Saradnja Jugoslavije i Poljske u oblasti nuklearne energije krajem 50-ih godina

Author(s): Dragomir Bondžić / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

Cooperation between Yugoslavia and Poland in domain of nuclear energy maintained within normalization of bilateral relations in the middle of 50s, after being stopped because of Yugoslav conflict with Inform biro in 1948. Cooperation possibility in domain of peaceful implementation of nuclear energy was mentioned for the first time within diplomatic circles in the middle of 1955, but first concrete steps were made at the end of 1956. Key event for development of cooperation between Yugoslavia and Poland was signing of the Agreement of cooperation in domain of peaceful implementation of nuclear energy during April 1957 in Warsaw. From that moment, the cooperation maintained on the basis of annual plans and protocols which were confirmed by delegates through negotiations. It was improved through experts, scientists and delegations visits from both sides, organization of seminars and conferences, literature exchange, so information, materials, instruments and technical documentation, but also through exchange of scientists and experts which specialized and improved their knowledge in domain of various implementations of nuclear energy and direct contact establishment between scientific institutes and economic organizations. The cooperation included different areas of research: mining and geology researches and technology of nuclear raw materials; basic researches within physics and chemistry; creation and exploration of reactors; manufacture and implementation of radioactive isotopes in biology, medicine, agriculture and technical sciences; protection of radiation etc. At the beginning the cooperation was widely implemented in all areas of nuclear science, but after reduced and concentrated on areas and problems which satisfied needs of both sides, so made available comparison of results and common research. Reduced exchange of information was conditioned by development of cooperation between both countries with USSR and western countries.

Jugoslovensko-poljski fudbalski kontakti u međuratnom periodu

Author(s): Dejan Zec / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

In the period between the First and the Second World War, two new states on the political map of Europe, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia and the Polish Republic, had similar patterns of political, cultural and economic development. Both states had emerged from the victory of the Entente forces, both were surrounded by the revisionist adversaries and both fought frantically for survival and stabilization of its international position. In the ongoing process, certain convergence between the two nations had occurred. This convergence was visible in different spheres of social and political life, but mostly in culture and sports. Sport and physical exercise, football and Sokol exercising in particular, which were very popular in both countries, were used as a bridge for connecting and introducing the Poles and Yugoslavs better. Out of 109 football matches in total that Yugoslav national football team had played in the period between 1920 and 1941, 11 (or 10%) were played against Poland (9 friendly football matches and 2 world cup qualifiers). In the time when no all-European football competition existed, in which all nations were forced to play against one another, football relations between the two nations would represent the general reflection of their relationship. Yugoslav Football Association was informal but very important ambassador of the Yugoslav state and the YFA had the best relations with the states which were in friendly terms with Yugoslavia. Testimony of such a practice is the fact that Yugoslavia played most of its matches against Czechoslovakia, Romania, Poland and Greece. Beside the football matches of the national teams, several prominent matches were played between the best Yugoslav and Polish clubs. In the conclusion, the football matches represented an opportunity to show the strength of the Yugoslav-Polish alliance and often were the display of the friendship between the two nations.

„Nova klasa“ i raspad komunističkog sistema u delima Milovana Đilasa

Author(s): Michał Jerzy Zacharias / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

In his "New Class" Djilas vividly and convincingly presents the birth of a group (new class) that has a monopoly on political, economic and ideological power. It arises from former revolutionaries and transforms into a political party bureaucracy, being nothing more than a new group of rulers and exploiters. "New Class" has a totalitarian character, it does not tolerate any opposition, subdues all aspects of political, social and personal lives of individuals. It is a political realization of the communist utopia, which - like any utopia - does not reach its initial goals and includes some elements of imminent collapse. Djilas precisely and accurately announces the fall of that "new class", which is the core of the communist system. That fall will be a simple consequence of the fact that individuals and society are "subjects of the right to life" that imposes the need to enlarge and improve production. Djilas claims that the phenomenon is only a tendency; a long process without the final, ultimate fulfillment. It is a tendency that leads "to a better understanding, harmonization and utilization of global production capacity." Indeed, the world is moving towards the optimal use of global production capacity in accordance with the growing needs of individuals, nations, and societies. At the same time it destroys everything that prevents such a development, including obsolete social relations and ownership, and above all - exclusive and isolated systems and ideologies. Also the communist system is incapable to develop, what is more – it is an obstacle of that development. As a result, in terms of Djilas, a gradual disappearance, fall of communism as an ideology and practice is an objective necessity determined by inevitable requirements and circumstances, not by aspirations and actions of its opponents.

Organizacija državne propagande u evropi tokom tridesetih godina 20. veka. Uporedna analiza Poljske i Jugoslavije

Author(s): Bojan V. Simić / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

During turbulent 1930s all European countries payed attention on propaganda and made a large capital investment into implementation of the one. As the start of World War II came closer, activities in this area became more important and complex. General impression is that propaganda organizations of European countries streamed to have better coordination and centralization. Poland and Yugoslavia were not an excemption. On assignment of state propaganda spreading numbered state institutions were engaged. In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, since 1929, existed Central Press Office which was founded to represent general state intelligence. The Office included Administrative, Informational and Publishing Department. Among the mentioned ones the most important was Informational Department, which implemented tasks related to preventive inspection of the press and informing domestic media on situation in the country and abroad. The office became, in time, supervisor to all media of the time: press, radio and mouvie and in the fact became the Ministry of propaganda without “accent on desk producing propaganda“. Polish case ment press offices within the most importand ministries: Presidency of the Government, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Defence which were incharged for propaganda in areas of jurisdiction. During the years several institutions and comissions vere founded with a goal to coordinate state propaganda in Poland. Invested efforts, logically, resulted with foundation of the Ministry of propaganda just day after attack of Germany. Beside previously mentioned institutions, main role in state propaganda spreading had press agencies, also. Their duty was to inform domestic public on situation in the country and the foreign one on the issues in the state. Of course, in accordance with „the interests of the state and will of the government“. Polish agency PAT was, related to human recources, numbered than Yugoslavian Avala. It had branchy network of informants across the whole Europe and implemented operations which, in Yugoslavia, were in jurisdiction of Central Press Office. When the war started the power of propaganda and its organization were not able to oppose the power of weapon beside envious level of success achieved during 1930s.

Poljske izbeglice u Jugoslaviji 1939–1941. godine

Author(s): Milan Koljanin / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

Among the countries in which Polish citizens found harbourage after German invasion of Poland, started on September 1, 1939, was the Kingdom of Yugoslavia also. After short or long residence period they, mostly, continued the journey to West European countries, France and Great Britain, primarily. Since the start of October 1939, Yugoslavian authorities issued set of announcements and guidelines which regulated the reception and status of Polish refugees. The quote of 1.000 refugees was determined, but it was exceeded. The City of Jagodina was announced as the place of Polish refugee’s residence. Among received refugees was Jewish population, which, together with Jews from Czechoslovakia and Austria, tried to get to Palestine by ships. Some refugees experienced the occupation of Serbia, some of them were interned, but Jewish population was executed together with other Jews in Serbia.

Jugoslovensko-poljski odnosi u 1983. godini

Author(s): Nebojša Stambolija / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

Bilateral relations between communist Yugoslavia and Poland in 1983 are characterized with a rise of established contacts and gradual overcome of temporary decline that happened as a consequence of war state in Poland. Signed agreement in Warsaw in February should have raised level of trade for 20%. Visits on high level are also characteristic in 1983. The most important was visit of Dobrivoje Vidić, member of Presidency of Central Committee of League of Communists of Yugoslavia and his conversation with Polish Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski. In this conversation, Jaruzelski expressed his gratitude for Yugoslav attitude on crisis in Poland. Basic course of cultural cooperation in 1983 was directed on a celebration of forty years from establishing AVNOJ. Within that anniversary, beside many other appropriate programs in Polish media, Serbian Secretary of Information Vojislav Mićović has opened exhibition ''Serbia – land and people'' in Warsaw at the end of November.

Oblici saradnje zemalja narodne demokratije 1945–1948. Primer Jugoslavija – Poljska

Author(s): Momčilo Pavlović / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

The work systemize and lists models of cooperation between the countries of national democracy, exactly, those who found in sphere of influence of SSSSR. Contrary to capitalist and imperialist group, national, so social block of countries was profiled since 1946. All of them developed intensive cooperation in domain of ideology, politics, economy, culture and sport. The models of cooperation were, mostly, the same, but some bilateral relations existed, so contracts. The goal was to create new socijalist society under the leadership of communists. So, Yugoslavia and Poland developed multilateral cooperation under the same patent in period from 1945 until 1948, which included signed contracts on friendship and reciprocal help, economic and trade contracts, organized visits of state delegations, jamborees and sport competitions, manifestations of common friendship, so foundation of multicultural commissions with a goal to promote cultural cooperation. For example, in accordance with the Contract on friendship and reciprocal help between Federative National Republic of Yugoslavia and Republic of Poland, signed on March 18th, 1946, on twenty years, both sides were obligated to help each other in case of Germany attack. Similar contracts, Yugoslavia signed with other countries of national democracy, also. The work observed the development of cooperation until the Resolution of Inform biro, 1948. After the conflict, the work follows forms of deterioration of relations in all spheres, from verbal incidents to break of cooperation with Communist Party of Yugoslavia, so identical judgements of Yugoslavian leadership. The answers on verbal attacks are almost the same formally. The work, in detail, observes forms of cooperation, deterioration and break of relations between Yugoslavian and Polish leadership between 1945 and 1948. Behaviour of countries of national democracy, so Poland, too, to Yugoslavian leadership, which considered it unfriendly is processed in details.

Poljska u jugoslovenskoj spoljnoj politici tokom 30-ih godina XX veka

Author(s): Srđan Mićić / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

Yugoslav-Polish direct relations were regulated in accordance with the countries of the Danube River, interests of the Little Entente and Polish-Hungarian friendship, so potential alliance foundation. Yugoslav stand relative to Poland was balanced between character of Romanian-Polish alliance and phases of Czechoslovakian-Polish relations. Hungary was a breakpoint of interests of Little Entante members which resulted with reserved stand of Yugoslavia in a relation with Poland, so because of Polish-Hungarian relations. The importance of countries of the Danube River was visible on a diplomacy level, also. Official visits of Vojislav Marinković and Jozef Beko were delayed or conditioned by absence of official visits of Polish ministers of foreign affairs. Yugoslavia appointed, during 1930s, representatives in Poland, who mostly were in service for years in Prague or Budapest. Relative to great powers, friendly and allied relations with France were common denominator for Yugoslav and Polish foreign policy while system of collective security in Europe functioned. Both countries reacted similar, when realized that French support became uncertain, with a goal to comprehend with neighbour great powers which represented real or potential threat. Yugoslav diplomatic and military service percepted Poland until 1936 as a member of French system of alliance in Europe. After Yugoslav foreign policy being changed, during 1936, Poland is viewed as avantgarde European country which stand independent in foreign policy and used as criterion for sustainability measure of the course. Thus, Yugoslavian services registered a wish of Poles to establish its state as new great power in Europe, supposing that this move overcame their own strength and significance, but their foreign policy started to lose the former political base.

Jugoslovenska politika prema zemljama Trećeg sveta 1956–1961. godine iz perspektive Ambasade Narodne Republike Poljske u Beogradu

Author(s): Mateusz Sokulski / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

On the second half of 50's and beginning of 60's Embassy of the Polish People's Republic paid attention on Yugoslav policy towards Third World states. One of the reasons of such interest was that it was Moscow, that had predestined Poland as one of the political subjects that were to represent Eastern Block's interests in contacts with newly birth states and to work on establishing diplomatic relations with them. Polish diplomats perceived Tito's activity amongst developing countries as the reflection of his reluctant attitude towards further approachment with the West and complicated relations with the Soviet block as well. Polish official representatives in Belgrade found in the second half of 50's 20th century interests of the developing countries as contraditory and their attitudes in the international policy so far. Because of that, they claimed it to be impossible to establish any kind of political alliance. When in the 1961. in Belgrade summit of the non-aligned states took place, Polish Ambassador in Belgrade Aleksander Małecki tried to underestimate Yugoslav position in the Third World, maintaining, that Josip Broz Tito was overshadowed by Indian PM Javaharlal Nehru. In his diplomatic reports that were sent to Polish Ministry of Foreign Affaires Małecki intended to prove, that except of the small African states, Yugoslav vision of the potential alliance found no support. Such attitude of Polish diplomats was caused by complex relations between Belgrade and Moscow's satellite states, that might have been observed on the example of Yugoslav condemnation on the summits of the communists parties in 1957 and 1960. Unless Yugoslav inner political solutions had been perceived with disregard by Poles, it was underlined in the official documents, that political regime in Belgrade found to be more attractive for the newly-founded states rather than Soviet model. What is more, representatives of the Polish Peoples' Republic in Belgrade with regarded Yugoslav diplomats as competent and their activity as effective and successful. Polish diplomatic staff in Belgrade claimed – what is find to be true by contemporary historians - that Tito managed to achieve such prestige in the international policy that exceeded really modest potential of Yugoslavia.

Invazija na Poljsku 1939. iz perspektive beogradske štampe

Author(s): Rade Ristanović / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

Analyzing lines of daily and periodical press, we tried to reconstruct how start of World War II, exactly attack of Germany on Poland, war operations, so territory partition influenced on Belgrade public opinion. Daily press issued in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was controlled by the authorities and content of columns on foreign policy depended on foreign policy of the Kingdom. Analyzing lines of daily press in period from the start of the Dancing crisis until Poland partition, confirmed this thesis, totally. Columns of Belgrade daily press dedicated to German invasion on Poland, represented mosaic of telegraphic news which content represented news published almost equally by press agencies of Germany, Poland, Great Britain and France. This kind of reporting was in accordance with the neutral foreign policy of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, so final result of the government-citizens of the Kingdom to stay neutral also. Picturesque reports of Grga Zlatoper, reporter of „Politika“ newspapers from Warsaw, so authorized texts translated from foreign press, enriched Belgrade press. There is no doubt-citizens of Belgrade followed start, escalation and the end of conflict between Germany and Poland, so it is hard to find a segment of this war which remained unknown to the public.

Istorija balkanskih zemalja u poljskim školskim udžbenicima za predavanje istorije

Author(s): Teresa Maresz / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

In general, young people meet history as a science for the first time at school. The school textbook is an original source of any historical information. The historical education in the Polish school system is linear. First, students learn about their own country, then about political, social, economic, and cultural events in western civilizations, to a lesser extent about Eastern and Southern Europe, and very little about the past of other continents. Only students, who decide to take history as a subject of their matriculation examination, broaden their knowledge. In Poland, teachers teach generally about the history of Poland with common events in the background. A lot of interesting historical events in textbooks are only signaled for obvious reasons (volume of books and number of lessons). With reference to the subject of the conference I made a review of the content of information about the history of the Balkan states in the current history textbooks in Poland. It should be noted that there is not much information about the Balkans, however, to some extent, southern Slav peoples and their states are described on the pages of textbooks - from the Middle Ages to the present day.

Poljska štampa u vreme pruske okupacije o atentatu u Sarajevu i pretnji evropskog rata (jun – avgust 1914. godine)

Author(s): Zdzisław Biegańsk / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

The article analyses the position of the Polish press under Prussian Partition in times of the rising threat of war after the Sarajevo assassination and immediately after the outbreak of war. In the Prussian annexation, under difficult conditions of the intensification of national oppression, relatively a lot of Polish newspapers and magazines, representing various political options, were printed. Some of them took a loyalist stance, especially in Upper Silesia –„Głos Śląski” i „Katolik” i „Górnoślązak”, „Kurier Śląski”, also “Gazeta Gdańska” newspaper, published in Pomerania, and – to a lesser extent – „Gazeta Grudziądzka”. Greater Poland (Wielkopolska) was dominated by the anti-German national democratists’ press: „Kurier Poznański”, „Orędownik”, „Dziennik Bydgoski”, „Dziennik Kujawski”, much like in „Gazeta Toruńska” of Pomerania. The information about the assassination at Sarajevo caused a stir in the press. Most newspapers printed special supplements and over the next few days published many details about this crime. In the newspapers the scenarios were widely publicized. In most situations commentators did not predict an escalation of conflict as people became accustomed to the Balkans turbulent history. Most of the Polish newspapers openly sympathized with the Serbs, who just like Poles were subjected to the Austrian political system of “violence and pressure” for years. Most assessments of the causes and consequences of the assassination were linked to parallel situation of Polish lands. Only a few newspapers found the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia partially justified. The opinion that it was unacceptable for a sovereign state predominated and the rejection of ultimatum was predicted. There was the hope for limiting the scale of conflict and effective diplomatic mediation. After the outbreak of the war only some of the newspapers continued to appear and they published, out of necessity, official information and messages. Only some commentators distanced themselves from pro-war sentiments in Germany. Some of the newspapers took a loyalist stance while the others expressed reservations and had attitudes of expectations towards the conflicting sides. The defense of the national identity was the most important thing. Most of the titles did not believe German propaganda: that the Entente countries provoked the war. The press exposed Germany’s imperial ambitions as well as intentions of creating pro-German orientation in the Polish society.

Razgovori između Tita i Gomulke u Varšavi 1964. i u Beogradu 1965. godine

Author(s): Dragan Bogetić / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

Conversations between Tito and Gomulka in Warsaw and Belgrade in the middle of 1960s of the past century represented strong impulse to further improvement of Yugoslav-Polish cooperation and good opportunity for detailed exchange of stands related to actual issues in international relations and international labour movement. Even stands of two state officials in a relation to important international issues and centres of world crisis were, almost always, similar, existed several diferences in a perceptionof optimal strategy of socialist countries which led to solution of problems solving, so in a perception of fundamental basis, relations between socialist countries shoulbd be based on. Those differences were reflection of current differences of international positions of two states and several issues which occupied them. Yugoslavia those days was mostly worried because the detente of of two world powers resulted with increased pressure on newliberated, nonaligned countries and successive conflicts among the ones. In those conditions, the interest of non-aligned countries for foundation of Movement of non-aligned countries decreased, which made hard to ensure long term stabilization of Yugoslav international position. In accordance with the situation, Tito tried, during conversations with Gomulka, to get hisenergic support for Yugoslav initiatives in United nations and wider sphere of international relations started with a goal to stabilize situation in Afro-Asian countries, actually, to ensure support of Gomulka to ideas of emancipation in new liberated states of the region. Gomulka, the center of the problem, saw in turbulent times in Europe and renovation of German pretensions to Polish territories. He was worried because of public debates on border between Germany and Poland on Odra and Nisa River issue at the same time when negotiations on foundation of multilateral forces of NATO and supplying of FR of Germany with nuclear weapon were intensified. So, Polish side pointed interest for instrumentalization of initiative of Polish minister of Foreig Affairs, Adam Rapacki, for foundation of nuclear free zone in Central Europe, so for organization of conference attending all European countries, but also USA and USSR, which would finally confirm existing border between Poland and Germany as definite and unchangeable. Having on mind identical stands of two interlocutors and mutual support to foreign policy priorities of both sides, it is possible to say that meetings in Warsaw and Belgrade ended on a pleasure of main participants.

Relacje Polsko – Jugosłowiańskie w kontekście współpracy dyplomatycznej w latach 50.-80. XX wieku

Author(s): Ewa J. Bujwid-Kurek / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

The main research goal of the article titled “Polish and Yugoslav Relations in the Light of the Diplomatic Cooperation in the 50s - 80s of the 20th Century” was to establish Polish and Yugoslav relations on the basis of the criterion of the normative acts which were signed from the 50s to 80s of the 20th century. Thus, it was during the time before the disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation when both states belonged to the group of socialist countries. At this place the following questions arise: firstly, what kinds of acts were signed by Poland at that time; secondly, what issues were addressed and thirdly, which decade during the time under the examination was richest in this type of diplomatic cooperation. Answering the first of the posed questions, it is possible to observe the nature of those acts which were mostly bilateral agreements or contracts and consular conventions. As far as the issues of the greatest interest are concerned, the most popular were scientific and cultural cooperation, tourism, transport, agriculture, food industry and generally speaking, the field of social policy. Whereas, in the decade of 50s of 20th century the normative acts were most often concluded.

CUPRINS

Author(s): Sorin Mitu,Toader Nicoară / Language(s): Issue: 2/2006

contents of studia 2/2006

Wiek i staż ubezpieczeniowy w systemach emerytalnych państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej

Author(s): Bożena Kłos / Language(s): Issue: 13/2015

The article looks at the two important features of pension systems: retirement age and insurance period. It begins with explaining major terms of social insurance law. Next, the changes regarding retirement age and insurance period in EU member states’ pension systems are described. Special attention is given to the changes regarding those issues in Poland in the wider EU context.

Cuprins

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Issue: 06/2012

CUPRINS – CONTENT – SOMMAIRE – INHALT

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Issue: 4/2009

contents of studia 4/2009

SUMAR

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Issue: -/1982

SUMAR - SOMMAIRE - CONTENTS - INHALT

Author(s): Ștefan Gencărău,Mircea Muthu / Language(s): Issue: 4/2005

contents of studia 4/2005