesterday, today, tomorrow

Ukrajinska zajednica u Srbiji: Juče, danas, sutra

Author(s): Olga Antonova / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Ukrainia; Ukrainians; Russian occupation

After the first wave of Ukrainian migration to Europe and America that marked the 20th century, today the Ukrainian community faces new challenges. It is the latest wave in which millions of Ukrainians were forced to leave their country first because of the annexation of Crimea and the Russian occupation of parts of the eastern regions of Ukraine in 2014, and eight years later and because of the war that the Russian Federation started and is waging on the entire territory of Ukraine from February 2022 today.

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Simultaneous game in the Middle East: Regional Strategic Consequences of the Israel-Hezbollah War

Simultanka na Bliskom istoku: Regionalne strateške posledice rata Izraela i Hezbolaha

Author(s): Bušra Žaber / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Middle East: Israel-Hezbollah War

Since the end of the First World War and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the symbol of wars, conflicts, invasions and instability has been the Middle East. However, the events in this region are not happening in isolation from the rest of the world. Domestic problems intertwine with regional dynamics, and vice versa, while international actors strive to preserve interests and expand their influence. This means that the consequences of developments in one country can be reflected in the entire region, with the possibility of causing a number of stacked dominoes to fall.

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Building influence - Turkey as a security provider in the Western Balkans

Izgradnja uticaja – Turska kao bezbednosni provajder na Zapadnom Balkanu

Author(s): Vuk Vuksanović / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: Serbi; Turkey; Kosovo; Kosovo Security Forces (KSF); UN Security Council Resolution 1244; NATO; Kosovo Force (KFOR)

In July 2023, Serbian Minister of Defense and now Serbian Prime Minister Miloš Vučević publicly accused Turkey of training, arming and holding military exercises with the Kosovo Security Forces (KSF), Kosovo's crisis response formation, with the explicit aim of transforming the KSF into a full-fledged army by 2028. It is a process that Serbia opposes, continuing to invoke UN Security Council Resolution 1244, which does not accept any other armed formation on the ground except the NATO peacekeeping force, the Kosovo Force (KFOR).

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Competition in green technologies: Strategies of the main players and where Serbia could find its place

Nadmetanje u zelenim tehnologijama: Strategije glavnih igrača i gde bi tu Srbija mogla da pronađe svoje mesto

Author(s): Mihail Korostikov / Language(s): Serbian

Keywords: European Union; United States; China; economic confrontation; green technology; lithium

The struggle between the European Union, the United States and China for dominance in the new markets of specific technologies could become the most important topic in the next two to three decades, which could overshadow all the military conflicts currently taking place in the world. It is conducted simultaneously on several fronts: there is artificial intelligence, new principles of industrial production (for example, the use of robots or additive technologies), space exploration, and much more. This report deals with the political and economic confrontation of the three parties in the field of the green technology industry and draws certain conclusions about the consequences it could have for Serbia. The role of Serbian reserves of lithium and other minerals important for the latest high-tech industry could affect the position of the country in the world in general, and especially its importance when it comes to the European Union.

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