Agon i higiena. Nieposłuszeństwo obywatelskie a sfera publiczna

Author(s): Mikołaj Rakusa-Suszczewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 9/2015

„Odwaga cywilna” tak jak „nieposłuszeństwo obywatelskie” jest formąaktywnego upominania się o określone zasady: porządek obyczajów, uczciwą władzę i poszanowanie prawa. Obie postawy cechują nie tylko nonkonformizmi sprzeciw, lecz także chęć obrony jakiegoś lepszego, uczciwszegoczy piękniejszego świata. Obie znoszą podział między „dobrym człowiekiem”a „dobrym obywatelem”. Ponieważ każda z nich zawiera w sobierównorzędne elementy społecznie zaangażowanej niezgody i troski, ichwyjaśnienie wymaga wyraźnie zdefiniowanej koncepcji sfery publicznej.Stawiamy tezę, że jest to w istocie konieczne, aby uznać społeczną i etycznądoniosłość i sens każdej z tych postaw. Żeby zilustrować, na czym możepolegać taka interpretacja, odniesiemy się do dwóch odmiennych koncepcjisfery publicznej: pluralistyczno-agonicznej Hannah Arendt i ceremonialno-higienicznejHelmutha Plessnera.The main thesis of this article is that related concepts and attitudes of„civil disobedience” and „civil courage” are comprehensible only throughthe idea of public sphere. To illustrate this rule, we describe two utterly differentviews of the public sphere: as a space of Agon and rivalry (Arendt),where disobedience and courage regenerates a motionless political process,as well as an environment of hygiene and correctness, where acquiescenceto these attitudes is at least limited (Plessner). This rule applies to all interpretationsof this issue, as illustrated by an example of John Rawls. Inother words, whenever the aforementioned issues appear, the problem ofthe public sphere occurs as well. Secondly, the idea of what it is sends usback to the sources of the Self. What might seem to be a problem of socialethics turns out to be more a subject of political philosophy and anthropology.Finally, we believe that this rule might be applied as well to socialmovements that frequently initiate activities of a civil disobedience. Theirfunctions and role is closely linked to the idea of the public sphere.

MİRZƏ FƏTƏLİ AXUNDOV, HEYDƏR HÜSEYNOVUN TƏDQİQİNDƏ

Author(s): Rəşad Əsgərov / Language(s): Azerbaijani Issue: 18/2013

Mirza Fatali Akhundov whose 200 years anniversary celebrated this year attended philosophical, scientific view, aesthetic and aesthetic thoughts and philosophical thoughts about religion, women and men law equality, the alphabet reform and etc. have been investigated in the article. The acquaintance of Akhundov with the European enlightener”s works and his services in the development of enlightened philosophical Huseynov’s studying here. From the beginning Akhundov have dealed all the events which took place in the East world with Islam religion and with the moollah who are religion carriers and then he kept loyal attention to Islam and valued highly positive influence to welfare. Taking into account the realism in intellect theory Akhundov adopted the unity of feeling and rationality. In the conclusion of Heydar Huseynov’s investigation it especially is pointed out that Akhundov’s scientific heritage played especial role in the development of national culture of Azerbaijan and all eastern peoples.

Avrupa Birliği’nde Neo-Liberal Hegemonya, Otoriter Neo-Liberalizm ve Neo-Gramsciyen Uluslararası Politik İktisat Teorisi

Author(s): Alpaslan Akçoraoğlu / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2017

Although neo-liberalism has not been able to offer any lasting solution to the profound economic crisis and long-run stagnation of the European Union (EU), its ideological supremacy (non-hegemonic in Gramscian terms) has still proceeded in the EU. This article reviews the historical evolution of neo-liberal restructuring in the European integration from the perspective of neo-Gramscian International Political Economy (IPE) literature. The majority of the recent critical IPE studies in the political economy of European integration is based on Robert Cox’s “World Order” theory with neo-Gramscian foundations. Neo-Gramscian IPE emphasizes the significance of transnational relations from a historical materialist perspective and perceives that European integration process is the outcome of a struggle between transnational social forces. In addition, this article analyzes the crisis of neo-liberal hegemony in the EU, the changes in the political economy of the EU after the euro crisis, and the model of authoritarian neo-liberalism from a neo-Gramscian perspective.

A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF POLITICS AND DEMOCRACY

Author(s): Albert Ogien / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2016

This paper endorses a pluralist conception of politics, which articulates three proposals : 1) the order of politics is scattered throughout society ; 2) its institutionalization takes place in a multitude of ways which are not confined to those acknowledged by State administrations ; and 3) forms of political action manifest themselves under modes that often go far beyond the usual bounds set by official political. In such a perspective, politics is not conceived of as if it were totally detached from the daily life of the members of a society. It thus contends that in their political dealings citizens make use of an ordinary conception of politics and democracy which endows them with a specific idea of the common good and of the rights a State should guarantee to nationals. This contention is empirically put to test through two case studies of political claim staking: civil disobedience and gatherings (encampments, occupations). The article eventually suggest that democracy should be seen as a method for organizing ordinary social relations on the basis of a principle : respecting the plain autonomy and unconditional equality of any citizen.

“Yes…, and…”. On Violence and/as Hospitality

Author(s): Ana M. LUSZCZYNSKA / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

Beginnings are violent and deceitful. Pretending that they spontaneously emerge from nowhere, these words and thoughts cannot help but feign erasure of all that preceded them. There is thus something bold and presumptuous about claiming the ability to inaugurate and virtually burst onto the scene. In an attempt to mitigate the violence and deception of this particular beginning, I want to clearly contextualize what will follow.

Alkisti Efthymiou in Conversation with Athena Athanasiou: Spectral Publics and Antifascist Eventualities

Author(s): Alkisti Efthymiou,Athena Athanasiou / Language(s): English Issue: 1-2/2019

This text is a conversation between Athena Athanasiou and Alkisti Efthymiou, drawing from Athena Athanasiou’s new book, Agonistic Mourning: Political Dissidence and the Women in Black (Edinburgh University Press, 2017). The conversation discusses the critical potency of collective subjectivities such as the Women in Black and expands on issues that include political agency, vulnerability in resistance, spacing appearance, performing public mourning, or the traveling of social movements, associating them with contemporary feminist and antifascist urgencies. Central to the text is the concept of non-sovereign agonism, a form of political agency that addresses (or takes into account) the dispossessed quality of subjectivity and pays attention to the relationality through which we are constituted as subjects.

Літературна спадщина Миколи Гоголя як джерело дослідження історії бюрократії

Author(s): Valentyna Vasylivna Bezdrabko / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 2/2019

The purpose of the article is to identify the general social characteristics of the capital bureaucracy of the Russian Empire in the first half of the nineteenth century on the example of Mykola Vasylovych Hohol «Petersburg Stories». The methodology consists of methods of scientific criticism, historical-chronological, historical-typological, structural-system methods for the study of belles-lettres as a historical source and the presentation of intrinsic results. The scientific novelty of the research is to update the works of M.V. Hohol as a fact of objective reality, a historical source in the study of the history of bureaucracy. Conclusions. Reform of the bureaucratic apparatus of the Russian empire of the first half of the nineteenth century determined: changes in the quantitative, qualitative composition of the bureaucracy; mental transformations; professionalization and features of activity; increase of educational qualification; reduction of the role of family ties, that is, patronage; development of the service hierarchy. The formation of class bureaucracy as a special stratum with a specific subculture illustrates the images of the Hohol titular counselor and collegiate assessor, depicted against the backdrop of general social history, the history of everyday life, the everyday life of the individual. Their official activity was conditioned by special qualification and rewarded with titles, pledges, and other honors. The multi-vector of the plot lines of «Petersburg Stories» enables a multidimensional perception of the image of the bureaucrat and the historically predetermined background of his existence.

Невдоволення державою як супутній феномен смислової пустотності дискурсу культури

Author(s): Valeriy Anatolyevich Sivers / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 2/2019

Purpose of Research. The purpose of the article is to analyze the concept of «voidness» as an essential characteristic of the modern cultural discourse in the context of the analysis of the institution of the state that leads to the dissatisfaction with it. Methodology. The research methodology involves a combination of the following methods: dialectical, phenomenological, comparative, historical, and onto-gnoseological ones. The latter is based on the formation of ideas about the basic parameters, taking into account the consequences of the temporary perception and understanding of the researched phenomenon. Scientific Novelty. The scientific novelty of the research focuses on the terms of the «voidness of the meanings of the discourse of culture» and «the axiological verification of the text». The mentioned «voidness» means the process of the formation of cultural meanings, which does not get closer to the syncretization of the myphonarativs as the basic value structure of individual and collective consciousness but multiplies distances among its realization. The idea is substantiated by ontological, cultural and ethical arguments. The concept of «the axiological verification of the text» is the development of the ethical argument, given in the article. Conclusions. Understanding the idea of the voidness of discourse of cultural meanings and the use of the axiological text verification allow us operating with the stereotypical schemes and phasing of the established forms of scientific analysis in the field of socio-humanitarian subjects to overcome the effect of distance from their essence. We are talking about simultaneously bringing the arguments in the traditional logic of perception, which gives rise to the phenomenological «wrapper» of a thing, and the opposed axiological verification procedure.

The Secret Agent: A Far from Simple Tale

Author(s): Gerard Kilroy / Language(s): English Issue: XIII/2018

This article examines Conrad’s novel in the light of the Irish Fenian bombing campaign of 1881-1885. Conrad’s avoidance of any mention of their destructive methods and not unreasonable political objectives, allows him to focus on the absurdity of the Russian Nihilists, also resident in London at this time: their idle, parasitic and despairing devotion to indiscriminate destruction. While the first half of the novel is a metaphysical analysis of evil, where passive men do nothing, the second half is determined by its heroine, the active agent, Winnie, who invites comparison with Tess of the D’Urbervilles, shares with Lena in Victory the distinction of dying in a just cause, and satisfies the reader’s desire for a justice which neither the police nor the government is willing to offer. Conrad traces the roots of indiscriminate terrorism to Nihilist despair and Russian willingness to use London as a stage for its states-sponsored terrorism. His analysis of ‘the rules of the game’ agreed by security services, spies and terrorists, is as relevant today as it was in 1907.

Pogledi slovenske meščanske politike na oktobrsko revolucijo do druge svetovne vojne

Author(s): Jurij Perovšek / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2018

On the basis of their understanding of the human society and individuals in it, the members of the Slovenian bourgeois camp – who possessed a thorough insight into the revolutionary October and the country it took place in – saw the October social overthrow and the consequent Soviet social, political, and economic development as a fundamental threat to the civilised world in which they lived and which they consciously advocated. Even though they understood the October phenomenon historically, they did not accept its consequences. While simultaneously exhibiting an anti-Semitic viewpoint, they would underline the totalitarian, all-encompassing class-based Bolshevik power, the collectivist and anti-religious character of the Soviet community, its inherent personal insecurity, and its unpromising social and economic development – even though they did recognise some of its economic and educational achievements. Ivan Tavčar stood out with his negative opinion of the October Revolution on the liberal side, just as Dr Ivan Ahačin and Fran Erjavec did on the Catholic side. Dr Aleš Ušeničnik, the leading Catholic philosopher, rejected it theoretically as well. The bourgeois camp saw Bolshevism as its key opponent, and the declared struggle against it represented a permanent feature of the bourgeois politics in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This was an integral part of its ideological foundations, which the Catholic side provided with a distinct world-view moment as well. With such an ideological and political attitude, the bourgeois camp saw the end of the Yugoslav Kingdom and entered the time of World War II in Slovenia.

Going Global with a Local Subaltern

Author(s): Gabriela Robeci / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The notion of the Subaltern has come to have deep roots in understanding postcolonial history. Established by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, it has come to define the essence of global cultural relations, as we perceive them today. However, the origin of this theory could not have been less regional, with a starting point in Calcutta in the first half of the 20th century. The way in which it describes the relations of power between India and the British Empire gives place to a global understanding of a dominant culture took control of subjects in minority. This paper is going to seek to expose the roots of the notion of Subalterns, not refraining from touching upon disparities between genders, nations, and traditions.

Europas Geburtsschmerzen Die kommende Gemeinschaft Eröffnungsvortrag der Philosophischen Tagung »Über den Schmerz« Tübingen, 6-8. Juli 2017

Author(s): Virgil Ciomoş / Language(s): German Issue: 1/2020

THE ETHICAL ALTRUISM AND THE SPIRIT OF CAPITALISM

Author(s): Sorin Suciu / Language(s): English Issue: 13/2020

The ethical model of capitalism, which is based on the idea of a so-called rational egoism, has led in practice to unacceptable economic gaps and inequalities. At the same time, this model subordinates human values and global priorities to economic principles and consumerist drives. This leads to environmental pollution, exhaustion of the planet and threatens the future generations to come. My article proposes to replace this model with an ethical altruism that takes into account the urgent needs and the welfare of all parties involved.

АНГЛІКАНСЬКО-КАТОЛИЦЬКІ ВІДНОСИНИ В ОЦІНКАХ ПОЛІТИЧНИХ ДІЯЧІВ ВЕЛИКОЇ БРИТАНІЇ ДРУГОЇ ПОЛОВИНИ ХІХ СТ.

Author(s): Maryna Kovalska / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 30/2019

The article addresses the issue of how leading leaders of the liberal and conservative British party assessed the problem of interaction between the Anglican and Catholic churches in the nineteenth century. The main emphasis is on the social and political results of the emancipation of Catholics in English society, in the representations of Protestant or skeptical politicians or thinkers. The problem of religion in England has been an important element of social and political life since the sixteenth century. One of the most pressing aspects of this issue was the problem of relations between the Anglican and Catholic churches. After the "Reformation from above", the Anglican State Church became a unique phenomenon, which testified to the strong national trends in society. The Catholic question was not a common problem in English life, playing not only a purely dynastic or religious role, but also having political and geopolitical significance. The situation has changed dramatically since the beginning of the nineteenth century because of the act of unity with Ireland raised questions about the status of Irish Catholics in the UK government. Also, an opposition to the Anglican Church, such as Tractarianism or the Oxford movement, has developed in England as well. As the article states, that against the background of the general social tensions and economic crises that took place between 1815 and 1840, the government was forced to seek compromise. Among these compromises was the improvement of conditions for Catholics. In 1829, a parliamentary document called the "Act on the Freedom of Catholics" allowed Catholics to participate in elections and to be elected to Parliament and to confer on them other civil rights.

The Wind of “Illiberalism” that is Blowing Around Post-Communist Countries: Solutions Must Come from Within

Author(s): Florian Çullhaj / Language(s): English Issue: 18/2019

A peculiar phenomenon that characterizes today’s Illiberal governments is that their advent to power is a legitimate process within the democratic rule; particularly, in post-communist countries like Hungary or Poland where constitutions and functional institutions stabilize and promptly certified by the European Union. In this paper, we set the scene for an ongoing theoretical debate developed between authors who stand for the liberal values priority and others who stand for democratic values priority. We think that the widespread eruption of illiberalism ensues from the decoupling of liberalism from democracy. Drawing on existing studies, the paper traces the essence and the unfolding of illiberalism, focusing the discussion towards other non-EU countries like Albania; to explore to what extent the country’s internal developments fit patterns of Hungarian-Polish model. We argue that the best solution to overcome illiberalism must come from within, similar to the Macedonian example.

Czeslaw Milosz: On the Imagination of Twentieth-Century Man

Author(s): Flagg Taylor / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2005

Czeslaw Milosz is known either as author of The Captive Mind (1953) or as the accomplished poet and Nobel laureate (1980). Little effort has been made to connect the beautiful and penetrating poet and essayist, so well known in literary circles, with the most astute analyst of the seduction of intellectuals by Communism, so essential for political scientists and historians. It is argued here that there is a remarkable unity of purpose and continuity of themes across the very distinct works in Milosz’s corpus. The subject matter of intellectuals and Communism would seem, at first glance, to be an important yet nonetheless isolated matter, central only from the standpoint of understanding postwar Eastern Europe. Milosz reveals that the topic of eastern intellectuals and Communism is a surface manifestation of larger and deeper philosophical problems, including modern science and its effect on the human imagination, and the gulf between the poet and his audience.

Lyudmila Zhivkova and the Paradox of Ideology and Identity in Communist Bulgaria

Author(s): Ivanka Nedeva Atanasova / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2004

This article argues that Lyudmila Zhivkova is the most controversial political figure in Communist Bulgaria. Zhivkova’s ideas and initiatives that have been overlooked so far are used as a background for exploring a significant conflict between ideology and national identity in modern Bulgarian history. After outlining briefly Zhivkova’s early and unexpected death, the author analyzes the Communist paradoxes of utopia, modernization, and return to feudalism that produced the idiosyncratic phenomenon of Zhivkova as “the uncrowned princess” of Communist Bulgaria. The author explains Zhivkova’s cultural politics as a rational approach worked outwith the help of some of the most outstanding Bulgarian intellectuals at that time. Because of its heavy emphasis on national identity, Zhivkova’s cultural politics reveal clearly several sets of contradictory components of the Bulgarian national character and in some cases challenge the conventional wisdoms about Bulgarians. These sets are the quest for cultural achievements versus limited state resources; excessive national pride versus “shameful national identity”; Russophobes versus Russophiles; East versus West or how to escape the geopolitical trap; and mysticism versus atheism.

Jecaj bijelog čovjeka - Treći Svijet, krivica, samomržnja

Author(s): Pascal Bruckner / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 25/2020

Zašto kolonijalno osvajanje smatraju tako važnim, u raznim njegovim epizodama? Zato što je to ponovljeno izdanje mita o padu. Prije Renesanse biloje blaženo vrijeme Hesperida na drugim kontinentima, vrijeme u kojem su životinje govorile, vrijeme u kojem je Priroda obilno zalijevala blagodatima zadovoljne i blistave domoroce što nisu znali ni za lučenje dobra od zla, ni za podjelu na tvoje i moje. Onda su s druge strane oceana došla bradata bića s kacigama, donijela plamen i ubojstva, i raj je ispario: slobodni i sretni ljudi potonuli su u ropstvo. A »tamo gdje su djeca, tamo je i zlatno doba« (Novalis). Zato će tiersmondisti, da bi sačuvali taj mit, o novim nacijama Juga stalno govoriti kao roditelji kad govore o svojim dragim mališanima: iskvareno poštenje i spontanost. Treći Svijet je kao i djetinjstvo, jedno vječno proljeće, krhko kraljevstvo na koje su se obrušili opaki odrasli, pohlepni bankari.

A Community of the Shattered: Patočka, Havel, and the Philosophy of Charter 77

Author(s): Jonas Brodin / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2002

The review of: Aviezer Tucker. The Philosophy and Politics of Czech Dissidence from Patočka ta Havel. Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000. 295 pp.

MOĆ: DEONTIČKA, POZADINSKA, POLITIČKA I DRUGE

Author(s): John R. Searle / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 13/2020

Kroz ovu knjigu koristio sam pojam moći bez objašnjenja i identificirao sam specifičan oblik moći koji je svojstven ljudskom socijalnom i institucionalnom realitetu. Nazvao sam ga “deontička moć”. Identificirao sam ovu moć nabrajajući nazive općih tipova, kao što su obligacije, autorizacije, odobrenja i zahtjevi. U šestom poglavlju pokazao sam kako takve deontičke činjeničnosti mogu funkcionirati u racionalnom ponašanju. U ovom poglavlju objasnit ću kako se deontička moć odnosi spram moći općenito, a posebno prema političkoj moći. Nije mi cilj ponuditi opću teoriju moći, ali ne možemo razumjeti deontičku moć a da ne kažemo nekoliko stvari o odnosima moći među ljudima općenito.