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Between Authoritarianism and Democracy : Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia Vol. 2, Civil Society and Political Culture Cover Image

Između autoritarizma i demokratije : Srbija, Crna Gora, Hrvatska. Knj. 2, Civilno društvo i politička kultura
Between Authoritarianism and Democracy : Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia Vol. 2, Civil Society and Political Culture

Contributor(s): Dragica Vujadinović (Editor), Lino Veljak (Editor), Vladimir Goati (Editor), Veselin Pavićević (Editor)
Subject(s): Politics / Political Sciences, History, Social Sciences
Published by: CEDET Centar za demokratsku tranziciju
Keywords: Yugoslavia; Political system; Transition; Authoritarianism; Democracy; Post-Yugoslav Transition; Civil Society; Political Culture
Summary/Abstract: In the history of Western political theory up to the modern period and the modern era, the dominant point of view is the politics of power, i.e. the interpretation - with different legitimacy bases and in different modalities - of political power as the right of rulers to rule and the duty of subjects to obey. Since the turn of the century, and especially in the modern era - with the multi-century development of liberal and liberal-democratic ideas - the political theory and practice of limited power, separation of powers, political pluralism, universal human rights, legitimization of power primarily through the electoral will of citizens, but also through political participation through the democratic public, freedom of public communications, democratic political culture, the right to civil disobedience in the case of unjust laws, has been developing and becoming dominant.

  • Print-ISBN-10: 86-903739-2-6
  • Page Count: 475
  • Publication Year: 2004
  • Language: Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian
CIVILNO DRUŠTVO, RASPAD JUGOSLAVIJE I BUDUĆNOST JUGOISTOČNE EUROPE

CIVILNO DRUŠTVO, RASPAD JUGOSLAVIJE I BUDUĆNOST JUGOISTOČNE EUROPE
(CIVIL SOCIETY, DISSOLUTION OF YUGOSLAVIA AND THE FUTURE OF SOUTHEAST EUROPE)

  • Author(s):Lino Veljak
  • Language:Croatian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Civil Society, Governance, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation, EU-Approach / EU-Accession / EU-Development
  • Page Range:43-55
  • No. of Pages:13
  • Keywords:civil society; the breakup of Yugoslavia; war violence; synthesis of nationalism and conservative Bolshevism; the metaphysics of the nation; political culture; potentials of change
  • Summary/Abstract:In the paper, the thesis about the chronic deficit of civil society in the territory of the former Yugoslavia in relation to Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland, as well as the thesis about the underdevelopment of civil society as the cause of the country's disintegration, is disputed. It refers to the different levels of development of the embryos of civil society in Yugoslavia before its disintegration, the highest level was in Slovenia, while in Macedonia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina almost no traces of civil society can be found. The former Yugoslavia was characterized by the authoritarian character of the rule of the communist nomenclature, but also by elements of autonomy in certain spheres of social life. A socially and politically relevant civil society could not be born from that autonomy due to the dominance of various forms of the metaphysics of the nation (and nationalism in general, i.e. ethnocentrism) in the autonomous spheres of social life (literature, art, science, culture, partially the economy), but they were one of the generators of the negative synthesis of traditional nationalism and conservative Bolshevism. That synthesis (symbolized primarily by Slobodan Milošević in Serbia and Franjo Tuđman in Croatia) arose as a response to the need to reconstruct the melted legitimacy. The importance of geostrategic factors in the lack of support for reforms before the breakup of Yugoslavia is also pointed out, and the responsibility of the international community for the bloody scenario of that breakup is questioned. The violent character of the country's disintegration is explained primarily by the combination of the reconstruction of the lost legitimacy of the ruling elites with an underdeveloped democratic political culture and the absence of a relevant civil society. Civil society took shape in Croatia, similarly to Serbia, only in the resistance to the war and the authoritarian regime, but it did not play a decisive role in its destruction. In conclusion, the potentials of civil society are questioned in terms of the necessary break with the ballast of the past, which are limited both by the recorded corruption of segments of civil society, and by the temptations of self-sufficient moralism.
SRBIJA KAO NEDOVRŠENA DRŽAVA

SRBIJA KAO NEDOVRŠENA DRŽAVA
(SERBIA AS AN UNFINISHED COUNTRY)

  • Author(s):Nenad Dimitrijević
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation
  • Page Range:57-71
  • No. of Pages:15
SRPSKI PUT U GRAĐANSKU NORMALNOST/NORMALNU DRŽAVNOST

SRPSKI PUT U GRAĐANSKU NORMALNOST/NORMALNU DRŽAVNOST
(THE SERBIAN ROAD TO CIVIL NORMALITY/NORMAL STATESHIP)

  • Author(s):Milan Podunavac
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Civil Society, Governance, Government/Political systems, Electoral systems, Politics and society, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation
  • Page Range:73-87
  • No. of Pages:15
  • Keywords:order; disorder; legitimacy; identification deficit; constitution; statehood; dual state; consensus; nationalism; constitutional patriotism
  • Summary/Abstract:This paper analyzes the political dynamics in Serbia in the last decade of the last century. There is an effort to reconstruct the process of destruction and restoration of order. The basic core of the political order in the former Yugoslavia was the system of charismatic authority and charismatic legitimacy. After the destruction of that order, a regime (defined as disorder, as opposed to order) was established in Serbia marked by usurpation, corruption, Caesarism, the use of propaganda and the creation of fear. The "great change" brought about by the overthrow of that regime was a constitutional chance that the political and civil society in Serbia did not take advantage of, just as it did not take advantage of the wide possibilities of constitutional elections. In conclusion, an analysis of the reasons for the failure to establish modern statehood in Serbia is given. Representing the normative point of view that there is a generic connection between the modern state and polyarchy (constitutional democracy), it is shown on which assumptions the establishment of modern statehood is possible. The establishment of a modern order based on the formative principles of law is possible only in an orderly state. Only on these foundations is it possible to shape the institutions and values ​​of constitutional democracy (freedom, limited and controlled power, democratic legitimacy), which is designated as the summum bonum of a well-ordered community. The formation of a basic consensus on liberal values ​​would enable the construction of a minimal framework for a modern state.
RELIGIJA I POLITIKA - SIMPTOMATIČNI PRIMJER BIVŠE JUGOSLAVIJE DEVEDESETIH GODINA 20. STOLJEĆA

RELIGIJA I POLITIKA - SIMPTOMATIČNI PRIMJER BIVŠE JUGOSLAVIJE DEVEDESETIH GODINA 20. STOLJEĆA
(RELIGION AND POLITICS - A SYMPTOMATIC EXAMPLE OF THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA IN THE 1990s)

  • Author(s):Srđan Vrcan
  • Language:Croatian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Civil Society, Politics and religion, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation, Sociology of Religion
  • Page Range:89-104
  • No. of Pages:16
  • Keywords:religion; politicization of religion; ethnicization of politics; former Yugoslavia; desecularization; retraditionalization
  • Summary/Abstract:The paper examines the role of religion and religious communities in the conflicts that marked the breakup of Yugoslavia and in general the 90s of the last century. The author investigates the structural affinities in the relationship between religion and nationalism and records a shift away from the deep-rooted separation of the state and religion and the church, and, therefore, from the secular state and secularized state policy, in the direction of eliminating the strict separation of the state and religion and the church, which implies the gradual dismantling of the secular character of the state. The processes of ethnicization of politics and politicization of the ethnic, as part of which the aforementioned desecularization takes place, also reveal the connection between the revitalization of religion and the intense renewal of ethno-nationalism. The cultural-political consequence of that process is manifested in the affirmation of a special type of democracy, the so-called. democracy of sameness, which reconciles political demands for relativity with the absolutist demands of religion of a cultural and ethical character.
RELIGIJA I POLITIKA 1991-1999. - CRNOGORSKA PERSPEKTIVA

RELIGIJA I POLITIKA 1991-1999. - CRNOGORSKA PERSPEKTIVA
(RELIGION AND POLITICS 1991-1999. - THE MONTENEGRO PERSPECTIVE)

  • Author(s):Šerbo Rastoder
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Political Theory, Security and defense, Politics and religion, Sociology of Religion
  • Page Range:105-121
  • No. of Pages:17
  • Keywords:Montenegro; church; politics; war; power
  • Summary/Abstract:It is possible that the courts, which would be based on the just-started research into the roles of religious communities in recent wars and the process of disintegration of the SFRY, would be insufficient and unfounded and therefore easily challenged, if they were based only on the analysis of available documentation and without a complementary analysis carried out to the end, as is the case in this work. Hence, with all the risks we are aware of, even a superficial analysis indicates that in the process of the transition of society from communist to national totalitarianism, the church largely assumed the role of ideological leaven in the process of national homogenization. In the case of Montenegro, the SPC saw the communist heritage as the main reason for its "distance from Serbianism and holiness" and the need to "return it" to the national romantic vision of "Serbian Sparta", which in the "imposed, defensive" war against "Orthodoxy", would be on the front line in rounding up the Serbian national space and finally correcting the "mistake" from 1918, when "instead of the Serbian national state" created Yugoslavia. In this way, the process of national polarization in Montenegro was accelerated, which again became an insurmountable limit for the modernization of its society.
BALKANSKI BOG MARS - RELIGIJSKI FAKTOR U RATOVIMA 1991-1999.

BALKANSKI BOG MARS - RELIGIJSKI FAKTOR U RATOVIMA 1991-1999.
(THE BALKAN GOD MARS - A RELIGIOUS FACTOR IN THE WARS 1991-1999.)

  • Author(s):Mirko Đorđević
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics and religion, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Sociology of Religion, Wars in Jugoslavia
  • Page Range:123-132
  • No. of Pages:10
  • Keywords:religious communities; Serbian Orthodox Church; war; symphony; applied theology; religious-ideological discourse; religious-warrior discourse
  • Summary/Abstract:The paper examines the role of the religious factor in the wars fought on the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1991 to 1999. Special attention is paid to the Serbian Orthodox Church and the religious-warrior discourse that dominated its rhetoric (as well as the rhetoric of other religious communities) and its so-called applied theology. The mentioned discourse was directly in function of the war aims of the Serbian regime headed by Slobodan Milošević, with whom the Church established some form of symphony in accordance with the archaic model of Byzantine origin. On the one hand, the Church was manipulated there, but on the other hand, it paid the price for its incapacity for evangelical spiritual renewal, instead of which the process of clericalization of society began in the mentioned period.
CRKVA, NACIJA, DRŽAVA - SRPSKA PRAVOSLAVNA CRKVA I TRANZICIJA U SRBIJI

CRKVA, NACIJA, DRŽAVA - SRPSKA PRAVOSLAVNA CRKVA I TRANZICIJA U SRBIJI
(CHURCH, NATION, STATE - SERBIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH AND TRANSITION IN SERBIA)

  • Author(s):Olga Popović-Obradović
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Political Theory, Politics and religion, Nationalism Studies, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010)
  • Page Range:133-147
  • No. of Pages:15
  • Keywords:Serbian Orthodox Church; state-church; borders; war; national identity; anti-Westernism
  • Summary/Abstract:After four decades of the communist period, the Serbian Orthodox Church entered the public life of Serbia with the coming to power of Milosevic in order to help operationalize the Greater Serbian state project. However, the institutionalization of its new role did not occur, considering the unclear relationship that the Milosevic regime had towards the communist ideological heritage, which, among other things, implied the secular character of the state. With the departure of Milošević and the arrival of the new government, which openly and manifestly bases its legitimacy on anti-communism, these ideological obstacles disappeared and accelerated work began on the institutional abandonment of the secular principle at all levels of life in society and the state, especially those that play a key role in shaping national identity and the overall cultural model of young people. Bearing in mind its close connection with government institutions, both civil and military, as well as its media promotion - it could be said that the conditions for the legalization of this role of the Serbian Orthodox Church have never been more favorable. This fact, which from the point of view of the general standards of the modern age is already problematic in itself, takes on special importance if it is taken into account, firstly, that the Church performs its role in the conditions of a destroyed society, an identity crisis and a general value vacuum left behind by the recently ended wars, secondly, that for those wars as well as the devastation they caused, the Church itself bears a considerable part of the responsibility that it has not yet faced and, thirdly, that the values ​​that the Church promotes are no longer, so to speak, exception goes against the very foundations of modern society.
NACIJA: NACIONALISTIČKA ILI GRAĐANSKA ILI POSTNACIONALNA KONSTELACIJA?

NACIJA: NACIONALISTIČKA ILI GRAĐANSKA ILI POSTNACIONALNA KONSTELACIJA?
(NATION: NATIONALIST OR CIVIL OR POST-NATIONAL CONSTELLATION?)

  • Author(s):Srđan Vrcan
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics, Sociology, Nationalism Studies, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation
  • Page Range:149-164
  • No. of Pages:16
  • Keywords:nation; nationalism; ethnocentrism; liberal nationalism; civil nation; constitutional patriotism; state; democracy.
  • Summary/Abstract:The paper discusses the problem of nationalism, and raises the question of the possibility of turning from authoritarian ethno-nationalism to liberal nationalism. In the former Yugoslavia, this possibility did not prove to be realistic in the 1990s, because all dominant nationalisms were overwhelmed by the idea of ​​a national state, as evidenced by the political practice of some liberals, which moved within the ruling nationalist paradigm. Even today, the matrix of nationalism is not being questioned, but the possibility of switching from a hard to a soft version of nationalism is opening up, after the hard version has achieved some of its strategic goals or was defeated from the outside. A civil nation is possible to the extent that the modern state can be sustainably based on integration, legitimization and mobilization on the so-called constitutional patriotism. A step towards a civil nation is desirable, but under the given assumptions it is not democratically feasible.
NACIONALIZAM/POPULIZAM VERSUS GRAĐANSKA OPCIJA - SRBIJA

NACIONALIZAM/POPULIZAM VERSUS GRAĐANSKA OPCIJA - SRBIJA
(NATIONALISM/POPULISM VERSUS CIVIL OPTION - SERBIA)

  • Author(s):Božidar Jakšić
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Civil Society, Sociology, Nationalism Studies
  • Page Range:165-182
  • No. of Pages:18
  • Keywords:Nationalism; populism; civil tradition; civil option
  • Summary/Abstract:Serbian nationalism expressed its power both as an ideology and as a movement - to a much lesser extent it was articulated as a theoretically designed orientation - in the last two centuries of the second millennium. It was articulated in two Serbian uprisings against Turkish rule. From the beginning of the nineteenth century, he relied on two myths that were strongly alive in the Serbian people - the Saint Sava myth and the Kosovo myth. To that mythical foundation, he added more than seven decades of struggle for the creation of an independent Serbian state in the nineteenth century, in order to show his imperial face in the Balkan Wars and his strong patriotism in the First World War at the beginning of the twentieth century. Finally, at the end of the First World War, they will incorporate their statehood into the foundations of the joint state of the southern Slavs (without the Bulgarians) - the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In those struggles lasting more than a century, Serbian nationalism showed exceptional absorptive power, which distinguished it from most other Balkan nationalisms that were exclusivist-oriented. It was this power that made him, in the language of contemporary political theory, "less transparent", apparently less aggressive, more tolerant in accepting others, but by no means less powerful. On the contrary! At the end of the twentieth century, Serbian nationalism lost this power - it itself became exclusivist and populist, so that it itself made a strong contribution to breaking up the common Yugoslav state. Serbian nationalism and populism first brought the Serbian people and other citizens of Serbia into conflict with their neighbors and even the whole world, and then in those conflicts they destroyed the motivational and material assumptions for the economic, political, cultural and moral renewal of society. Thanks to the great motivation of citizens, the political regime in Serbia changed at the end of 2000. Are Serbian nationalism and populism weakened by this? It is difficult to give an unequivocal answer to that question, and even more difficult to give a positive answer.
PRIPITOMLJAVANJE, RADIKALIZACIJA ILI PREOKRET: NAZNAKE O NACIONALIZMU U SRBIJI

PRIPITOMLJAVANJE, RADIKALIZACIJA ILI PREOKRET: NAZNAKE O NACIONALIZMU U SRBIJI
(DOMESTICATION, RADICALIZATION OR REVERSAL: INDICATIONS ABOUT NATIONALISM IN SERBIA)

  • Author(s):Alpar Lošonc
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Sociology, Recent History (1900 till today), Nationalism Studies, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation
  • Page Range:183-196
  • No. of Pages:14
  • Keywords:nation building; liberal nationalism; discursive conflicts; policy towards minorities; the fragility of the state apparatus
  • Summary/Abstract:Discussions about the reach of nationalism are intensifying in Serbia in view of the upcoming restructuring of the political space, primarily in view of the adoption of the Constitution. The key issue for the policy towards nationalism in Serbia is the attitude towards the past, the ethics of responsibility vis-a-vis war crimes, and the attitude towards minorities. Attention must also be paid to the discursive conflicts that played a significant role in the earlier period as well. Liberal nationalism has significant strongholds, but attention must be paid to the fact that the orientation of the same name in Serbia takes on different aspects than in the world, and is more oriented towards the narrowing of rights. It is necessary to give importance to the appearance of a certain part of the church elites who finds it appropriate to articulate the building of the nation with references to anti-Western thought. The paper gives a diagnosis of the policy towards minorities, respects the steps that can be positively evaluated, but emphasizes the fragility of the results, as well as the weakness of the entire institutional apparatus of the state that could react to everyday situations. Accordingly, the guidelines are emphasized in relation to the institutional ensemble of the state, which faces the task of implementing reforms as part of the late "transition".
NACIONALIZAM VERSUS GRAĐANSKA OPCIJA U CRNOJ GORI

NACIONALIZAM VERSUS GRAĐANSKA OPCIJA U CRNOJ GORI
(NATIONALISM VERSUS CIVIL OPTION IN MONTENEGRO)

  • Author(s):Miloš Bešić
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Sociology, Nationalism Studies, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation
  • Page Range:197-212
  • No. of Pages:16
  • Keywords:nationalism; civil option; social awareness; totality; ideology; collectivism; individualization; structural compatibility; functional complementarity; form of identification
  • Summary/Abstract:This paper sociologically analyzes the relationship between the civil and national option in Montenegro. The analysis is based on the methodological principle of totality, and the explanation itself is first of structural, then historical and finally functional character. The aim of the entire work is the explanation of the expansion of nationalism and the marginalization of the civic idea after the fall of real-socialism and equally the construction of a theoretical-empirical model of the analysis of real social relations and forces acting in the direction of the maintenance or regression of both national and civic options in Montenegro. The exposition of the relationship between two alternative models of social integration is also of a comparative-historical character, because it points to the differences and similarities of the status of the national and civic ideas in Montenegro in relation to the former SFRY environment. Finally, the work is valued in favor of the civic idea, but in the analytical sense, everything was done so as not to distort the sociological analysis of the national option.
SUOČAVANJE S LOŠOM PROŠLOŠĆU: TREBA LI SRBIJI I CRNOJ GORI KOMISIJA ZA ISTINU?

SUOČAVANJE S LOŠOM PROŠLOŠĆU: TREBA LI SRBIJI I CRNOJ GORI KOMISIJA ZA ISTINU?
(DEALING WITH THE BAD PAST: DOES SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO NEED A TRUTH COMMISSION?)

  • Author(s):Nenad Dimitrijević
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics, Sociology, Nationalism Studies, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation, Politics of History/Memory
  • Page Range:213-229
  • No. of Pages:17
  • Keywords:truth commission; responsibility; justice; a crime
  • Summary/Abstract:The paper is divided into three parts. The first part describes the typical characteristics of truth commissions, based on a comparative insight into the experiences of countries that have had such bodies. The second part analyzes the question of justifying the need for a commission. This review is divided into two sections. In the first, the general legitimacy matrix of the truth commission is outlined. In the second section, these general legitimacy arguments are confronted with the specificities of the political and cultural context in Serbia and Montenegro, in an effort to explain and justify the need for a truth commission in our country. The third part offers a brief sketch of possible concrete solutions for a possible future commission.
AUTORITARNO NASLEĐE I PREPREKE ZA RAZVOJ CIVILNOG DRUŠTVA I DEMOKRATSKE POLITIČKE KULTURE

AUTORITARNO NASLEĐE I PREPREKE ZA RAZVOJ CIVILNOG DRUŠTVA I DEMOKRATSKE POLITIČKE KULTURE
(AUTHORITARIAN LEGACY AND OBSTACLES TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF CIVIL SOCIETY AND DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL CULTURE)

  • Author(s):Zagorka Golubović
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Civil Society, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Sociology of Politics
  • Page Range:233-246
  • No. of Pages:14
  • Keywords:authoritarian society; authoritarian mentality; authoritarian succession; civil society; democratic political culture
  • Summary/Abstract:During the transition from a traditional, peasant society to a totalitarian order in Serbia after the Second World War, in the process of industrialization, the "ruralization of cities", the "folklorization of city culture" and the paternalization of social institutions occur. The authoritarian principle of subordination of individuals to the political elite rules, which excluded the possibility of constituting citizens as social subjects. Political socialization, which dominates, stifles the "ego" and reinforces the role of the "super-ego" (leader, party, parent), not enabling individuals to fight for their human and civil rights. The text discusses the conditions that prevent the development of civil society and, first of all, states the need to overcome the assumptions of a totalitarian order and a closed political system, whose main and only subject is the state apparatus. The conditions in the post-October period in Serbia are analyzed and it is stated that the "awakened citizen" has only taken the first step towards his liberation, but individuals are no longer reconciled to the status of subjects. It is also noticeable that the political culture found has not changed much, especially in the relationship of the political elite towards "ordinary people" and in the field of education (where the history of the recent past still needs to be rewritten), but also in the character of the political elites themselves (who are still inclined to give priority to party interests and the creation of a "party state). Regarding the development of civil society, the conclusion is: the appropriate conditions have not yet been created for society to free itself from the influence of the state and become an independent entity, as a space for the functioning of numerous NGOs, trade unions and other associations, which should become partners of the state.
POLITIČKA KULTURA, AUTORITARNOST I DEMOKRATSKA TRANZICIJA U HRVATSKOJ

POLITIČKA KULTURA, AUTORITARNOST I DEMOKRATSKA TRANZICIJA U HRVATSKOJ
(POLITICAL CULTURE, AUTHORITARIANITY AND DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN CROATIA)

  • Author(s):Ivan Šiber
  • Language:Croatian
  • Subject(s):Politics, Sociology, Nationalism Studies, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation
  • Page Range:247-261
  • No. of Pages:15
  • Keywords:transition; political culture; authoritarian personality; Croatia
  • Summary/Abstract:Political changes during 1989 and 1990, both in the area of ​​the former Yugoslavia and in the whole of Eastern Europe, showed the historical breakdown of one model and one idea - utopia, and at the same time even more strongly actualized the problem of political culture and its suitability for a democratic organization within a multi-party political system. In other words, the basic question arises: To what extent does the absence of a tradition of civil society, as well as the presence of an authoritarian tradition, hinder the development of democratic processes and relations? The text shows that the value vacuum created by the collapse of the previous system was simply replaced by new strongholds, primarily nation, religion and history. The development of democratic political culture, as well as changes in authoritarian consciousness, require time and a process of political resocialization. Empirical research shows that in the territory of the former Yugoslavia until 1990, as well as in the territory of the Republic of Croatia after 1990, authoritarian values ​​with all the characteristics found in research around the world are strongly present: the greater the authoritarianism, the greater the exclusivity towards others, the greater choice of right-wing (nationalist) parties, greater religiosity, orientation to tradition, and the like. This is, above all, about the so-called cognitive authoritarianism, means the form of evaluation and behavior taken over by the process of socialization in a traditional environment with a dominant parochial political culture. According to research data, younger and more educated respondents show significantly less authoritarianism than the older and less educated part of the population.
CIVILNO DRUŠTVO I POLITIKA U SRBIJI

CIVILNO DRUŠTVO I POLITIKA U SRBIJI
(CIVIL SOCIETY AND POLITICS IN SERBIA)

  • Author(s):Vukašin Pavlović
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Political Theory, Civil Society
  • Page Range:265-277
  • No. of Pages:13
  • Keywords:Civil society; politics; development strategy; social capital; social resource; democratic political resources; economic resources
  • Summary/Abstract:After the civil forces in Serbia retreated to relatively small oases of non-governmental organizations and civil initiatives in the early 1990s, a new dynamic was established in the civil fabric (moving the center of gravity of civil society activities inland), which finally created the preconditions for changes in 2000. Civil society is not only characterized by positive potentials, so it should not be hypostasized. It shares the fate of the political field, which is divided into democratic and authoritarian options. In the paper, special attention is paid to the role of civil society (in the context of the difference between domination and creation) in shaping the social development strategy. The key problem consists in abandoning reactive (short-term) strategies in favor of proactive (long-term) strategies for the change and development of society. In this sense, the answer to the question about an adequate strategy for increasing social resources (economic, social in the narrower sense of the word, cultural, political and ecological resources) is essential. In Serbia, and in other countries of the former Yugoslavia, the key moments of such an adequate strategy consist of the strategy of improving democratic political resources (which implies qualitative changes in terms of political elites) and the strategy of developing economic resources, whereby economic recovery is one of the most important items in the overall strategy of democratic changes in Serbia.
CIVILNO DRUŠTVO I POLITIKA U HRVATSKOJ

CIVILNO DRUŠTVO I POLITIKA U HRVATSKOJ
(CIVIL SOCIETY AND POLITICS IN CROATIA)

  • Author(s):Lino Veljak
  • Language:Croatian
  • Subject(s):Politics, Civil Society, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Post-Communist Transformation
  • Page Range:279-291
  • No. of Pages:13
  • Keywords:Civil and political society; reduced civil society; transition; democratic culture; liberal-democratic order; stable democracy
  • Summary/Abstract:The paper discusses the role of civil society in the process that led to the change of government in the parliamentary elections on January 3, 2000. After the operational definition of a reduced civil society and the presentation of the genesis of civil society and multi-partyism in Croatia, the author reconstructs the formation of civil society during the period of the authoritarian rule of the HDZ. It pays special attention to independent media and those non-governmental organizations whose value system is compatible with the liberal-democratic order. The role of civil society in building a democratic culture suitable for such an order cannot be precisely determined, just as the degree of direct and indirect influence of civil society on the results of the mentioned elections cannot be determined either. Arguments that speak in favor of the relevance of that influence are given, but also arguments that call into question the attempt to attach too much or decisive importance to that influence. The relationship between civil and political society is also problematized, and their ambivalent interaction is pointed out.
NEVLADIN SEKTOR CRNE GORE - PROŠLOST, SADAŠNJOST, IZGLEDI ZA BUDUĆNOST

NEVLADIN SEKTOR CRNE GORE - PROŠLOST, SADAŠNJOST, IZGLEDI ZA BUDUĆNOST
(NON-GOVERNMENTAL SECTOR OF MONTENEGRO - PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE PROSPECTS)

  • Author(s):Srđan Darmanović, Rade Bojović
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Civil Society
  • Page Range:293-308
  • No. of Pages:16
  • Keywords:civil society; non-governmental sector; NGOs; Milosevic's regime; the government of Montenegro; type of transition; opposition; alternative; Law on NGOs; legislative initiatives; economic sustainabili
  • Summary/Abstract:During the decisive last decade of the past century, Montenegrin civil initiatives and independent media painstakingly struggled with marginal social status and a political climate that prevented the development of civil society. The disintegration of Yugoslavia, the war and other accompanying consequences of this severe crisis had major consequences for Montenegrin society and the state. In such conditions, when destructive processes dominated the public scene, the first Montenegrin institutions and civil society organizations were created. These relatively few but vocal representatives of the civil sector represented, in fact, one of the main centers of the opposition movement in Montenegro until the end of 1997 and the political upheaval in Montenegro. This first period of activities of civil society organizations was a period of antagonistic attitude towards the Montenegrin government, because that government acted as a political ally of the Milošević regime at the time. The second period, after the political upheaval in Montenegro and the split of the ruling DPS, from 1997 to the end of 2000, i.e. until the fall of the Milošević regime in Belgrade, was a period of mutual tolerance and partial and occasional cooperation between the civil sector and the Montenegrin government78. In some aspects, and especially in terms of defense against the common danger - Milosevic's regime, this relationship also had elements of a strategic alliance. 28 Here, by government, we do not mean only the Prime Minister's cabinet, but the government in a broader sense, i.e. to the authorities in Montenegro, regardless of whether it is the legislative or executive power. The different type of political transition in Serbia and Montenegro also affected the different types of activities of civil society organizations. In Serbia, the political transition ended with the final confrontation between the regime and the opposition, in which an exhausted dictatorial regime collapsed and collapsed. In this decisive confrontation, civil society actors were not only allies but also an integral part of the opposition movement in Serbia. The transition in Montenegro had a different course. At the same time, the government in Montenegro became the opposition to the Milošević regime. In the nominally federal system of the then two-member federation (FRY), the government of one state (Montenegro) became an opponent of the government/regime of another state (Serbia/federation). In this conflict, civil society actors were naturally on the side of the pro-democratic government, but also on the side of their country.
PARTIJE I AKTERI CIVILNOG DRUŠTVA U SRBIJI

PARTIJE I AKTERI CIVILNOG DRUŠTVA U SRBIJI
(PARTIES AND ACTORS OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN SERBIA)

  • Author(s):Vladimir Goati
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Civil Society, Electoral systems
  • Page Range:309-321
  • No. of Pages:13
  • Keywords:civil society; interest groups; privatized state; parastatal cartel
  • Summary/Abstract:Parties, as organizations that connect civil society and the state, inevitably suffer from the influences of both society and the state. In Serbia, the weaknesses of civil society during the Milošević era (underdevelopment, weak organizational structure of interest groups, spread of organizations fighting for illegal goals, etc.) and the state (arbitrary decision-making, association with crime) had a negative impact not only on the ruling SPS, but also on the opposition parties. After the October upheaval, DOS is trying to expand the sphere of civil society and democratize the state through privatization.
LEGITIMNOST, DRŽAVA I CIVILNO DRUŠTVO

LEGITIMNOST, DRŽAVA I CIVILNO DRUŠTVO
(LEGITIMACY, STATE AND CIVIL SOCIETY)

  • Author(s):Vučina Vasović
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Civil Society, Political behavior, Politics and society
  • Page Range:325-340
  • No. of Pages:16
  • Keywords:political legitimacy; state; democracy; civil society
  • Summary/Abstract:The political and democratic transition in the part of the former Yugoslavia, which today is known as the union of Serbia and Montenegro, is full of numerous difficulties and problems. The expectations that after the fall of the former real-socialist regime and the successful pluralist liberal revolution, Serbia and Montenegro would start on the path of faster socio-economic, cultural and democratic development did not come true. The biggest surprises and setbacks occur in the political sphere, that is, exactly where the biggest and fastest steps in the direction of democratic development were expected. On the example of the union of Serbia and Montenegro, it can be clearly shown how much stagnation in the political-legal sphere represents obstacles for the expected development in all other areas of social life. The author of this paper shows the character and severity of these obstacles by analyzing the state of political legitimacy, the state, democracy and civil society in the community of Serbia and Montenegro.
KONSTITUCIONALIZAM, LEGITIMNOST I CIVILNO DRUŠTVO U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ

KONSTITUCIONALIZAM, LEGITIMNOST I CIVILNO DRUŠTVO U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ
(CONSTITUTIONALISM, LEGITIMACY AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA)

  • Author(s):Arsen Bačić
  • Language:Croatian
  • Subject(s):Politics, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law, Civil Society, Governance, Political behavior, Politics and society
  • Page Range:341-355
  • No. of Pages:15
  • Keywords:Croatia Rediviva; constitutionalization; constitutionalism; constitution; minority rights; identification; democracy; civil society
  • Summary/Abstract:In the text, the author points to a strong connection between constitutionalism and the rule of law, proving that the legitimacy of the constitutional state weakens if there is a passive compromiser and contortionist attitude in society towards the realization of constitutional values ​​and permanent mistrust towards the constitutionally patriotic orientation of civil society institutions. The author's point of view is that such a state of affairs greatly affects the credibility and legitimacy of any manager who does not see that Croatia truly becomes part of the Western civilization area only under the assumption of consistent and unquestionable affirmation of the idea and practice of democratic constitutionalism and the corresponding type of constitutional state as a credible and strong "cultural achievement".
PRAVOSUĐE I CIVILNO DRUŠTVO U SRBIJI I CRNOJ GORI

PRAVOSUĐE I CIVILNO DRUŠTVO U SRBIJI I CRNOJ GORI
(JUSTICE AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO)

  • Author(s):Vesna Rakić Vodinelić
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law, Civil Society, Political behavior, Politics and society
  • Page Range:357-378
  • No. of Pages:22
  • Keywords:judiciary; human rights; security; civil society
  • Summary/Abstract:The paper problematizes the basis of international relations and human rights today, so the question arises whether the key legal concept of human rights has been replaced by the use of a new concept that is not legally sufficiently defined - "state security". The basis for doubting this substitution is found in the legislative practice of the USA after September 11, 2001. In this general framework, the relationship between the judiciary and civil society in Serbia and Montenegro is considered. It was observed that the ideas of the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary, and a fair trial, were especially affirmed during the time of authoritarian rule in Serbia, and that the most important promoters of these ideas were the institutions of civil society. After the change of government in 2000, some of these ideas were accepted by the state administration. But, soon after the collapse of the ruling coalition in Serbia, and especially after the assassination of the Prime Minister of Serbia and after the implausible abandonment of criminal prosecution for human trafficking in Montenegro, there comes a time when the state administration increasingly ignores these ideas, essentially acting against them, while civil society institutions do not find an adequate response.
PRAVO NA SUĐENJE U RAZUMNOM ROKU: O POKUŠAJIMA I PROPUSTIMA POLITIKE UBRZAVANJA SUDSKIH POSTUPAKA U HRVATSKOJ

PRAVO NA SUĐENJE U RAZUMNOM ROKU: O POKUŠAJIMA I PROPUSTIMA POLITIKE UBRZAVANJA SUDSKIH POSTUPAKA U HRVATSKOJ
(THE RIGHT TO A TRIAL WITHIN A REASONABLE TIME: ATTEMPTS AND FAILURES OF THE POLICY OF SPEEDING UP COURT PROCEEDINGS IN CROATIA)

  • Author(s):Alan Uzelac
  • Language:Croatian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law, Criminal Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law
  • Page Range:379-396
  • No. of Pages:18
  • Keywords:court proceedings; judicial reform; reasonable term; fair trial; Croatia
  • Summary/Abstract:The duration of court proceedings is today considered one of the most important problems of court proceedings in Croatia. This paper initially outlines several aspects that have fueled discussions on the need to speed up proceedings and moved them to the very center of discussions on judicial reform. A brief history of the development of judicial proceedings in the context of the legal and political tradition in which judicial institutions were developed is presented as a background to the problem of the length of the trial. Six strategies for speeding up trials that can be recognized in current reform attempts are analyzed. In short, the intended reforms of court procedures (litigation, enforcement and bankruptcy) and efforts to avoid convictions for violation of the right to a fair trial before the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg by introducing national constitutional remedies are presented. In conclusion, doubts are expressed about the possibility of achieving significant progress with the current personnel structure and political readiness for half-hearted reforms. Without an effective judiciary, however, a complete transition towards the model of a democratic liberal state is not possible, and the problem of duration also calls into question the possibility of economic reforms.
KORUPCIJA U PRAVOSUĐU I DRŽAVNOJ UPRAVI U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ

KORUPCIJA U PRAVOSUĐU I DRŽAVNOJ UPRAVI U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ
(CORRUPTION IN THE JUDICIARY AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA)

  • Author(s):Zoran Malenica
  • Language:Croatian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Criminal Law, Civil Society, Governance, Public Administration, Political behavior, Sociology of Law
  • Page Range:397-411
  • No. of Pages:15
  • Keywords:corruption; judiciary; state administration; fight against corruption; repatriarchalization; deprofessionalization
  • Summary/Abstract:The paper discusses the prevalence and causes of corruption in the Croatian judiciary, executive and administrative authorities. At the beginning of the paper, the latest results of public opinion research on the presence of corruption in various areas of social and political life are presented. After that, the general causes of the high prevalence of corruption in transition societies are presented, followed by the specific causes related to Croatian society. It emphasizes the processes of repatriarchalization and clientelization that developed during HDZ's rule (1990-2000) and significantly contributed to the scale of various forms of corruption. Finally, the efforts and attempts of the new (coalition) government after January 3, 2000 to reduce the presence of corruption in the area of ​​the judiciary and state administration are analyzed. The author concludes that these efforts were not followed up with enough political will and courage and therefore did not produce significant results.
LJUDSKA PRAVA U SRBIJI I CRNOJ GORI POLOVINOM 2003. GODINE

LJUDSKA PRAVA U SRBIJI I CRNOJ GORI POLOVINOM 2003. GODINE
(HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO IN HALF OF 2003)

  • Author(s):Vojin Dimitrijević
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Civil Society, Political behavior, Politics and law, Politics and society
  • Page Range:413-430
  • No. of Pages:18
  • Keywords:human rights; legislation; judiciary; international law; the impact of armed conflicts on the territory of Yugoslavia; international sanctions; NATO; Council of Europe; SFRY; FRY
  • Summary/Abstract:The regime in the SFRY was not in favor of human rights, although at a later stage this country formally accepted the corresponding international treaties in order to raise its international reputation. This was even more true for the Milošević regime in the FRY. The ideological basis for the aversion to human rights in both cases was collectivism, in the era of the SFRY in its Marxist-Lenismist variant and in the era of the FRY in its nationalist variant. Civil and political rights were generally not respected in the FRY until October 2000, with an emphasized component of discrimination on a national basis. Hyperinflation 1993-1994. it led to a difficult economic situation, which endangered both economic and social rights. Mass dissatisfaction was first manifested in the three-month protests of citizens in Belgrade and other cities of Serbia in the winter of 1996/1997. due to the falsification of results in local elections, which after the armed intervention of NATO in 1999 led to the change of regime on September 24 and October 5, 2000. The parties gathered in the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) had in their program the establishment and consolidation of democracy, the introduction of the rule of law and respect for human rights. Consistency in this regard was undermined by the turmoil in the DOS in 2001-2002. with the withdrawal of the Democratic Party of Serbia from the coalition, as well as the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic on March 12, 2003 and the state of emergency declared after it. Despite this, the FRY after 2000 and Serbia and Montenegro since 2003 improved formal respect for human rights by passing various legal acts. The most important legislative acts are the Constitutional Charter of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro of February 4, 2003, which stipulates that the achieved level of human and minority rights cannot be lowered, the Charter of Human and Minority Rights and Civil Liberties of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro of February 28, 2003, which has so far made the greatest normative progress in the protection of human rights, and the Criminal Procedure Law of 2001, which guarantees greater rights in criminal proceedings. Serbia and Montenegro was admitted to the Council of Europe in 2003. The greatest difficulties in the actual enjoyment of human rights are observed in the field of justice. The reform of the courts and prosecutor's offices failed due to inter-party struggles and compromises, personnel fluctuations and suspicion of the administrative authority towards the independent judiciary. The reputation of the courts is still low. Other difficulties are not primarily in the domain of law, but must be sought in the area of ​​material conditions, difficulties of transition and low level of political culture.
LJUDSKA PRAVA U HRVATSKOJ - OPTEREĆENOST PROBLEMOM NACIONALNIH MANJINA

LJUDSKA PRAVA U HRVATSKOJ - OPTEREĆENOST PROBLEMOM NACIONALNIH MANJINA
(HUMAN RIGHTS IN CROATIA - THE BURDEN OF THE PROBLEM OF NATIONAL MINORITIES)

  • Author(s):Siniša Tatalović
  • Language:Croatian
  • Subject(s):Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Inter-Ethnic Relations, Ethnic Minorities Studies
  • Page Range:431-452
  • No. of Pages:22
  • Keywords:human rights; normative and organizational assumptions for the protection of human rights; violation of human rights; rights of national minorities
  • Summary/Abstract:The state of human rights in Croatia is characterized by good normative and institutional conditions for protection, but also by a lack of political will and general conditions necessary for their realization. Because of this, citizens are often unable to ensure the application and protection of many guaranteed rights and freedoms. Although the existing constitutional and legal solutions, institutions and procedures are harmonized with appropriate international standards in this area, international organizations criticize Croatia for their application in practice. A significant discrepancy between the prescribed solutions and the application of legal norms in specific cases, that is, the behavior of state authorities in practice, is evident. This particularly applies to the area of ​​exercising the rights of national minorities in Croatia. Belonging to national minorities often corresponds to the violation of human rights in many areas, from property rights to obtaining citizenship.
LJUDSKA PRAVA U CRNOJ GORI IZMEĐU RETORIKE I REALNOSTI

LJUDSKA PRAVA U CRNOJ GORI IZMEĐU RETORIKE I REALNOSTI
(HUMAN RIGHTS IN MONTENEGRO BETWEEN RHETORIC AND REALITY)

  • Author(s):Nebojša Vučinić
  • Language:Serbian
  • Subject(s):Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence, Constitutional Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Politics and law
  • Page Range:453-470
  • No. of Pages:18
  • Keywords:human rights; human rights protection system; violation of human rights
  • Summary/Abstract:Generally speaking, the current state of human rights in Montenegro is marked by the following general characteristics: an insufficiently developed and efficient system of institutional protection, both primary - preventive and secondary - repressive, which is why citizens are often unable to ensure the application and protection of many guaranteed rights and freedoms. Furthermore, the existing constitutional and legal solutions, institutions and procedures are often not sufficiently harmonized with the corresponding international standards in this area. Finally, there is a significant discrepancy between the prescribed solutions and the application of legal norms in specific cases, that is, the behavior of state authorities in practice.
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