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Publisher: BCBP Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku

Result 41-60 of 238
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Towards a Western Balkans Battle-Group. A Vision of Serbia's Defence Integration into the EU 2010–2020.
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Towards a Western Balkans Battle-Group. A Vision of Serbia's Defence Integration into the EU 2010–2020.

Towards a Western Balkans Battle-Group. A Vision of Serbia's Defence Integration into the EU 2010–2020.

Author(s): Filip Ejdus,Marko Savković,Nataša Dragojlović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Western Balkans; NATO;

The aim of this policy vision is to offer arguments for Serbia's proactive integration into the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) through the implementation of the Battlegroup concept in the period running up to 2020. In the following text, we will first present a short overview of the CSDP and the concept of EU Battlegroups. Next, we explain why it is in the interest of the Republic of Serbia to participate in EU Battlegroups as soon as possible. Special attention is directed to arguments which explain why the creation of a Western Balkans Battlegroup before 2020 is in the interest not only of Serbia and her neighbours, but also of the EU as a whole. Finally,a four-phase model for the inclusion of Serbia into an EU Battlegroup is presented. The model encompasses (1)a preparation and observation phase(2010-2012), (2) an adaptation phase (2013-2015), (3) a phase of advanced participation, planning and preparation (2016–2018) and (4) a phase of development of initial operational capability and the formation of the Western Balkans Battlegroup (2018–2020).

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Meaning of Security and Theory of Securitization
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Meaning of Security and Theory of Securitization

Meaning of Security and Theory of Securitization

Author(s): Vladimir Šulović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Security; securitization; traditionalists; wideners; realism; social constructivism; speech act;

Since its inception, the security studies represent the core of the International Relations, predominantly dealing with the issues of war and peace. In the years following the Second World War security studies have become a synonym for Strategic Studies with a distinct focus on the military sector. However, with the growing complexity of the international relations` agenda, namely with the rise of economic and environmental challenges count, emergence of the new security challenges, risks and threats, emergence of the new international relations` actors, the traditional view of the sole concept of security, that is, its essence, has become too narrow … The question is whether there is a generally accepted definition of the meaning of concept of security in theory and whether it should be regarded as an “essentially contested concept“ (Baldwin, 1997: 5) or it is more suitable to say that the concept itself is insufficiently explained and blurry. Anyway, the security concept can be “dangerously ambiguous” (Wolfers 1952) should it be used without additional specifications.

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Towards the Prevention of violent Acts at Sports Events: Proposal on a regional Cooperation Framework
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Towards the Prevention of violent Acts at Sports Events: Proposal on a regional Cooperation Framework

Towards the Prevention of violent Acts at Sports Events: Proposal on a regional Cooperation Framework

Author(s): Marko Savković,Saša Đorđević / Language(s): English

Keywords: sport-events; violence; police co-operation; Western Balkans; prevention;

Since 2000 until today seven people were killed due to the sports violence in Serbia. Over the last two years the incidents of violence at and before sports events have generated political, academic and media debate. Incidents at the Genoa stadium Luigi Ferraris jointly with the incidents during the Pride Parade have just “spiced up” the current debate. Additionally the presidents of Croatia and Serbia came with the initiatives to establish joint regional football compe¬tition, similar to the one already existing in basketball, and to co-host the 2020 European Football Championship. Yet, the sport of such international character as football is generates considerable “degree” of insecurity, particularly in this region. Incidents are constantly repeated, not only as random or organized acts of violence but also in the form of different criminal activities. This paper places an emphasis on the prevention of violence. The aim of the paper is to stir public debate about the lack of regional co-operation framework in the fight against hooliganism and violence at the sports events. In that regard, we made a brief analysis of the current situation with the focus on the mechanisms of prevention, which are already in place within EU and other European countries. Finally, we propose the model of the regional co-operation framework. The essence of our idea is to establish an additional, eighth Task Force in the current SECI Centre organisational structure, with its HQ in Bucharest. We have named it Task Force on Prevention of Violence at Sports Events. In order to achieve this goal, it is necessary to build capacity through appoint Laison Officers that will be in charge of this metter within NFP of the SECI Centre member states. We emphasize that our idea is not to set up a new regional body for strengthening cooperation in the areas of justice and internal affairs; although there is a tendency among the Western Balkan countries to do so (we refer to the initiatives of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia and Croatia). Our goal is to build up on the already existing institutional framework of cooperation.

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Territorial and Border Demarcation Disputes in the Western Balkans. Case study: Territorial and boundary disputes between Serbia and Kosovo
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Territorial and Border Demarcation Disputes in the Western Balkans. Case study: Territorial and boundary disputes between Serbia and Kosovo

Territorial and Border Demarcation Disputes in the Western Balkans. Case study: Territorial and boundary disputes between Serbia and Kosovo

Author(s): Zorana Brozović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Western Balkans; border demarcation; Bujanovac; Preševo; territorial disputes;

Territorial and border demarcation disputes brought diverse challenges to republics and provinces funded after dissolution of SFR Yugoslavia. Overview of the issues and lessons that have been identified regionally inWestern Balkans are presented in regional study „Drawing boundaries in Western Balkans: A peoples‘ perspective“. This case study provides an overview of peoples‘ perspective on terriotorial and boundary issues in South Serbia, near administrative boundary with Kosovo and Metohija. Data for this research were collected in Bujanovac. // Underdevelopment is the biggest challenge of this community. Participants in this region stated that society is devided along ethnic lines and other problems are non-recogniton of degrees awarded in Kosovo, the prolonged presence of armed forces in this region and lack of freedom of movement for the people living in Kosovo. Whith the recommendations of this paper We are addressing Government of Serbia, local authorities and the international community.

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Challenges of Women’s Participation in Serbian Peacekeeping Missions
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Challenges of Women’s Participation in Serbian Peacekeeping Missions

Challenges of Women’s Participation in Serbian Peacekeeping Missions

Author(s): Marko Milošević / Language(s): English

Keywords: Serbia and United Nations; international peace-keeping missions; Serbian participation in peace-keeping missions; Womens participation peace-keeping missions;

This paper discusses the challenges of women’s participation in peacekeeping operations, global characteristics of the inclusion of women in peacekeeping operations, and the challenges of the related policy in Serbia. The attempt is to answer what obstacles to peacekeeping operations are present in Serbia, and what additional barriers women participating in the peacekeeping operations of Serbian military and police need to overcome. Based on interviews with the men and women participating in the missions and using secondary sources, an attempt will be made to present to the public the main challenges related to the participation of women in peacekeeping missions and to provide a number of recommendations to improve the situation in this area.

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The Role of CSOs in Monitoring and Evaluating National Action Plan (NAP) for Implementation of UNSCR 1325
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The Role of CSOs in Monitoring and Evaluating National Action Plan (NAP) for Implementation of UNSCR 1325

The Role of CSOs in Monitoring and Evaluating National Action Plan (NAP) for Implementation of UNSCR 1325

Author(s): Gorana Odanović / Language(s): English

Keywords: UNSCR 1325;

Successful implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) on United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 requires the establishment of an effective mechanism for monitoring and evaluation. To ensure that monitoring and evaluation mechanisms are effective, it is necessary to include involvement and ideally, oversight, from civil society organizations (CSOs). Unfortunately cooperation between government institutions and CSOs in implementing, monitoring and evaluating the NAP on 1325 is often reduced to a single CSO consultation and only in a formal and limited context. As a consequence, meaningful dialogue and cooperation between state institutions and CSOs in NAP implementation, monitoring and evaluation is either missing altogether or limited to the point of ineffectiveness. As a result, the intended positive effect to improve considerations of gender and security through the development and implementation of the NAP on 1325 is marginal.

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The Citizens on the Serbian-Albanian Relations and the Regional Security Cooperation
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The Citizens on the Serbian-Albanian Relations and the Regional Security Cooperation

The Citizens on the Serbian-Albanian Relations and the Regional Security Cooperation

Author(s): Florian Qehaja,Arjan Dyrmishi / Language(s): English

Keywords: Serbian-Albanian relations; Kosova;

Security Research Forum Belgrade-Prishtina-Tirana is a joint project of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, the Kosovar Center for Security Studies (KCSS) and the Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM), three independent think-tanks from Belgrade, Prishtina and Tirana, specialised in security issues. The project aims to initiate research-based discussion on possible ways to improve the relations among Serbia, Kosovo and Albania. The debate should include think-tanks, academia, politicians and the media.

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Partnership for Safe Communities in Serbia
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Partnership for Safe Communities in Serbia

Partnership for Safe Communities in Serbia

Author(s): Saša Đorđević,Gorana Radovanović / Language(s): English

Keywords: Crime prevention; municipal safety; Aranđelovac; Golubac; Leskovac; Niška Banja; Novi Pazar; Paraćin;

The primary aim of this Report is to raise public awareness about the concept and importance of partnership, notably between the police and local self-government, in building safe communities. The findings should help the MoI and Ministry of State Administration and Local Self-Government in drafting the action plan to implement the Community Policing Strategy, whose development is late for 17 months already. Furthermore, civil society organisations will be able to rely on the Report in taking their own positions to espouse appropriate mechanisms for the improvement of safety vis-à-vis the police and local self-government. The first part of the Report contains a comparative overview of legal responsibilities of the local self-government in regard to safety and development of the community policing concept following the adoption of the strategic plan in April 2013. The second, main part analyses the operation of municipal safety councils so far. The gender dimension of local safety is then presented, followed by the analysis of the safety situation in Aranđelovac, Golubac, Leskovac, Niška Banja, Novi Pazar and Paraćin. The research methodology is presented in the final section of the Report.

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REPORT OF THE OMBUDSMAN: A MERE FORMALITY OR A CONTRIBUTION TO THE RULE OF LAW IN THE PROCESS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION
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REPORT OF THE OMBUDSMAN: A MERE FORMALITY OR A CONTRIBUTION TO THE RULE OF LAW IN THE PROCESS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

REPORT OF THE OMBUDSMAN: A MERE FORMALITY OR A CONTRIBUTION TO THE RULE OF LAW IN THE PROCESS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

Author(s): Lena Petrović / Language(s): English

In this document, the position of the Ombudsman (Protector of Citizens) will be discussed from the point of view of the attitude of the National Assembly and the Government of the Republic of Serbia toward the Ombudsman’s regular annual reports. In the past ten years, Serbia has largely regressed in terms of democracy and the rule of law. Data from international and domestic organisations point to a state that has been captured by one party, the collapse of the separation of powers, and the absence of political dialogue. On the other hand, the Government of Serbia keeps emphasising the rule of law as its main priority in the accession negotiations with the European Union (EU). For the EU, the development of democratic processes is the main aspect of Serbia’s approach. In such circumstances, the attitude of the legislative and executive powers towards the report of the Ombudsman shows whether the authorities are essentially or just formally committed to the rule of law and admission to the European Union. The Ombudsman is an independent state body that protects the rights of citizens and controls the legality of the work of the administration. Its role is protected by the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. The Global Alliance for National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI) gave it the highest status A, which shows that its work is in line with international standards. However, analyses reveal certain weaknesses of this independent institution. The reports on Serbia’s progress in the process of accession to the European Union for 2021 and 2022 highlighted the need to strengthen the Ombudsman by providing staffing and financial resources and ensuring systematic cooperation with the authorities. Although there are numerous challenges in the work of the Ombudsman, this document analyses only the practice of its reporting to the National Assembly, in the context of ongoing reforms implemented for the purpose of Serbia’s accession to the European Union. We particularly stress the importance of the Ombudsman in strengthening democratic institutions and fulfilling the criteria from the negotiation Chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security), and propose solutions that contribute to political responsibility and the rule of law.

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A FORGOTTEN FRIENDSHIP: SERBO-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS AND PRO-RUSSIAN NARRATIVES
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A FORGOTTEN FRIENDSHIP: SERBO-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS AND PRO-RUSSIAN NARRATIVES

A FORGOTTEN FRIENDSHIP: SERBO-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS AND PRO-RUSSIAN NARRATIVES

Author(s): Kateryna Shymkevych / Language(s): English

The bilateral relations between Serbia and Ukraine were established in April 1994 and were developing over a long period of time, covering the fields of trade, economy, investments, finance, cultural, humanitarian and scientific and technical cooperation. However, the relations between the two countries got significantly complicated with the beginning of the Russian aggression on Ukraine in 2014. As a long-standing partner of the Russian Federation, Serbia condemned the annexation of Crimea and supported Ukraine’s territorial integrity. However, Belgrade refused to call the Russian aggression a war. Since 2014 to date, the main designations in the Serbian media landscape have been “conflict” and “crisis”. In 2022, a new term appeared -“special military operation”. When regards the war information, Serbian media often transmit pro-Russian narratives, thus disseminating disinformation about the war that Russia has been waging against Ukraine, even despite the fact that Ukraine has not recognised the independence of Kosovo, and, unlike the Russian Federation, does not have a representative office in Kosovo. The relations between Kyiv and Belgrade got complicated due to the participation of Serbian volunteers on the side of Lugansk People’s Republic and Donetsk People’s Republic separatists, as well as part of the “Wagner” PMC. Instead of condemning the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the Serbian society and leadership have taken a neutral position, which brought about problems in the relations with Ukraine. At the same time, Kyiv has a clear and balanced position vis-à-vis Kosovo and Serbia’s territorial integrity. It is important to mention that the Russian propaganda has a strong bearing on the Serbo-Ukrainian relations. In the past ten years, the Kremlin has been spreading lies about the Euromaidan, Revolution of Dignity, Crimea’s occupation, Ukraine’s internal problems, the war, etc. It is only within the last year that the Serbian information space has seen articles attempting to deconstruct the Russian lies about Ukraine, Crimea, linguistic issues, history. Unfortunately, the majority attitude of the Serbian society towards the Russian-Ukrainian war has not changed, so the support to Vladimir Putin and Russia remains rather strong.

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DOES NATO FACILITATE REGIONAL DEFENCE AND SECURITY COOPERATION
IN THE BALKANS?
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DOES NATO FACILITATE REGIONAL DEFENCE AND SECURITY COOPERATION IN THE BALKANS?

DOES NATO FACILITATE REGIONAL DEFENCE AND SECURITY COOPERATION IN THE BALKANS?

Author(s): Katarina Đokić / Language(s): English

Despite the low-intensity conflict that is currently prevailing in the Western Balkans, shared political interests and common security threats will push the countries in the region towards enhanced cooperation in the long term. Considering NATO's strong presence in the region – not least because most countries are either its members or interested in membership – it is worth while assessing its contribution to stability through fostering regional cooperation. Hence, this paper examines to which extent NATO has acted as an ʻinterfaceʼ for regional defence and security cooperation and looks at the challenges and opportunities for the Alliance to play such role. This question is not only relevant from the ʻlocalʼ perspective, but also from NATO's one, especially since the current partnership policy emphasises regional cooperation as a way to boost cooperative security. Moreover, cooperative security is cheaper than crisis management and this notion should be vital in NATO's approach to the Western Balkans in the forthcoming years. The analysis shows that NATO indeed offers mechanisms for strengthening cooperation, but their use has been significantly hampered by the fact that neither the countries in the region recognise them, nor is NATO willing to promote them as such. The paper identifies five major challenges to NATO's role as an ʻinterfaceʼ of regional cooperation. However, there are also arguments in favour of such role and opportunities to expand it. Firstly, there is a widespread notion that NATO's partnership tools are designed for bilateral cooperation between the individual country and NATO. To be fair, this is mostly true, but practice has shown that at least several tools could contribute to networking the region. In fact, NATO not only brings the countries together at courses and exercises, but also helps them establish shared interests, develop unique standards and create interpersonal contacts. Secondly, NATO's approach towards the region is rather fragmented. Even though NATO's political documents acknowledge the necessity of promoting regional security, this organisation is in practice prevailingly oriented towards working directly with individual countries. This may prevent broader situational awareness and understanding of what exactly shapes local policies and societies. At the same time, NATO has sufficient capacities to more comprehensively monitor the situation in the field and develop more coherent policies. Thirdly, the track record in synergies between NATO/Partnership for Peace programmes and regional initiatives or bilateral cooperation activities has been quite modest so far. Nonetheless, some regional initiatives have found ways to benefit from NATO tools and mechanisms, especially when it comes to adopting NATO standards and developing interoperability. Fourthly, countries in the region have not duly switched from donor recipients to equal allies or partners to NATO, who would be ready to propose and co-fund their own capability development projects. Regional cooperation will increasingly have to be initiated bottom-up rather than appear as a reaction to donors' incentives, as was the casein the previous decade. Nonetheless, the countries do recognise shared security policy interests. This particularly refers to strengthening civil disaster response. Fifthly, when talking about NATO's role in the Western Balkans, the problem of its legitimacy in some countries cannot be disregarded. This is an important point for decision-makers in NATO dealing with the region to understand, but no justification for national leaders to succumb to populism. Instead, an open and honest debate about future political priorities is needed.

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COLLECTION OF POLICY PAPERS ON POLICE REFORM IN SERBIA
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COLLECTION OF POLICY PAPERS ON POLICE REFORM IN SERBIA

COLLECTION OF POLICY PAPERS ON POLICE REFORM IN SERBIA

Author(s): Saša Đorđević,Nevena Dičić,Jan Litavski / Language(s): English

Common goal of crime prevention and community policing is to create a safe community that assumes partner work with different actors at the local level to improve the quality of human life. The concept of crime prevention and development of community policing are partly included in an appropriate strategic framework of the police reform in Serbia. In the Development Strategy on of the Ministry of Interior until 2016 it is well observed that for the development of this area it is necessary to improve the preventive forms of policing and to enhance the practice of community policing. As a result of strategic planning, the Ministry of Interior is obliged to adopt two more strategic documents for the development of crime prevention and community policing. However, there is no obligation to adopt an action plan for the crime prevention strategy, while the Initial Framework of the National Crime Prevention Strategy provides also for the creation of the National Crime Prevention Council, whose role has not been fully defined. An action plan for the implementation of MoI Development Strategy has not been adopted yet either, even though the deadline passed in June 2011. This created a gap between the two conceptually and practically related policies that build on each other. What creates further uncertainty is also the previous practice of community policing. Police officers in Serbia are not familiar enough with the techniques of building a safe community, and they do not fully implement them. In addition, there are no established guidelines in the development of community policing and local safety councils. Autonomy of territorial organizational units of the police is insufficient in the decision-making process. Having in mind the unstable economic situation in the country, finding the right funding has always been a challenge. On top of it there is a worrying attitude of police officers that legal restrictions on police conduct hinder effective policing. The policy study analysed the development of police work in Serbia on prevention activities through community policing after the year 2000. The aim of the study is to show the relationship between crime prevention and community policing and to present the state of development of the new philosophy of policing, then to present three problem-solving crime prevention techniques ("SARA", "problem solving process" and "5I knowledge management framework"). The techniques are guidance for police officers in the implementation of prevention activities and community policing. In the end, possible ways to build partnerships between police and citizens were identified.

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PANDEMIC MANAGEMENT: LESSONS LEARNED FOR A SAFER FUTURE
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PANDEMIC MANAGEMENT: LESSONS LEARNED FOR A SAFER FUTURE

PANDEMIC MANAGEMENT: LESSONS LEARNED FOR A SAFER FUTURE

Author(s): Milja Dimitrijević,Rade Panić / Language(s): English

The COVID-19 pandemic (coronavirus disease), which was declared by the World Health Organisation on 11 March 2020, is one of the biggest challenges the world has faced since the end of World War II, as evaluated by major decision-makers in the world in the vast majority of countries worldwide. The pandemic is certainly primarily a problem and an issue in the field of public health. However, given the consequences it causes, the pandemic is a political and security issue, both nationally, regionally, and globally. There is almost no area of social life that has not been affected by the pandemic. During the first two years of its existence, the political, economic, and cultural dynamics changed completely. As a highly infectious disease that disrupts normal social functioning, the COVID-19 epidemic, like any epidemic, opens the door for politicians and national authorities to adopt measures aimed at preventing the spread of the disease. Although the pandemic in some way completely surprised social and political actors, its outbreak did not come as a surprise to experts who were announcing the possibility of an outbreak of a health crisis of this magnitude. Also in 2022, when the pandemic is no longer a topic of the utmost importance, as well as when the situation has calmed down, experts are warning that there is no room for great relaxation. Namely, not only that the COVID-19 pandemic is over yet, but there are warnings of an outbreak of a pandemic of new infectious diseases. That is why the team that worked on this analysis considered it necessary to reflect on all the good and bad things done in the management of the pandemic in Serbia, in order to be better prepared for the next one. The political and social context in which the pandemic management in Serbia is analysed is marked by a drastic decline in the level of democracy in the country, as well as the strengthening of authoritarian tendencies in the state and society within the process of “capturing the state” by the ruling elite. Unfortunately, Serbia cannot boast of successful results, especially if we take into account the number of deceased citizens, as well as the low level of vaccination compared to European Union countries. The number of deceased citizens in 2021 is as much as 18 percent higher than in the same period in 2020.1 Statistical data show that in 2021, most people died in Serbia within one year since the end of World War II.2 These data speak volumes about the results of the crisis management caused by the COVID-19 epidemic in Serbia. Hundreds of pages of an analysis can be written about the pandemic management in Serbia, because the subject matter of research is voluminous in its scope. Therefore, in this analysis, and due to limited space, the focus is on two aspects of pandemic management – the legal aspects of crisis management and the health system’s readiness to deal with the crisis. The analysis was created within the framework of informal cooperation between the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy and the Union of Doctors and Pharmacists of Serbia. The author of the paper on the legal aspects of pandemic management is a lawyer from the Union of Doctors and Pharmacists Milja Dimitrijević, while the part about the capacities of the health system was written by Dr. Rade Panić, the President of the Union of Doctors and Pharmacists. The analysis was created within the survey that was conducted from October 2021 to March 2022. Precisely because of that, some data in the analysis were presented during the writing of the analysis itself, which were relevant during the research and writing the analysis (for example, when writing about the number of infected citizens, or the number of deceased doctors). Finally, the analysis concludes with certain recommendations necessary to improve the management of the COVID-19 pandemic, but possibly some other pandemics in the future.

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INSTRUMENTS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN FIGHTING ORGANIZED CRIME
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INSTRUMENTS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN FIGHTING ORGANIZED CRIME

INSTRUMENTS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN FIGHTING ORGANIZED CRIME

Author(s): Jelena Babić Barnes / Language(s): English

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Kosovo - what do citizens know, think and feel?
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Kosovo - what do citizens know, think and feel?

Kosovo - what do citizens know, think and feel?

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš,Bojan Elek / Language(s): English

Although majority of Serbian citizens trusts the Government and supports the agreement that would resolve the Kosovo issue, half of them are not aware of what is the end goal in negotiations with Pristina. Only one fifth thinks that the goal is to preserve territorial integrity of Serbia (in line with UN SC Resolution 1244) whereas half believes this to be the ideal outcome of negotiations as well. However, predominantly negative opinion of Kosovo Albanians among the Serbian citizens, coupled with doubts regarding positive outcomes of the dialogue and the possibility of obtaining a long-lasting peace among Serbs and Albanians in the Balkans, show the existence of cognitive dissonance. In other words, citizens have a strong desire of returning Kosovo, but would not accept Kosovo Albanians having any prominent roles in public life in Serbia. The existence of these contradictory ideas can be traced throughout time: Serbian citizens support the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue but cannot imagine a peaceful coexistence between Serbs and Albanians; they show support for the agreements reached in Brussels and Washington, but do not see any benefits from them, etc. Data clearly shows significant soft power in the hands of the Serbian Government and their ability to affect and shape public opinion of the citizens, especially when taking into account that a significant majority (64%) predominantly relies on television for information, particularly on RTS (public broadcaster). Therefore, the Government obviously has the tools to influence citizens and gain their unwavering trust, yet these are not used to normalize relations between the two communities and the peoples.

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RETHINKING THE DUTCH POSITION TOWARDS THE WESTERN BALKANS IN THE NEW SECURITY ENVIRONMENT IN EUROPE
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RETHINKING THE DUTCH POSITION TOWARDS THE WESTERN BALKANS IN THE NEW SECURITY ENVIRONMENT IN EUROPE

RETHINKING THE DUTCH POSITION TOWARDS THE WESTERN BALKANS IN THE NEW SECURITY ENVIRONMENT IN EUROPE

Author(s): Arlinda Rrustemi,Luka Šterić,Marko Drajić / Language(s): English

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GEOPOLITICS IS LOCAL: RAMIFICATIONS OF CHINESE PROJECTS FOR HUMAN SECURITY IN SERBIA
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GEOPOLITICS IS LOCAL: RAMIFICATIONS OF CHINESE PROJECTS FOR HUMAN SECURITY IN SERBIA

GEOPOLITICS IS LOCAL: RAMIFICATIONS OF CHINESE PROJECTS FOR HUMAN SECURITY IN SERBIA

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš,Vuk Vuksanović / Language(s): English

The research was conducted in three Serbian cities with large PRC investments -Smederevo, Bor and Zrenjanin - to establish the impact of these projects on local communities and how they affect human security, understood in terms of human rights and human dignity. In that regard, several forms of human security endangerment were observed in the course of the research project:• Environmental hazards: Since the arrival of the PRC investments, cities of Bor and Smederevo have recorded a major surge in the emission of various harmful particles. Environmentalists have so far filed several criminal charges against Chinese companies for air pollution, including pollution of the river Mali Pek. The future will bring further environmental challenges for the inhabitants of Zrenjanin, as the Linglong tyre factory could endanger the nature reserve Carska Bara as well as the food production in Vojvodina.• Public health: Serbia is a country with the highest rate of pollution-related deaths in Europe. Cities of Bor and Smederevo have experienced a rise in the rates of cancer and various other respiratory and heart diseases connected with industrial pollution.• Socio-economic and human rights: A feature of Chinese projects is the influx of labor from Asia to Serbia. A whole range of exploitative practices against foreign and domestic workers has been recorded in all PRC projects, including human trafficking of Vietnamese workers for the purpose of labor exploitation. Despite public pressure, the Serbian authorities are ready to tolerate violations of labor and human rights in order to maintain foreign direct investments, employment and political rating.• Rule of law: PRC projects are often declared as those of ‘national interest’ and are characterised by the lack of transparency and public scrutiny. PRC investors enjoy privileged treatment by local authorities and administration that adjust the legal framework and make numerous concessions at the expense of citizens and local communities.• Cross-cultural issues: The fact that Chinese workers are not trying to integrate and interact more profoundly with the local communities remains a big problem. In the absence of interpersonal communication and intercultural exchange, inter-ethnic and sexual assault-related incidents have also been recorded in some cases.• Surveillance: Chinese cameras equipped with face recognition technology have not been utilised in these cities to date, but local population fears that cutting-edge technology could be used as the PRC presence grows

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PUBLIC ENTERPRISES AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION. OUTLAWED MANAGEMENT AND CITIZENS’
ATTEMPTS TO CURTAIL IT
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PUBLIC ENTERPRISES AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION. OUTLAWED MANAGEMENT AND CITIZENS’ ATTEMPTS TO CURTAIL IT

PUBLIC ENTERPRISES AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION. OUTLAWED MANAGEMENT AND CITIZENS’ ATTEMPTS TO CURTAIL IT

Author(s): Nemanja Nenadić / Language(s): English

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ASSESSING THE PERFORMANCE OF THE BUNDESTAG’S INQUIRY COMMITTEE ON NSU
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ASSESSING THE PERFORMANCE OF THE BUNDESTAG’S INQUIRY COMMITTEE ON NSU

ASSESSING THE PERFORMANCE OF THE BUNDESTAG’S INQUIRY COMMITTEE ON NSU

Author(s): Katarina Đokić / Language(s): English

Keywords: Bundestag’s Inquiry Committee on NSU; Nationalsozialistische Untergrund; legal framework

One of the biggest affairs in the recent German history is set to reach its (partial) conclusion. The German Bundestag Inquiry Committee on the terrorist group Nationalsozialistische Untergrund (NSU) submitted on August 22nd the final report on its findings; the report is expected to be discussed in the Bundestag in a special session on September 2nd.

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CORRUPTION AT THE SERBIAN BORDER POLICE
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CORRUPTION AT THE SERBIAN BORDER POLICE

CORRUPTION AT THE SERBIAN BORDER POLICE

Author(s): Saša Đorđević / Language(s): English

Keywords: corruption; Serbian Border Police; European Union; the Balkan route

The topic of corruption in the border police is important because Serbia is a transit country which borders four EU member-states. The consequences are multifold. The goal of many criminal groups is to conquer the market of the European Union, whose economy is improving after several years of economic crisis (Balcerowicz 2013, 3). Serbia is a part of the Balkan route, which is well-known to criminal groups. Also, a common feature of a vast majority of migrants is that they illegally cross several international borders to reach Serbia and enter this country in the same way. In the process, they use the services of organized groups of smugglers who charge them a high price in order to help them to cross the border and to secure accommodation in transit countries (Center for the Protection of and Assistance to Asylum-Seekers 2013, 9). One also needs to add to this a strong intensity of international traffic in Serbia, particularly during the summer period, which is favorable for „petty“ corruption. All this helps to strengthen corruption pressure on the Serbian Border Police.

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