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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The objective of the article is an analysis of the Epic of Gilgamesh from the perspective of political philosophy. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The main research problem undertaken in this article is the problem of human nature and its connection with political power in light of the Sumero-Akkadian Epic of Gilgamesh. The article is based on an analysis of the source text (the Epic of Gilgamesh) in the English version by Andrew George, with the secondary literature also taken into consideration. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The point of departure is a justification of the subject undertaken here, with a reference to Leo Strauss’ political philosophy. Next, three key aspects of the subject matter are analyzed: the humanization of Enkidu, the search for immortality, and the conception of political power. RESEARCH RESULTS: The main result of the scientific analysis is the indication of themes concerning the significance and understanding of human nature and their relationship to the concept of political power that formed in Mesopotamia. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In the conclusions, the author indicates the unmistakable presence of a notion of human nature in Sumero-Akkadian reflection, as well as the connection between this notion of human nature and a paradigm of political power. The author also points to a religious aspect crucial for understanding these concepts.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article is to show the interdisciplinary way of interpretation of Witold Gombrowicz’s works. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: There has been discussed the issue of concept of human nature. I analysed the first Gombrowicz’s drama entitled Ivona, Princess of Burgundia. The context of my considerations are the concepts by Aristotle and Thomas Hobbes linked with the political aspects of human nature. The applied methodology includes thus both political science and literary studies research tools. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: First, there has been presented the discussion between classical and modern perception of human nature. Then, the behaviours of characters has been confronted with the concepts of the aforementioned political thinkers. RESEARCH RESULTS: It turns out that it is impossible to determine clearly which one of the philosophical concepts was closer to the idea of Ferdydurke ’s author. However, it can be stated that analysis of Gombrowicz’s dramas is more natural from the Hobbes’ perspective. Nevertheless, some nuances indicate that Gombrowicz’s works can also be successfully discussed with reference to Aristotle’s political thought. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Confrontation of the reflections expressed by the author of Ferdydurke with the achievements of political science can broaden both literary studies and political science horizons. The context of discussion ’nature versus nurture’ will be an interesting way of further analysis.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is an analysis of Witold Gombrowicz’s play The Marriage from the perspective of political philosophy. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The main problem undertaken in the article is an analysis of the play Marriage within the context of the main themes present in Witold Gombrowicz’s work, i.e. the problem of “pure form,” the relationship between the Fatherland and the Sonland, and the Inter- human Church. The article is based on an analysis of Gombrowicz source texts (The Marriage, A Guide to Philosophy, Diaries), conducted within the context of the abovementioned themes in his thought. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The text begins with a justification of the author’s attempt at analyzing The Marriage from the perspective of political philosophy. Achieving this goal requires a synthetic grasp of the problems of political philosophy, culminating in a working definition of the latter. Next, the main themes in W. Gombrowicz’s work are subjected to a synthetic and concise analysis. Finally, it is within this context that the main goal of the article is undertaken – an analysis of the play The Marriage from the perspective of political philosophy. RESEARCH RESULTS: The main result of the scientific analysis conducted in the article is the formulation of a consistent interpretation of W. Gombrowicz’s play The Marriage from the perspective of political philosophy. Three out of four of the main themes in Gombrowicz’s work are considered in this interpretation. The theme of the “facilitated life” was purposely left out of the analysis. The entire analysis is presented against the backdrop of the Cartesian notion of Cogito, which also serves as the background for all of Gombrowicz’s work. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: in his conclusions, the author indicates various interpretive possibilities for the key issues undertaken in the article (the relationship between Fatherland and Sonland, among others), thus creating a starting point for further research into both political (or meta-political) issues and the question of Gombrowicz’s position in reference to the archetype of Polish political culture.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The main research aim of the article is the analysis of the relations between the conception of the human nature and the main purposes of the power in the rules of the Constitution of Poland. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem of the article is how the constitutional conception of the human nature influences the conception of power and its purposes expressed in the Constitution. The article presents the legal constitutional research perspective and is based on various methods of interpretation of the constitutional rules. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article analyses the constitutional conceptions of the human nature, power and its purposes, as well as their mutual relations. RESEARCH RESULTS: It seems that the constitutional conception of the human nature has only partial influence on the rules of the constitution describing the power and its purposes. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The conception expressed in the preamble of the Constitution describing the Polish citizens as accepting such fundamental and universal values as truth, justice, good and beauty is inadequate. It should be removed and these values could be introduced to art. 8 along with such value as “wisdom”, as the set of fundamental values protected by the Constitution.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this paper is an analysis of Kant’s project of perpetual peace in point of view his philosophical and political concequences. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHOD: The main problem undertaken in this text is to show the role of theretical thinking (dreaming) and its political (real) implications. Immanuel Kant and his critical philosophy set a new path of philosophical reflection in modern times. In principle, philosophizing after Kant has been impossible without reference to his thought (whether in a positive or negative sense). Kant’s achievements also included political reflection. An important place in this reflection it seems to be to define the general purpose of humanity, which, according to Kant, is the pursuit of eternal peace. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article attempts to describe Kant’s peaceful project from the perspective of the problem of its feasibility. This issue reveals the fundamental problem of reflection on politics, that is, relating theory to practice. RESEARCH RESULTS: Philosophy is purely intellectual speculation whose ideas relate to the practice of political life. In this context, one can consider whether the “dreams” of theoretician philosophers have any application in the practical (real) world. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The conclusions attempt to show the priority of theoretical reflection over the practical implementation of political concepts in social life. Kant as a philosopher shows that the ideas and various goals facing man and society make sense only as a priori postulates that become real goals to accomplish.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this article is to attempt to define tyranny in the concept of the medieval philosopher John of Salisbury. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Salisbury is one of the most interesting political thinkers of the Middle Ages. His book entitled “Policraticus” became one of the most important political texts of the Middle Ages, which analyzes, among others, the problem of political authority, the separation of secular and spiritual powers, the problem of the relationship of the ruler with his subjects, as well as the issue of civil obedience and the transformation of legal power into unlawful power. The author tries to show the mechanisms leading to tyrannical power. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The text analyzes all aspects of the tyrannical political power, comparing it to that of a legitimate prince. The tyrant is shown against the background of theological and political assumptions, also in the context of social justice and citizens’ rights. RESEARCH RESULTS: The tyrannical authority is, by its very nature, wrong and does not lead to social harmony and peace. The tyrant is an usurper and his power is immoral and unlawful. As an unjust ruler, the tyrant stands against the divine order and must take into account the inevitability of punishment. At the same time, this punishment for a tyrant falls within the moral and theological contexts, that is, it is a punishment which God sets. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Salisbury’ thought seems to be valid because it is a part of the eternal problem of the dependence of political authority on morality, as well as the tendency to abuse political power over subjects.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The article aims to analyse the concept of structural violence to outline its essential theoretical references. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The main problem raised in the text is the distinction of structural violence against other forms of violence. The article uses the method of conceptual analysis supplemented with case studies. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The definition of structural violence proposed in the paper emphasizes the presence of intentional or unintentional systemic conditions that violate or limit the rights of individuals or groups. In the order of analysis, structural violence is first distinguished from other forms of violence: personal and legitimist. There are three forms of structural violence manifestation: social injustice, direct violence caused by an unjust social system, and a permanent threat embedded in the social system. In connection with the above, the possibility of identifying structural violence with theoretical tools developed by John Rawls to specify the conditions of structural justice is indicated. As a critical complement to this approach, a caveat is discussed that shows that however useful, Rawls’s approach may not be sufficient. Finally, the issue of cultural and symbolic violence is analysed. RESEARCH RESULTS: The conclusion drawn from the presented analysis is that structural violence is inextricably linked with social structure. A significant difficulty in minimizing it is that its sources are often invisible, remaining somewhat outside the framework of the current social paradigm. Therefore, the fight against this type of violence requires far-reaching interventions at the level of public awareness. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Recommendations that can be derived from the above considerations focus on the need to conduct social campaigns that have the opportunity to gradually change social awareness and the often unconscious social status quo.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article is to introduce a metatheoretical framework that allows to discuss contemporary theories of democracy and identify the limitations of democratic innovation. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND SCIENTIFIC METHODS: The main research problem is the identification of the intellectual source of the so called “paradox of democracy” (Ch. Mouffe) related to the inconsistency of the “liberal” (represented by B. Constant) and the “democratic” (Rousseau) approach to values such as freedom and equality. It is suggested that this source is the private public division exposed by T. Hobbes and radicalized in many ways later on. The tool of analysis is the three level model of the political system as described by C. Offe. RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis leads to the conclusion that contemporary democratic innovations can be placed between the extremes determined by procedural democracy on the one hand and illiberal democracy on the other. That is, however, what puts their innovative character into question. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The main part of the article is historical and philosophical analysis. The limitations of the modern political language in respect to the notion of democracy are presented. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The article advocates understanding democracy as the limit of the European political experience.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is to analyze Philip Rieff’s political thought, especially his theory of therapeutic culture and charisma, in the context of the broadly understood problem of legitimation. In particular, I am interested in the following issues: 1) Rieff’s theory of therapeutic culture; 2) The place of authority in therapeutic culture; 3) A dispute with Max Weber about understanding charisma. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: This article deals with the problem of the legitimacy of authority in a culture that is programmatically reluctant to it. To this end, I turn to Philip Rieff’s theory of culture to answer two main questions. The first, more general: Why is authority so strongly opposed in contemporary culture? The second, more specific: What is the place of charisma in this context? This article is a study of political thought in hermeneutical tradition. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The starting point of my argument is to outline Philip Rieff’s concept of therapeutic culture. I argue that the emergence of this type of culture creates difficulties for the functioning of authority. I use the concept of charisma as a category that can be treated, to some extent, as an antidote to the crisis of authority. However, I do not agree with Weber’s theory of charisma, which is dominant in social sciences. Referring to Philip Rieff, I am trying to reformulate this concept. RESEARCH RESULTS: I argue that the therapeutic culture poses a great challenge to the legitimization of authority. Charisma may be a source of inspiration, but only if we reformulate its understanding. Charisma should first of all be understood as the ability to recreate a system of norms without which no political order can exist. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: We should look at the phenomenon of charisma in a more favorable way. We need charisma, properly understood, especially in small communities.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The scientific aim is to present a specific role of John Rawls that he played in co-creation of the concept of deliberative democracy. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Deliberative democracy focuses on deliberation that should bring in-depth knowledge of the participants in a given matter as well as the awareness of other individuals’ interests. One must acquire knowledge of the distinction between public reason and many non-public reasons, and at the same time be impartial to the points of view of vast rational doctrines. The research method is based on text analysis. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article begins with an attempt to synthetically analyse Rawls’s contractualistic proposition in order to “organise the state well”. Then, there follows an analysis of the concept of justice as impartiality indicating the basis for creating the theory of deliberative democracy. The focus is put on Rawls’s innovative solution – the reflection of balance can only be achieved through the result of a certain structure (construction) and the normative nature of his proposition was indicated, which distinguishes this concept from predecessors asking similar questions. RESEARCH RESULTS: In his attempts to construct a “machine of reason” and a “game of reason”, and finally an “original situation” from which the principles of justice as impartiality can be derived, John Rawls attempted to create a model of a reasonable deliberation by democratic citizens in a way that could awake their loyalty towards the established order.
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Review of: A. Sopoćko, Państwo, Wydawnictwo PWE, Warszawa 2022, ss. 156, ISBN 978-83-208-2514-5.
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In political thinking of the XVI-XVIII centuries, at least three categories of criticism against Machiavelli can be noted: the minimalist one, specific to those who accept realism, but not all consequences that occur; the moderate criticism of those who, though they consider the foundation of Machiavellian realism wrong, recognize the existence of a certain kind of useful practical wisdom; the radical criticism of those who see the whole Machiavellian approach as flawed and dangerous. Even if these critics are not entirely convincing, their analysis remains useful. We understand better both the way the ethico-political model was defended in the post-renaissance world, as well as some of intellectual sources of modern political rationalism or idealism.
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Alexis de Tocqueville analyses in his work Democracy in America (volume I: 1835, volume II: 1840) the crisis in Europe after the French Revolution in relation to a kind of democracy functioning in the United States. He believes that the Revolution was not an arbitrary historical event. It was the necessary outcome of the general continuous effort of social development towards the social equality. As the most important factor that creates the awareness of equality and keeps the successful functioning of democratic republic in the United States Tocquevill considers the specific social behaviour – manners. Original social units or norms of thinking and behaviour emerged from a long-standing development base in the connection of the theory with the practice. Social behaviour and habits are not the only force driving the spontaneous social dynamics which comes from the natural human ability to come and join together. For the democratic principle the natural social dynamics is implicit: the idea of social conditions equality. Furthermore, Tocqueville warns us that democracy can be endangered by democratic despotism. The first Tocqueville’s critical reflection of the democratic society focuses on the problem of urging justice, the second one is connected with the problem of social cohesiveness maintenance, the third one with the tendency of democratic systems to the centralisation of power. The particular moral character of America is kept by religion. Tocqueville is convinced that every egalitarien society, which intends to govern, requires the natural moral discipline anchored in the consciousness of every individual. This conscious submitting of one’s own will to the higher will is not enforced by the fear of punishment. It is the free-will consciousness where freedom meets the „Democratic and Republican“ Christianity of the New World. The priority of irreplaceable role of the religious moral influence in relation to individual and the whole society reminds us of thinking and effort of the Czech philosopher, sociologist, politician and statesman, the first president of the Czechoslovak Republic and successor of Franz Brentano Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk. I should remark that Tocqueville inspired also a significant Czech nobleman, politician and school reformer Lev Thun (1811-1888).
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Libertarian politics in pluralistic democracies should be implemented within the constitutional-democratic framework of government, which is based on the constitutional logic of rights and obligations. Without this, libertarian politics cannot fulfill its fundamental political purpose in democratic regimes of government. There are several modalities by which it is possible to produce politics with libertarian elements in contemporary polyarchies, and most often this is achieved through different forms of direct political participation. Citizens can thus expand the milieu of participation in politics, at least when the unhindered use of the instruments of direct democracy or the autonomous gathering and non-violent protest of individuals against the government is ensured, but the key problem is that often different political actors and state power manipulate the practical use of the institute of direct democracy and so deliberately destroy their libertarian potential. Since contemporary government regimes have an emphasized representative, pluralistic, and democratic nature, in political freedom, equal political treatment, and the rights of citizens are normatively ensured by the policy of constitutionalism, while the disadvantages of representative government are tried to be prevented, reduced and eliminated through the supplementary application of different forms of direct democracy or direct political participation. However, it is not always easy to ensure that all individuals and target groups feel protected, satisfied and equal in modern states, primarily due to the contingent nature of polycentric politics.
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This paper discusses the problem of “moral prejudice” in a democratic society. Moral prejudice is presented as an integral part of the moral norm that is contained in the “social contract” of every nation, which equally implies both written laws and customs of the people. The new, “liberal” moral system, which advocates freedom as the fulfillment of the maximum of human possibilities, and includes as praiseworthy things that the traditional system rejected, is not devoid of prejudice. On the contrary, it comes with a new “prejudice” according to which all traditional morality should be discarded, with extreme condemnation, as oppressive. New moral norms, which did not exist as such in laws and customs, are often imposed by judicial interpretations of key rights and freedoms of citizens. Very often these judicial interpretations rest on the very antipodes of traditional morality and prevailing popular sentiment, so that they come as a fundamental opposition to the “social contract” based on the consent of the people through past, present and future generations. These efforts to impose a new moral system on everyone, regardless of their will, are essentially paternalistic and violent. The true task of a free society is to create pluralism in which different groups will have their right to their own moral system, and in which a new prejudice will not arise under the guise of a universal measure of good human life, which ignores diversity in human experience and worldviews.
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The notion of “freedom” in the age of neoliberalism is under the strong influence of technology and in a great measure it is different from the concept of freedom in the age of liberalism. In neoliberalism man’s freedom is projected and defined within the frameworks that are shaped by technology while in an earlier period man was called to shaping the laws of freedom. We always hear about knowledge being one of the basic human rights, but nobody says that which man should know. It seems to be that what is meant by that are the topics which are spoken of on a daily basis, and which presents the basic preoccupation of some people, and that is the relativization and suppression of moral norms. The sentence “knowledge is the right of all people” has become a catchphrase according to which everyone has the right to do as they will and everybody has the right to usurp the private life and intimacy of every individual. It must be said that pure acquaintance with raw information does not represent knowledge. The piling of information is the greatest enemy of common human sense and reasoning. In case freedom has to be connected to the very spirit of one community, the question is posed; whether a general call for freedom comes out of the spirit and need of that community or whether it is the result of the manipulation of others who have tendentious and wicked intentions. In any case, even though democracy presents the manifestation of collective human gravity and will, it is not possible to implement it everywhere or at the very least not until it comes to certain changes in society. The following question is posed: what is freedom’s treatment of the individual and collective rights like and what bears greater meaning in a free society? The possessing of human qualities is a condition for the establishment of the freedom of thought, however in society and in politics personal and collective interests go hand-in-hand. Is political development the precondition for economic growth or is it in reverse? There are arguments which give advantage to the first and the second claim. However, it is visible that the development of any dimension of society influences the development of other dimensions and there are no special rules there. There are certain preconditions which are necessary for the development of society and they are interconnected. Every country that thinks of development must ponder upon the freedoms and civil rights of its inhabitants. Although the claims that humanity is going to the direction of freedom and peace are not correct it should be said that freedom is the question of human honor and that everybody is obliged to fight for it in his own way.
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The principle aim of the article is to describe various concepts of legitimacy and their theoretical framework and to evaluate the possibility of their application in the local political process. The legitimacy of local political institutions can be perceived as one of the conditions of their stability and efficiency in relation to the rural development. The approaches and concepts of legitimacy of Max Weber, Luhmann, Tyler and Zimmerman and Zeitz are compared in the first part of the article. To apply these classifications to local political institutions entails some theoretical and methodological problems, e.g. to distinguish legitimacy relating to communal politician from personal trust, ill-defined indicators of legitimacy, etc. Analysing various examples of legitimizing local magistrates and councils indicates that the communal legitimacy can be highly confused and based upon various sources of legitimation. One of the possible local legitimacy assessment is the concept of the „systemic“ and „sectoral“ legitimacy. Another concept of legitimacy can be derived from case studies of the Czech local political process. This pattern of legitimacy can be mainly detected in a kind of „self-legitimizing“ narration of communal politicians. Using theoretical approaches to the issue of „political narratives“ it is possible to denominate it „narrative legitimacy“.
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Zoran Đinđić je i kao teoretičar, kao filozof politike, i kao čovek koji se praktično bavio politikom, bio svestan složenog karaktera moderne društvene zajednice i osnovne podele na građansko, odnosno civilno društvo i državu. Nemam nameru, ni tako velike ambicije, da ovde dam uvid u celinu njegovih stavova o odnosu civilnog društva i države. Fokusiraću se na nekoliko njegovih iskaza, pre svega na jedan njegov predgovor za Kozelekovu knjigu Kritika i kriza, kao i na neke njegove stavove koje je izneo u dijalogu za odnos civilnog društva i države u našoj situaciji. Dakle, Đinđić je prihvatio jedan od ključnih stavova Kozelekove studije, da je građansko društvo upravo srušilo apsolutističku državu. Dakle i Kozelek i Đinđić kada govore o apsolutističkoj državi oni govore u stvari o jednoj paradigmi, jednom idealnom tipu za pojam političkog.
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Sartre believed that this burden of responsabilty is often too much for people to bea, and that many people try to avoid it by denying their freedom. On liberty depends on the idea the society progresses from lower to higher stages and that this progress culminates in the emergence of a sistem of representative. They many seek refuge in religion, ideology, or social conformity, seeing themselves as mere instruments or larger system.
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