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The Xin Tangshu (“New Tang [Dynasty] History”), a work compiled in large part by the Chinese Song dynasty (A.D. 960-1279) Neo-Confucian literatus Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072), contains some material on the Turks (called Tujue by the Chinese). In his prolegomena to this material, Ouyang Xiu launches into a shrill anti-nomad tirade that betrays his emotional excess and ideological prejudices against the Turks, Xiongnu, and other nomadic peoples who historically inhabited the steppe regions north of China. In addition, Ouyang’s style of historical writing valued conveyance of moral principles over dispassionate description. The Xin Tangshu’s historical coverage of the Turks is therefore quite suspect and should be used with caution. Other Chinese-language works on Tang history and the Turks (among them the Jiu Tangshu, or “Old Tang History” and others) are more reliable and detailed. But since the Xin Tangshu contains some information not found in other texts, it would be a mistake for Turkologists to neglect it altogether. Informed caution, not uninformed avoidance, is the correct approach to using the Xin Tangshu.
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During the seventeenth century and at the beginning of the eighteenth century the Hungarian political elite, the Hungarian aristocracy and the Hungarian nobility, faced dramatic political choices and very important alternatives. After the Battle of Mohács in 1526 and after the capture of Buda, the ancient capital of the Hungarian kingdom, in 1541 the territory of Hungary came to be divided into three " temporarily even four " parts. The middle of the medieval Hungarian kingdom, the region around Buda, fell directly under Ottoman direction. The Turkish authorities divided the area subject to their control into vilayets and sanjaks. The northern and western part of historic Hungary, or so-called royal Hungary, became a part of the Habsburg Empire. In the eastern part of the former Hungarian kingdom a new state, which had never existed before came into existence. This was the princedom of Transylvania, which along with the two Roumanian principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the republic of Ragussa came to be considered as one of the sultan's Christian vassals.
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The Hungarian War of Independence was widely reported in the American press. Kossuth hoped to bring about a fundamental change in U.S. foreign policy: to convince the country that the time came for taking an active role in international affairs. Sixty-six years later, the U.S. came to act exactly along the lines advocated by Kossuth. Ninety years later the Atlantic Charter came to embody the very principles first expressed by the Hungarian leader.
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While applying its financial policy in Vardar Macedonia it became perfectly clear to the authorities in Sofia that it cannot depend on the revenues gathered thefe to cover even the half of the costs spent to manage the region. So, in practice, in 1941 - 1944, the obligations were not generalized, but rather only the rights of the Macedonian population, as proclaimed by the Bulgarian state.
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The year of 1876 set the beginning of the weekly newspaper „Zornitsa" issued in Tsarigrad by the American evangelical society that later proved to be the most read newspaper among the Macedonian Bulgarians
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Książę Adam Jerzy Czartoryski jest zapewne najbardziej znanym politykiem polskim, który w okresie zaborów rozwijał swoją aktywność w sferze stosunków międzynarodowych. Był reprezentantem znakomitego rodu magnackiego I Rzeczypospolitej, wywodzącego się od książąt litewskich Olgierdowiczów i stąd pieczętującego się Pogonią. Syn Adama Kazimierza – genera- ła ziem podolskich i komendanta Szkoły Rycerskiej – oraz Izabelli z Flemingów Czartoryskiej, urodził się 14 stycznia 1770 r., zatem w chwili, gdy w Rzeczypospolitej – wciąż jeszcze całej – toczyła się wojna z Rosją o niepodległość pod sztandarami konfederacji barskiej. Dopiero za dwa lata miał nastąpić pierwszy rozbiór kraju. Książę Czartoryski umarł 15 lipca 1861 r. w wieku lat 91, w rocznicę bitwy pod Grunwaldem, w przeddzień powstania styczniowego.
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The Crown Army, after the Polish-Ottoman war of 1672–1676, was reduced to 12 000 soldiers in 1677. Result of the reorganization was the army divided into the 6 ‘partias’ or parts, and spread out across the Polish-Ottoman boderlands, in order to safeguard the Polish assets herein. Additionally, another special group of Polish army was garrisoned in the Podolian and Ukrainian fortresses. The Crown Army deployment of 1677 showed the political disunity between the King and the Hetmans, Dymitr Wiśniowiecki and Stanisław Jan Jabłonowski, at that time; moreover, it was closely linked to the so called Jan III’s Baltic politics.
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Until the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) in Thessaloniki continues the Bulgarian cultural and educational work development. Under the direction of the Bulgarian Exarchate in 1912 in the town were built Secondary school of boys, Secondary school of girls and Secondary school of trade.
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Błażej Cecota ̶ Arabia, Greece and Byzantium. Cultural Contacts in Ancient and Medieval Times. Proceedings of the: International Symposium on the Historical Relations between Arabia, the Greek and Byzantine World (5th century BC – 10th century AD) Riyadh, 6–10 December, 2010, eds A. Al-Helabi, D.G. Letsios, M. Al-Moraekhi, A. Al-Abduljabbar, vol. I (ss. 449) – II (ss. 414), Riyadh 2012. Maciej Kokoszko ̶ Mirosław J. Leszka, Symeon I Wielki a Bizancjum. Z dziejów stosunków buł- garsko-bizantyńskich w latach 893–927, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Łódź 2013, ss. 368 [=Byzantina Lodziensia XV]. Zbigniew Anusik ̶ Witold Filipczak, Życie sejmikowe prowincji wielkopolskiej w latach 1780–1786, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Łódź 2012, ss. 674. Przemysław Waingertner ̶ Obłęd czy brak alternatywy? Uwagi na marginesie najnowszej książki Piotra Zychowicza
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Presented in this article are negotiations that the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Edward Raczyński had in North America (United States, Canada). These include meetings held between the dates of 15th of February and 13th of March 1942. The main purpose of the visit, apart from organizing all the finer details connected with the arrival of the Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief was to increase the United States interest in European issues (especially Polish matters). Among Raczyński’s other tasks one was to recognize the possibility of the signing of a Polish-American political agreement and another was to raise a favorable loan from the United States.
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Slovakia and the structures of Communist Party of Slovakia (CPS), local branch of statewide Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC), played an important role in the period of attempts to reform the communist political system in Czechoslovakia in the years 1968–1969. The effort to gain an equal position to Slovakia in the common state catalyzed the crisis in the ruling establishment that led to election of Slovak communists‘ leader Alexander Dubček to the post of First Secretary of CC CPC. Dubček became a symbol of reform movement in the party. In Bratislava he was succeded by Vasil Biľak, one of the main supporters of Warsaw Pact‘s military intervention in Czechoslovakia. After invasion in the August 1968 the leadership in CPS was taken over by Gustáv Husák, who suppressed the freedoms in Slovakia, and after becoming First Secretary of CC CPC in April 1969 continued the „normalization” in the rest of the country. The situation in Slovakia was observed by the diplomats of People’s Republic of Poland and functionaries of Polish United Workers’ Party especially from regions bordering with Slovakia, who maintained contacts with Slovak comrades.
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The paper analyzes Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The goal of the analysis is to place the Sino-Russian relations within an appropriate theoretical context and provide a possible outcome of the current balancing in Central Asia. The analysis relies on the Chinese and Russian investments in energy resources, security initiatives, mutual cooperation and activities to contain the US expansion in Central Asia. Although over the last few decades Sino- Russian relations have been based on the US containment policy, security and economic partnership, their relationship is rather complex. The period of severe conflicts between 1917 and 1950 was followed by a progressive era of oil exploration, student exchanges and various other partnerships. The Sino-Russian rapprochement ended in 1960 and started again in 2008. Although they currently have many common interests, Central Asia remains an area of potential dispute for both countries. Analyzing recent Chinese investments in Central Asia, it becomes obvious that Beijing does not intend to withdraw from the region, while Russia is unlikely to continue tolerating the rising Chinese influence in Central Asia, as the Russian role has already been significantly reduced in this region. The pipeline that was supposed to connect Siberia with the Chinese province of Xinjiang has been postponed because Putin believes that it could give China advantage over Russia’s internal, as well as external political processes. Putin’s decision did not stop China’s expansion in Central Asia and Russia is expected to invest significant efforts in order to avoid the Chinese dominance in the region. The Chinese expansion and Russian stagnation complicates their mutual relations, and things get even more complicated if growing US presence in Central Asia are taken into account. This paper analyzes the above-mentioned issues and provides a possible outcome of the current Sino-Russian balancing in Central Asia.
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Édouard Herriot was one of the leading European politicians, who became involved in propagating the idea of the European integration in the 1920s. He closely collaborated with the main figures of the European unification movement – the author of the Pan-european project – Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, and Aristide Briand, Franch Prime Minister who proposed the conception of the United States of Europe in 1930. Herriot was the first governing politician to officially support Paneuropa in 1924. Afterwards in subsequent public speeches and articles he called for bringing this plan into effect. Few years later he also became involved in propagating the Briand Plan. At the same time he created his own concept, differing in some important aspects from the Pan-european project and the Briand Plan. He presented its details in the book „Europe” published in 1930. After Briand’s death he became the main figure of the European unification movement, however, in the mid-1930s, he broke with it because of the conflict with Coudenhove- Kalergi. After World War II he become once more involved in the actions for European integration. He continued it until the beginning of the 1950s. Despite the important role he played in the European unification movement, his actions usually remain in the shadow of his fa
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