We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Powstałe po I wojnie światowej państwo łotewskie miało charakter wielonarodowościowy. Do najliczniejszych grup mniejszościowych należeli m.in. Białorusini. Ludność białoruska zamieszkiwała przede wszystkim ziemie południowo-wschodniego państwa łotewskiego – Łatgalię (dawne Inflanty Polskie). Większość łotewskich Białorusinów stanowili małorolni i bezrolni chłopi, wśród których był bardzo wysoki odsetek analfabetów.
More...
This paper tries to determine the period when the first contacts between Serbs and Russians happened and to follow their development, as well as the parallels between the two nations up until the end of the Early Middle Ages, i.e., the end of the 12th century. It is needless to say that the sources on this topic are extremely scarce. We shall rely on the data provided by Cosmas of Prague because there was some confusion over the similarity of the names Russian (Serbian: Rus) and Ras (citizen of Raška). We shall try to answer the question when the first encounters between the two nations could have happened. We shall point out the importance of worship in the Slavic language, the intertwining of the culture of both these nations, and the similarities when it comes to establishing the cults of the first saints. The first recorded arrival of a Russian to Serbia dates form the end of the 12th century. A monk came to Grand Prince Stefan Nemanja’s court, and after that Rastko left and went to a Russian monastery on Mount Atos.
More...
The topic of the paper is the scientific, cultural and educational cooperation between individuals and institutions of the Kingdom of S.C.S. and Bulgaria during the first post-war decade, the role of the state (government) and political circumstances in making scientific, cultural and educational connections. We will show that there was a very pronounced correlation between political relations and relations, conditionally speaking, on the "non-political" level. “High politics” dictated the dynamics of relations in all other fields. However, linguistic and geographical closeness has made it possible to survive cultural contact, at least to a minimum, regardless of the very unfavorable political environment. The research, based on unpublished and published sources, press, and historiographic literature, represents a scientific contribution to the knowledge of mutual relations, as this topic is not researched in both domestic and Bulgarian historiography.
More...
Aim: The subject of the article is to describe the activities of Zygmunt Mocarski during works the aim of which was to bring back the Polish library collections from Russia, pursuant to the provisions of the Riga Treaty of 18 March 1921. He worked as a temporary library expert and helped considerably in the revindication actions of the Polish Delegation in the Joint Special Commission in Moscow and Petrograd from 13 September 1922 to the end of April 1923. Research method: The analysis of documents from Polish institutions, printed materials and review of literature. Results/Conclusions: Zygmunt Mocarski, on the basis of Chapter 9 of the Treaty of Riga, significantly contributed to the recovery of Polish incunabula and old prints that had been kept in Russia since the time of the partitions. The majority of Polish unique prints were stored in the famous former Imperial Library in St. Petersburg (the Russian Public Library). Mocarski had a significant knowledge concerning the collections of this library, his excellent command of Russian being of great help here. I showed that he was a valued member of this group. It was thanks to his involvement that the prints from the Załuski Library were recovered.
More...
Based on Russian archival records and published sources, we analysed the attitude of the Russian diplomatic representative office in Constantinople towards the Greek- -Bulgarian ecclesiastical dispute, in the initial years after the Crimean War (1853–1856). Our aim was to highlight that Russia, in all phases of the ecclesiastical dispute, did not back the idea of an independent Bulgarian church, although its role in this ecclesiastical issue is most often interpreted in such way. At the start of the ecclesiastical dispute, the Russian diplomatic representative office in Constantinople protected the interests of the Constantinople Patriarchate. The official attitude of the Russian church policy was a single Orthodox church in Turkey. Frequent activities aimed at an independent church and the Bulgarians’ determination gained in time increasingly greater Russian support. Once it was convinced that the support to the independent Bulgarian church was consistent with its political interests, Russia began to provide its full support to the idea.
More...
In June 1940, William Donovan, a lawyer from New York and a Republican, became the President’s envoy for special intelligence missions on the proposal of the Minister of the Navy in Roosevelt’s administration. In January 1941, Donovan stayed in the Balkans with the aim to assure Balkan statesmen that President Roosevelt would do everything to have Great Britain emerge victorious from the war. He visited Athens, Sofia, Belgrade and Ankara with the aim, among other, to support the British plan for the creation of a Balkan union against Nazi Germany. Donovan was received by Balkan sovereigns and the Turkish President, and their presidents of governments and ministers of foreign affairs. Although he officially visited the Balkans as an envoy of Minister Knox, he was received as an unofficial Roosevelt’s envoy. The persons Donovan talked to were open and very clearly expressed their views. Prince Pavle and King Đorđe also warned him that a Balkan union was not possible because of the Bulgarian attitude, while King Boris tacitly admitted that Bulgaria would allow the German troops to enter its territory. Despite the clear and precise answers of his Balkan interlocutors, Donovan believed that the possibilities for a Balkan union still existed, but depended on the pace at which the USA would be able to switch from diplomatic assurances to sending of material aid. However, the Lend-Lease Act was adopted after Bulgaria joined the Tripartite Act, only a week after Turkey and Bulgaria concluded the agreement on maintaining the current situation in the Balkans. In this way, all hopes of the creation of a Balkan union were dashed and Donovan’s mission was reduced to its intelligence dimension. However, the mission in the Balkans that Donovan had as the envoy of the still neutral USA doubtless qualified him to became officially, in June 1942, the head of the first American intelligence agency OSS, a precursor of the Central Intelligence Agency, established in 1947 upon the model of the OSS and with the staff inherited from the OSS.
More...
Recently Paul Stephenson examined the sobriquet given to Basil II as a result of his victories against the Bulgars, that of "Voulgaroktonos" or Bulgar-Slayer and traces his reputation as such to the modern era. In his book The Legend of Basil the Bulgar-Slayer Stephenson revealed in why Basil transforms from porphyrogennetos into the Voulgaroktonos.
More...
Kiedy zaświtał ranek 1 listopada 1918 roku, zdumionym oczom Polaków zamieszkujących we Lwowie, ukazały się powiewające na wietrze niebiesko-żółte flagi. Lwów, którego włączenia w najbliższym czasie w skład odradzającego się państwa polskiego oczekiwali, był w ukraińskich rękach. W tym samym dniu rozpoczęła się więc kontrakcja polskich organizacji oraz ludności cywilnej. Zaczęła rodzić się legenda lwowskich Orląt.
More...
Twórczość Romana Jaworskiego doczekała się nielicznych i na ogół zdawkowych opinii, spuścizną po Stanisławie Ignacym Witkiewiczu zajmują się całe rzesze badaczy. Odkryto go, a i po części wykreowano na geniusz nad geniusze, tworząc nawet całą dziedzinę wiedzy, która – jak zwykle, kiedy do nazwiska dodaje się uogólniającą końcówkę – zamienia osobę w abstrakcję.
More...
Gdy w 1998 roku Jerzy Giedroyć, pisząc na lamach „Kultury” o stosunkach polsko-niemieckich, rzucił hasło, by organizować rozmowy „ wypędzonych z wypędzonymi”, nie wiedział zapewne, że spotkania takie już od kilku lat odbywały się w przygranicznych miejscowościach polskich i niemieckich. Ale mało kto słyszał o tym przedsięwzięciu, realizowanym bez rozgłosu, na skalę małej ojczyzny. Pomysłodawcą spotkań, zwanych pogwarkami, jest socjolog i publicysta z Berlina, Wanja W. Ronge. Współpracują z nim Martina Pietsch, historyk z Drezna, i Ewa Czerwiakowska, publicystka z Berlina. My także dopiero niedawno dowiedzieliśmy się o ich działalności. Autorów „pogwarek” spotkaliśmy w Travemiinde, na konferencji poświęconej wypędzeniom. Przywieźli tam wystawę (składającą się z 24 plansz ikonograficzno- -tekstowych — 4 przedstawiamy w miniaturze) i odczytali prowadzony przez siebie „potrójny” dziennik, którego fragmenty publikujemy.
More...
Przez rok – od października 1941 roku – trwała wymiana listów między Jerzym Stempowskim i Adamem Zielińskim, dotycząca problemów polsko-ukraińskich. Swoim zwyczajem Stempowski szlifował ten temat zapewne z myślą o napisaniu później eseju; jednak – mimo licznych, rozsianych po różnych tekstach nawiązań do tego tematu – esej taki nigdy nie powstał. Zadowolić się zatem musimy dwoma obszernymi listami, z których pierwszy – 34-stronicowy! – jest właściwie samodzielnym esejem i wraz z 10-stronicowym uzupełnieniem z sierpnia 1942 roku tworzy właściwy trzon tej korespondencji i sam w sobie jest starannie zaokrągloną całością. Poniżej zamieszczamy wybrane fragmenty z listu pierwszego (przedruk: „Zeszyty Historyczne” nr 45, Paryż 1978).
More...
In the year 1646, Władysław IV’s plans regarding Turkish campaign, hitherto devised in secret, leaked to the public opinion, which in turn compelled the monarch to convene the Sejm (the national diet). In September 1646 the majority of the pre-Sejm dietines decided against the aggressive war with Turkey. The noblemen assembled condemned the military conscription instigated without seeking the Sejm’s approval as well as issuing litterae inscriptionis stipendii (the letters allowing and detailing conscription) bearing the royal peacetime seal. The Mazovian dietines, as opposed to the majority of the remaining ones, were of a less negative standpoint towards the King’s plans and did not undermine the royal authority of Władysław IV. Some of the instructions given by the dietines rendered the discussion about the war during the national assembly admissible, while other suggested the method of waging war. Also, a number of dietines condoned the levying of taxes in the event of state borders being threatened. Therefore it seems a foregone conclusion that the noblemen of Mazovia, contrary the remainder of this estate, assumed during the period in question a more loyalist attitude.
More...
In the rich correspondence of Sava Kosanović, the leader of the Independent Democratic Party and minister in the emigrant government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, kept during World War II with numerous refugee politicians and other prominent persons, particularly important is the letter which he received in November 1941 from Milan Grol, the leader of the Democratic Party and also one of the ministers. The letter was part of the response to the non-objective interpretation that Sava Kosanović, while in America, gave to the events in the Independent State of Croatia. Kosanović’s attempts to present the Croatian people as entirely non-responsible for the crimes committed against the Serbs, while at the same time overemphasising the “sins” of Serbian inter-war politics, triggered great uproar and resentment among the majority of Serbian politicians. Milan Grol’s response to him was more open and substantiated than all others because Grol overtly stated that the suffering of the Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia could not be explained only by the intentions and acts of few Ustaša members.
More...
The article ponders an important question of Polish-Hungarian relations in the midst of Polish-Soviet war in 1920. First of all, it presents the wide scope of aid provided to Poland by the Hungarian state throughout the former country’s struggle for independence and securing its place on the map of the post-WWI Europe. Moreover, the article goes on to indicate the political aims and objectives pursued by Hungarians while supporting the fight and policies of the re-established Polish state. What constituted the crucial part thereof was supplying firearms and ammunition manufactured in Hungary along with the assistance during delivery process of the army materiel purchased by Poland in the western Europe, including weaponry, ammunition, and military equipment. The author of the article provides comprehensive data on the amount of military materiel supplied by Hungary to Poland, complementing it with information concerning the details of transporting it by railway through Hungarian and Romanian territory in 1920, and giving account of the role Hungarian volunteers played in the Polish Armed Forces as well as of attempts of implementing the Hungarian concept of close strategic alliance with Poland. The article also presents the geopolitical determinants that emphasize the essence and role of Hungarian aid granted/rendered to Poland.
More...
After the Treaty of Campo Formio, under the influence of the ideas of the French Revolution, national liberation-type movements emerged on the East Adriatic coast. Their influence can be seen regarding the circumstances in the Bay of Kotor and its relations with Montenegro.They also resulted in attempts at implementing the idea of unification, but also of national liberation on the wider territory of the East Adriatic.
More...
The Archive of the Historical Office of the Italian Army General Staff in Rome contains reports (fonds E-8, Inter-Allied Commissions at the Paris Peace Conference, Montenegro) about the Montenegrin issue at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. These documents give details about Montenegrin aspirations for independence at the end of WWI, after the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. During the Conference and the following years, the Inter-allied Commissions had the task to draw up new boundaries of the states and supervise the application of economic and military conditions. As a consequence, the Italian military representatives,who were in charge of these tasks, were involved in the political and diplomatic events of those countries
More...
The text deals with the journeys of the Savina fraternity members in the 18th century, as well as their profound importance for the Savina Monastery and the local environment of Boka Kotorska. Establishing relations with distant Orthodox Christian lands and big spiritual centers, such as Russia or the Karlovci Metropolitanate, opened many possibilities. They collected donations for the Monastery maintenance and kept up with the Baroque religious and cultural models of the time. Thanks to the relations established during their journeys, the Savina monks transferred those models into the local community, shaping and strengthening the religious and ethnic identity of the Serbian Orthodox people in multicultural Boka Kotorska.
More...
The Treaty of Paris signed on 30 March 1856 was humiliating for Russia. Especially grave were the articles of the Treaty that concerned the Black Sea. The provision on the neutralization of the Black Sea forbade Russia to have a fleet in its waters, as well as to build forts and infrastructure. In the Treaty of 15 April 1856 Great Britain, France and Austria pledged to supervise if Russia would honour the conditions of the Treaty of Paris, which created the “Crimea Coalition.” After the defeat in the Crimea War Russia did not “lose the status of a great country,” but it was forced to give up on its earlier role in Europe, which weakened its international position. After taking over the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Alexander Gorchakov defined the aim of the Russian external politics: “I am looking for a man who will annul the provisions of the Treaty of Paris which refer to the issue of the Black Sea… I am looking for him and I will find him.” Thus, after the Paris Congress Russian politics had a unique purpose – it intensely sought the revision of the Treaty of Paris excluding everything else. Since France was not prepared to support Russia, St. Petersburg turned to Prussia, which showed good will to change the provisions on the Black Sea. This mutual rapprochement conditioned the subsequent formation of the League of the Three Emperors between Russia, Germany and Austria.
More...