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La constitution de 1869 présentait. nombre de lacunes . dont on avait prévu, lors de .l'adoption de la constitution même, d'être comblées par les lois organiques qui devaient être voptées de la part dé l'assemblée en 1870. C'est ce qui offrait èn même temps'une particulière caractéristique' de la constitutionnalité car des situations constitutionnelles entièrement nouvelles pouvaient être, crées par la modification des lois organiques exprimant les nouveaux rapports des forces politiques en Serbie. Les lacunes dans la constitution de 1869 faisaient naître l'illusion que dès. la promulgation dé la constitution on pouvait compenser, par de nouvelles lois, au sens libéral, ce qui; manquait dans la constitution. Cependant, le gouvernement, avait laissé des lacunes dans la constitution quant aux questions don’t il n'était, pas sûr-de pouvoir les résoudre, à son gré par l'entremise de l'assemblée constituante. C'est pourquoi il se praparait à reduire encore davantage, à l'assemibée constituante de 1870, les "libertés déjà limitées proclamées par la constitution”. Les questions de la responsabilité ministérielle et de la presse se virent accorder, pour la première fois, leur réglementation légale à l'assemblée de 1870, ce qui était en même temps l'accomplissement de l'obligation prévue par la constitution et, du point de vue formel, des réclamations formulées par les assemblées nationales précédentes. Cependant, les intentions n'étaient pas identiques. C'est ce qui se fait sentir aussi dans la différence des tendances gouvernementales concernant la matière des lois organiques. La loi électorale et la loi relative au règlement de l'assemblée nationale s'inspiraient de la tendance du gouvernement à composer le majorité à l'assemblée à son gré, et à assurer à une telle majorité à l'assemblée la procédure par laquelle elle appliquerait efficacement la politique du régime. Quant aux questions de la responsabilité ministérielle et de la presse, la situation était différente. L'adoption de ces lois ne répondait pas au désir du gouvernement, car elles représentaient d'elles-mêmes le moyen de contrôle du gouvernement qu'avait demandé les assemblées précédentes, et qui servait à conquérir des libertés politiques plus larges. Obligé, finalement, de régler ces questions, le gouvernement n'a pas voulu permettre la légalisation des dispositions qui auraient rendu inutiles tous les efforts qu'il avait déployés pour faire édicter la loi électorale et le règlement de l'assemblée. Il ne voulait pas permettre à l'opposition d'exercer une influence déterminate sur la politique intérieure en Serbie, par la voie de la presse et le jeu de la responsabilité ministérielle.Dans l'évolution constitutionnelle et législative future, une série de changements profonds à opérer par les lois organiques fut portée à l'ordre du jour à la suite de l'entrée en vigueur de la constitution de 1888. Or, après le rétablissement, par le coup d'Etat de 1894, de la constitution de 1869, la plupart des lois organiques de 1870 entra de nouveau en vigueur.
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Après l'adoption de la Constitution de 1869, la question constitutionnelle a été de nouveau soulevée en 1880, de sorte que, d'après les prescriptions constitutionnelles, l'Assemblée nationale a voté dans deux sessions consécutives le projet de révision de la Constitution. Après cette décision il fallait convoquer la constituante. Le gouvernement du parti progressiste, qui a formellement soulevé la question constitutionnelle, n'a pas convoqué l'assemblée constituante en 1883. Plus tard, lors de la session de l'Assemblée en 1885, à l'occasion d'une interpellation sur la révision de la Constitution, le gouvernement a déclaré qu'il n'a pas l'intention de procéder à la révision de la Constitution, et qu'il a renoncé à cette mesure en 1883 pour deux rasions: premièrement à cause du projet de constitution présenté par le parti radical et, en second lieu, parce que le Soulèvement de Timok a semé la discorde dans le pays. Cependant, dans débats de l'Assemblée les députés du parti radical ont signalé le fait que le gouvernement a renoncé à la révision de la Constitution avant le déclanchement du Soulèvement de Timok et que le projet de constitution présenté par le parti radical ne peut pas être considéré comme un motif valable pour que le gouvernement se dispense de respecter les prescriptions constitutionnelles. L'importance de la crise constitutionnelle de 1881-1883 exige d'élucider les rapports réels des facteurs constitutionnels. Dans l'exposé des événements de 1881 à 1883 l'attention est attirée sur les moments qui ont conditionné la crise constitutionnelle. A cet effet les documents des Archives de Vienne ont été utilisées, qui fournissent des renseignements très importants sur l'attitude du roi Milan et du gouvernement de Milan Pirocanac à l'égard de la question constitutionnelle et de la manière de sa résolution. Le roi Milan e'était pas disposé de changer de constitution même avant que le projet de constitution du parti radical n'ait été présenté. Il ne voulait pas admettre que ses pouvoirs soint limités, d'autre part il considérait que, eu égard à l'influence que le parti radical exerçait sur le peuple, la tentative de la réforme constitutionnelle pouvait subir un éches, de sorte qu'il serait nécessaire de fair un coup d'Etat. C'est pourquoi le roi n'a même pas voulu essayer de se reconcilier avec les radicaux, mais il s'est évertué à étouffer leur mouvement par la force. L'attentat manqué contre le roi Milan en 1882 devait servir de prétexte pour un règlement de compte avec le parti radical, mais le gouvernement ne voulait pas y consentir.Au début de l'année 1883 la crise constitutionnelle s'était aggravée, car il s'est avéré que le roi n'était même pas d'accord avec le gouvernement au sujet de la révision de la Constitution. Le gouvernement considérait qu'il était obligé de procéder à la révision de la Constitution après le vote de l'Assemblée, par ailleurs une telle attitude lui a été dictée par son propre programme et par ses promesses- En conséquence il avait présenté au roi son projet de constitution et il réclamait la convocation de: l'assemblée constituante. Cependant, le projet de constitution du gouvernement a aggravé encore plus les rapports entre le roi et le gouvernement, car le roi ne voulait pas consentir à la limitation de ses pouvoirs, qu'il avait trouvé dans le projet de la nouvelle constitution du gouvernement. A la suite des luttes très vives entre le roi et le gouvernement on en est arrivé à un compromis, de telle sorte que le corps électoral a été convoqué pour élire une assemblée ordinaire, et on avait promis au peuple que rassemblée constituante sera élue plus tard. Ce n'était pas la solution de la crise mais seulement son ajournement. En général un projet de constitution n'existait pas sur lequel le roi et le gouvernement s'étaint mis d'accord, par conséquent on ne pouvait pas procéder à l'élection d'une assemblée constituante. Ce n'est qu'après un tel règlement du malentendu entre le roi et le gouvernement que le projet de constitution du parti radical a été présenté, tandis que le Soulèvement de Timok a été déclanché encore plus tard. Par conséquent, la question constitutionnelle était ajournée parce que le roi ne voluait pas permettre que ses pouvoirs soient restreints et dans une telle situation il était impossible de régler la question constutionnelle par une voie normale.
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The idea of constitutionality, which includes the acceptance of division of power, is one of those which helped the process of establishing the constituting of new century Serbian state. In the attempt to implement the principle of division of power, which characterizes the modern state, there was a need to establish the legislative power, together with executive and judicial power. Establishment of modern monarchy, i.e. limited and strictly institutionalized, demanded the presence of other bodies at the highest level in the state, bodies that would compete with monarch in constitutional division of legislative competences. That was effected primarily by affirming the idea of peoples representation, constitutional verification of the State Council (according to the provisions of the first two constitutions) and then also the National Assembly (from the Regents Constitution - Namjesnički ustav), as serious pretendents to win the most important prerogatives of legislative power. To what extent the idea has been realized depended, as the author showed in the paper, on concrete and real social and political reality, relations between the political forces and readiness of the rulers to accept constitutionally regulated competences of legislative power. Those, certainly led to successive limitation of the monarch constitutional powers in favor of representative body, such as National Assembly according to the constitution of 1888 and Constitution of 1903, when it was already clear that monarch changed from “slightly” limited ruler (knez) to, by the rules of parliamentary game, depowered king. In that process of endless constitutional struggle monarch endeavored to defend his share in legislative power by the right of legislative initiative, and especially by legislative sanction (veto). Successfulness of those efforts depended, as it was discussed in the paper, on the real power that veto institution had during the constitutional and political development of Serbia in the mentioned period.
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In the article, published on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the enactment of the St. Vitus Day Constitution, the author deals with one of the key institutes of this document – freedom of the press. Based on discussions in the Constitutional Committee and the plenum of the Constituent Assembly, he concludes that the provisions of the St. Vitus Day Constitution on the press were created by the autocratization of certain provisions of the Constitution of Serbia of 1903. The article especially analyzes the restrictions of the press introduced by the transitional orders of the St. Vitus Day Constitution, through circumventing censorship and incrimination of “religious or tribal discord or hatred against the state”.
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The article deals with the possibility of developing tax decentralization and its main part – the institute of local taxes in Bulgaria. Local taxes are charged by the municipalities and are established by the Local Taxes and Fees Act. According to the fifth amendment to the Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria the Municipal Council determines the amount of the taxes within the range established by the law (till the end of 2007 the rates and amounts of local taxes were provided for by the law). There is analyzed application of the principle for statutory establishment of tax liabilities in the spirit of the principle of the fiscal decentralization.
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The main objective of this article is to examine the intricate processes of emancipation of the Serbian Church from the control of the State; which occurred under the rule of Prince Miloš, and was institutionally defined in 1836, by the Act on Ecclesiastical Powers. The Archbishop Petar proposed – and the Council accepted – the wording of the Organizational Structure of Ecclesiastical Power, which transferred the matter of organization of religious affairs to the previously neglected ecclesiastical authorities. This was achieved by the Archbishop’s astute use of the political visions of both the Constitutionalists and Prince Aleksandar and their intention to reform and direct Serbian society towards Europe by means of a series of systemic measures.
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By including translated Slavic text of Prohiron into Nomocanon, Saint Sava helped instill civil law (Greco-Roman) into the very foundations of Nemanjic state and raise awareness among the population of engagement (obručenje) as an essential component of the family and state. Saint Sava disseminated transcripts of Nomocanon which epilogue stated that each archbishop, presbyter and teacher is bound to know the Nomocanon and to teach it to others. He succedeed in making the Nomocanon widely accepted, so that the existing customs were gradually superseded. Thus, the Nomocanon of Saint Sava became foundation for civil and canon law of medieval Serbian state. The author strongly believes that it is an unfortunate mistake that in the past two centuries this unique legal transplant was insufficiently studied. Dusan’s Code makes mention of marriage on only three occasions in Articles 2, 3 and 9 which suggests that he did not feel marital law should be regulated by new provisions. Instead, he accepted the provisions about marriage made by the Byzantine Tzars and incorporated into Nomocanon of Saint Sava. This is also indicated by the occurence of transcripts of Nomocanon of Saint Sava following the adoption of Dusan’s Code, such as Sarajevo, Belgrade, Hilandar and Moraca transcripts. The very Serbian civil code adopted in 1844 cited the Book of Kormchy.
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In this work a try has been made to identify impact of certain concepts of Roman delict law to some aspects of European private law tradition and culture. Therefore the Roman delict furtum has been chosen, because it represents threat to what is the core of every private law relations. It is so even though today theft represents criminal act and not personal delict. Because this delict has changed its character and survived expansion of concept, the Roman private law has become more inclusive, not only by concept but in the meaning of application to peregrine also, not only the Roman citizens. It could be said that contributed to gradual assimilation of indignant population. The Roman law strongly grew after proclamation of lex Aebutia which enlarged the role of praetor in court procedure and has been involved in formulary procedure. This is a certain procedure which basic purpose is effective resolution of dispute. But, there is no efficiency without justice and reason. That is how the Roman private law developed and upgraded gradually and patiently. Praetor was guided by the logic of reasonable politician who solved the problems of everyday life among citizens. He is dealing with issues with no political conflict, but only facing the personal interest. It seems that EU tries of unification of private law starts with similar needs, specifically having in mind the goals of so called Lando Commission. Many of legal principles and law rules which were made in antique Rome are the base of today most developed communities. Among others, those principles and those rules are used as resources for influences to other cultures.
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The views of Todor Bourmov for the government of Bulgaria are reflected in a document stored in Russian archives. At the first its publication,the document was defined as a response of one of the Bulgarian notables – Todor Bourmov – to the questions of the Russian civil administration in Bulgaria from1878, and in the second – as rules for the election of a Bulgarian prince. According contained in this article concept, in both cases there are errors and inaccuracies, but in principle, the document itself contains a number of provisions found a place in the initial draft of the Organic Statute of the Bulgarian principality.
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The present paper is a research on the intersection between social history and history of law. The attention is focused on fights, quarrels, and manslaughters that took place in Paris during the first part of the 16 century. The main source for this study is notarial acts, which are preserved in the Minutier Central of the French National Archives. It has been revealed that the two parties of the conflict asked for intervention of a royal notary in order to resolve their conflict or to sign the deal that was already discussed. That would permit Parisians to avoid dealing with the complicated judicial system. As a result of the analysis of 214 notarial acts, the following patterns have been discovered: firstly, the subjects of most agreements (122) were beatings and fights; secondly, the participants in such agreements were mostly small artisans and bourgeois; thirdly, most of them lived in the Latin Quarter, i.e., in the area where the offices of notaries, whose archives formed the basis of the study, were located, as well as in the surrounding suburbs; fourthly, apprentices of various professions and typographers turned out to be the aggressors in a higher number of cases, while day laborers were more often the victims. The obtained results broaden our vision about the French judicial system in the 16th century that comprised various social institutions for conflict resolution.
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The original designation as heir in Roman Law was a fideicommissum, because the testator entrusted to the person chosen as heir the acceptance of the inheritance. The most ancient form of testamentum was the mancipatio familiae, which was performed in two solemn acts. One consisted in a simulated sale of the familia, whose aim was to declare formally and publicly how the pater familias wished the division of the patrimonium into legacies to be done, and the designation of the heir. The second act consisted in offering, after the death of the testator, the inheritance to the heir, whose only fiduciary duty was to accept it. After the decline of mancipatio familiae, the validity of the testamentum requires two essential elements: the designation of the heir, and his later acceptance.
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The author is an expert in the problems of criminal rehabilitation. In the paper are considered some philosophical, psychological, ethical and legal dimensions of the integration of former criminals.
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Sport in Rome shows news and diverse perspectives, different to those that characterize the Greek sport. In the Roman case, sports are closely linked with the political and social level. This institutional promotion as a form of political advertising shows the economic importance of sports linked to different economic factors and products around it. This situation encourages the athlete like a professional in Rome and leads to the central approach of this work: the ways to financing sport, and particularly the athlete in Rome. We therefore focus on the role that the mutuum agreement would play as an instrument to achieve the financing of the athlete. The usefulness of this agreement is complicated when we found the rejection of the Roman jurists to natural or automatic production of interest on loans of money. For this reason, would be through the same mechanism used in the traiecticia pecunia or fenus Nauticum, where is accepted the charging of interest subject to the positive result of the company. Thus, the “mutuum agreement” become a way to financing athletes. This financing would articulate from the possibilities that the Roman contractual typology offered, demonstrating once again the link between sport phenomenon in Rome and the legal sphere.
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The attempt to define a sociologically relevant formal logic and determine its significance for the phenomenon of law has three theses. The first: for the first time in history law appears, stricto sensu, in Greece - namely, not only its rudiments. The second: appearing of law presupposes the existence and implementation of formal logic in the normative sphere (namely, in this respect law is distinguished from custom and morals). Finally, the third thesis: in order to implement formal logic in the sphere of law it is necessary to have a minimum of balance of power in a society, which makes possible separation of legislative power from the judicial and "executive" ones. Central issue in the present study is the analysis of Aristotle’s logical and social theory. The first refers to a rather high degree of formalisation of thinking reached by Greek philosophers of that time, while the other to the level of experience relating to the division of power, commensurate to the existing balance of power of principal social groups in the polis. This is not accidental: only those societies knowing social conflicts which are not settled by force, but by discussion and meritorous decision of a third party, are able to develop formal logic, which is in the very foundation of the phenomenon of law. Although the principal goal of that logic is to prevent psychical and social processes of destruction of sense of normative structures, it only attenuates and modifies them, channelling them within a closely connected sphere of law.
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As is the case in the majority of modern states, the formation of local management and self- management in Belarus is an inevitable process. During the economic and political reforms required for this purpose, there are necessary preconditions. Historically, local government has passed through a long and difficult process of development in Belarus.In working out modern concepts of local government, it is necessary to consider the evolution of the machinery of government and the historical development of most legal regulations of mutual relations between the state as a whole and its parts. Actually, the first forms of self-management in its modern understanding began to arise in the territory of modern Byelorussia since the XIVth century. In the present legal and historical scientific literature, there was no uniform representation about the stages of formation of local governments in the territory of Belarus. It is represented that these or any other processes are always conditional; nevertheless, in this work, one of the variants of classification and a periodization of the process of formation and the development of local management and self-management in the territory of Belarus is offered.
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French revolution has affected the world in many ways. However, it shall remain an eternal issue especially in relation to human rights. The famous Declaration of rights of man and the citizen, of 26th August 1789, is a document which was quoted most frequently until today, regardless the fact that subsequent acts contained more rights and freedoms (the 1791 Constitution and the declarations of 1793 and 1795). Human rights have been in the focus during the Revolution, both in case of their proclaiming and negating (Terror). There was a reason to promulgate the Declaration of rights of man and the citizen at the beginning of the Revolution. All subsequent changes and events were closely connected to human rights and the rule of "virtue". This was understood well by the French people who reaffirmed the rights and freedoms from the 1789 Declaration into the preambles of French constitutions of 1946 and 1958. In such a way they are a part of the French positive law, while being protected by die Constitutional Council. The significance of the 1789 Declaration is not in listing rights and freedoms but in permanent and universal principles. Adopted by "representatives of French people", the Declaration is addressed to all people. It internationalizes rights and freedoms of man as natural, inalienable and not subject to statute of limitations. Its principles are incorporated into constitutions and legislations of many countries, including the XIXth century Serbia. The idea on human rights, which was not unknown in some countries long before the French Revolution, became a source of inspiration and practice worldwide. After going through much temptations, it is now universally accepted - more dran ever during the last two centuries.
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Creation of modem legal philosophy, whose founding fathers are Kant, Fichte and Hegel, can not be separated from the French Revolution. This relationship is not only chronological, but substantive, which means that modem legal philosophy emerged out of a very important discussion of problems imposed by the events connected with the French Revolution. Its modernity consists in taking over the principle of freedom proclaimed by the Revolution and raised to the level of a general right, while making it its foundation and its matter and elaborating the relevant consequences. A turn towards freedom, which takes the place of nature, means the opening of a new historical perspective of law: its ground becomes the freedom, while the law itself becomes its organon. In such a way French Revolution and legal philosophy have found themselves in a joint job: namely preparing and establishing political and legal existence of a modern man under the leading principle of freedom as an universal right. In the way of its formation, in its internal structuring in exposition of problems, in its very being ang general character, modem legal philosophy belongs to the historical horizon of the French Revolution. This has made possible, also, that it contains the legal and political truth of that Revolution.
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