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EUPHRATES SHIELD: AN ANALYSIS OF TURKEY’S INTERVENTION IN SYRIA

Author(s): Cătălin Alin Costea / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Starting with the civil war in Syria in 2011, its neighbors, especially Turkey,Lebanon and Jordan, faced a series of major issues that had a substantial impact on their security, domestic and foreign affairs. The growing flow of Syrian refugees fleeing the conflict, as well as the border instability generated by the conflict between the various actions on the ground, created tensions at Syria's border with these states and put pressure on the governments of Ankara, Beirut and Amman. Among these, only Turkey decided to intervene decisively by conducting a military operation in Syria to remove threats to national security. Therefore, this article aims to identify the reasons behind Turkey's decision to intervene in Syria on 24 August 2016. The working hypothesis of the article is that the occupation of more territories at the Turkish-Syrian border by the Kurdish forces (YPG)fueled Ankara's concerns about the possibility of creating a Kurdish state at the Turkey’s border. Thus, the Turkish president has approved a military intervention in Syria in order to prevent this scenario. At the same time, the article aims to analyze the costs and benefits of Turkish army following this operation.

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TERRORIST ORGANIZATION OR LIBERATION MOVEMENT? THE POLISARIO FRONT’S CLASSIFICATION

Author(s): János Bésenyő / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The reality of the widening category of irregular warfare and the raising quantity of radical units all around the world arrived in an unprecedented pace in the 21st century’s security environment. The decisions on designating and labeling „terrorist groups”were always surrounded with terminological debates, diverse state interests, and different perception of security. Thereby handling and countering their attacks and secondary destabilizing effects are hardly-cooperative among larger alliances. Of course, we might not exclude the good examples of international peacekeeping and countermeasures, such as it is happening in the case of ISIS, Al-Qaeda, Al-Shabaab or other specific organizations. But in some cases, the methods of engagement, the continuously shaping security environment, shifts in ideology or other factors should influence the classification of a „terrorist group”, which might be questioned by individuals, ethnic groups, states or the international community itself.This was the situation with the Polisario Front group as well, which in some cases was labeledas terrorist organization, while other papers mentioned it as a separatist group or an organized crime unit. However, in the eyes of the world, the Front still is the legitimate representative of the Sahrawi’s people and a liberating organization responsible for its people. In this analysis,my main aim is to concentrate on these accusations against the Polisario Front, and its actual activity and connections with organized crime groups and highlight the facts, which exclude the Polisario Front from being a terrorist organization.

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Collecting Personal Memories With the Use of Oral History Method

Author(s): Maja Dubljević,Tanja Petrović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The methodology which Documenta – Centre for Dealing with the Past uses in collecting personal memories is partially grounded in the basic methodological principles of the oral history method. It has been used since 1948, when the oral history method was accepted in the scientific community as a technique of documenting history and it enables Documenta, as a human rights organization working on the process of dealing with the past, to respond to unique request which are set before the organization. Except for trying to respect scientific principles of documenting with the use of oral history method, the methodology we use also includes a step forward towards a social engagement. As part of the wider process of dealing with the past, Documenta, through its activities related to collecting and recording personal memories, tries to provide an opportunity to people, who have neither been active in creating historical events nor have carried any political power during certain periods, to affirm themselves as social actors. On the other hand, by insisting on the principle of multiperspectivity, we try to present to the public plurality of different narratives. Our aim is to contribute to a deeper and all-encompassing understanding of certain historical processes which have significantly affected the lives of people from these areas. The methodology of our work on the project “Personal memories of wars and other forms of political violence from 1941 until today” consists of several phases which follow one after another and are in part complementary.

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Analysis of the Needs and Support to Civilian Victims of War

Author(s): Emina Bužinkić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Our war and post-war experience has been marked with terrible and widespread sufferings of civilians. As one of the central questions in dealing with the past and peace-building processes in the Croatian society, we ask ourselves how we can offer adequate support and contribute to providing justice and reparations to civilian victims of war. In doing this, we create and support research, analytical, educational and public political activities, but also methods of direct support to civilian victims of war. Compensations and reparations to victims are one of the key elements of transitional justice. They enable victims to receive public recognition of their suffering and compensation for the endured pain, humiliation and losses. By setting up reparations programs, the state implements a system of respecting human rights and answers the needs of victims as one of the most endangered social groups, groups in constant risk of social exclusion and bad socio-economic situation. The state is obliged to deliver justice and ensure their citizens full respect of human rights, and victims have the right to protection and safety. Reparations come in many forms, from legal mechanisms through symbolic and material reparations to group or individual reparations programs. According to the resolution Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law, civilian victims of war have the right to adequate, efficient and timely reparation.

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Public Advocacy

Author(s): Vesna Teršelič / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

There is no country or society in which presentation of the shameful pages of own past could not be improved and support system to the traumatized enhanced. In order to create space for a quality discussion about the past, for additional research of facts about violence and for teaching of fact-based history, you will need to advocate for changes in deeply rooted practices of selective representations of suffering. With your suggestions, you will attempt to motivate as many people as possible, who were not interested so far, both in the public and government institutions or – in other words – you will need to advocate. The success of advocating for proposals in public discussions will depend on their quality and accountability of an advocate, on the manner in which a proposal is presented and on the ability to communicate about a condition, values, ideas and requests towards other people, media and government institutions. Even the best proposals, supported by arguments, data and analyses, will not have the desired effect, if they are not presented in an understandable and interesting way. You should not be discouraged by unpleasant silence which often accompanies public disclosure of facts about committed crimes. When initial shock is over, a storm could ensue. Regardless of whether a discussion about a violent past has already been open or is just starting, when preparing your public action, you should count on harsh reactions, because, in public, initiatives related to remembrance of violent heritage are usually met with divided reactions. Regardless of whether you are preparing an initiative in your own town or on the national level, you should probably count on years-long advocacy for your proposal and arm yourselves with patience. For some initiatives, such as the one described in the first example, you will need ten or even more years.

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Monitoring War Crimes Trials

Author(s): Vesna Teršelič,Milena Čalić-Jelić,Jelena Đokić Jović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The biggest expectations, concerning an expected response from the state institutions to crimes and political violence, are related to trials. Since the trials, from the very moment when crimes were committed, have been recognized as the only adequate response of the state legal institutions, they have been followed in public with interest and tension. We are all aware of the fact that ending investigations and then raising indictments and holding trials are complicated by the fact that proceedings are being brought against direct perpetrators and commanders who were in power not only at the time when crimes were committed, but have remained powerful even today. After more than six decades since the first trials against defendants for war crimes and crimes against humanity were held before tribunals in Nuremberg and Tokyo, it has become clear that judgements, even when they were perceived as just by the legal professionals as well as by survivors and the public, have not always brought the expected satisfaction. Social expectations related to the work of the International Criminal Tribunal for War Crimes Committed in Former Yugoslavia, established by the UN Security Council in 1993, which is getting closer to the end of its most intensive part of work and starting of a residual mechanism, as well as expectations related to processing war crimes in post-Yugoslav countries, have been realized only partially. Public opinion polls, conducted in 2006, showed that the highest number of citizens preferred war crimes trials, as sanctions for committed crimes, but the courts’ work ranked relatively low. On the scale 1 to 5, the Hague tribunal ranked on average 2.3, while domestic courts ranked 2.5 (Kardov: 119).

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(Ne)kultura sjećanja: uloga memorijala i komemorativnih praksi u post-konfliktnoj obnovi društva

Author(s): Tamara Banjeglav / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

U svakom post-konfliktnom društvu koje nastaje i razvija se nakon traumatičnih događaja, kao što su ratovi i drugi oblici nasilja, postoje pokušaji da se potisne sjećanje na te događaje kako bi se ‘krenulo dalje’ i kako bi se ‘prošlost ostavila iza nas’. Sjećanje je, međutim, instinktivno i ne može se samo tako potisnuti te će se neizbježno, ipak, pojaviti, isplivati na površinu, u jednom ili drugom obliku. Zbog toga smo, u pokušaju savladavanja nasilne prošlosti, često suočeni s izazovom kako najbolje upotiijebiti/iskoristiti sjećanje s ciljem učenja na prošlim događajima kako se oni više ne bi ponovili.

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O prikupljanju osobnih sjećanja metodom usmene povijesti

Author(s): Maja Dubljević,Tanja Petrović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Metodologija rada kojom se Documenta - Centar za suočavanje s prošlošću koristi u prikupljanju osobnih sjećanja dijelom se zasniva na osnovnim metodološkim principima metode usmene povijesti koji se koriste od njezina usvajanja kao nove, znanstveno prihvaćene tehnike historijskog dokumentiranja, 1948. godine, a dijelom uključuje specifične zahtjeve koje Documenta, kao organizacija za ljudska prava koja se bavi suočavanjem s prošlošću, ima pred sobom.

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Analiza potreba i podrška civilnim žrtvama rata

Author(s): Emina Bužinkić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Naše je ratno i poslijeratno iskustvo obilježeno teškim i brojnim stradanjima civila. Kao jedno od središnjih pitanja suočavanja s prošlošću i izgradnje mira u hrvatskom društvu postavljamo si pitanje kako pružiti odgovarajuću podršku civilnim stradalnicima te doprinijeti ostvarenju pravednosti i obeštećenja civilnih žrtava rata. Na tom putu kreiramo i podupiremo istraživačke, analitičke, obrazovne i aktivnosti javnog političkog djelovanja, ali i metode neposredne podrške civilnim žrtvama rata. Ovim tekstom željeli bismo ćitatelje/ice iz organizacija za ljudska prava i drugih organizacija i inicijativa iz civilnoga društva upoznati s našim djelovanjem posljednjih godina putem nekoliko primjera iz prakse koji sveobuhvatno nastoje unaprijediti položaj civilnih žrtava rata u ostvarenju njihova prava na odgovarajuće obeštećenje.

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Javno zagovaranje

Author(s): Vesna Teršelič / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Nema zemlje ni društva u kojima se ne bi moglo bitno unaprijediti prezentiranje sramnih stranica vlastite povijesti i poboljšati sustav podrške traumatiziranima. Kako bi stvorili prostor za kvalitetniju raspravu o prošlosti, dodatno istraživanje faktografije nasilja i učenje povijesti utemeljeno na činjenicama zagovarat ćete promjene duboko ukorijenjenih praksi selektivnog prikazivanja stradanja. Vašim ćete prijedlozima nastojati motivirati što više sada nezainteresiranih ljudi, u javnosti i vladinim institucijama ili drugim riječima - zagovarati.

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Praćenje suđenja za ratne zločine

Author(s): Vesna Teršelič,Milena Čalić-Jelić,Jelena Đokić Jović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Najveća očekivanja, u smislu priželjkivanog odgovora državnih institucija na zločine i političko nasilje, vezana su uz suđenja. Baš zato što su suđenja, od samog trenutka počinjenja zločina, prepoznata kao jedini pravi odgovor institucija pravne države, u javnosti ih se prati sa zanimanjem i nervozom. Svi smo svjesni da okončanje istraga i optuživanje te suđenje otežava činjenica da se postupci vode protiv direktnih počinitelja, ali i zapovjednika koji su često bili moćni ne samo u vrijeme počinjenja zločina, već su ostali vrlo utjecajni i danas.

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Uzroci i posljedice genocida nad Bošnjacima u istočnoj Bosni s naglaskom na zaštićenu zonu Srebrenica

Author(s): Sakib Softić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This article deals with the causes and outcomes of the genocide against Bosniaks in and around Srebrenica in July 1995. The author’s position is that during the entire period of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 – 1995. genocide against Bosniaks took place on the territory of the entire State. In its Judgement of 26 February 2007, the International Court of Justice ruled that acts of genocide (actus reus) had been committed against Bosniaks throughout the duration of the international armed conflict. The international armed conflict took place on its territory between the Yugoslav People’s Army on the one and the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina the other hand. But Bosnia and Herzegovina managed to prove the existence of genocidal intent (mens rea) only in and around Srebrenica in July 1995. In this paper, to the extent permitted by the nature and scope of the work, the author briefly explored and analyzed the historical context in which the genocide was committed, the geopolitical reasons for the Serbian aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina, the goals of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina and the genocide of Bosniaks, situation on the battlefield 1995, peace plans and Bosniak enclaves in Eastern Bosnia, possible consent of the “international community” for the occupation of the enclaves by the Army of the Republika Srpska in order to simplify the maps as a precondition for concluding a peace agreement, the Bosnian Serbs’ historical hatred against Bosniaks and their historical experience of impunity for crimes committed against Bosniaks, as well as the belief that they were given a unique historical opportunity to realize their historical aspirations by genocide against Bosniaks: the elimination of non-Serbs and the annexation to the Serbian state of parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina territory vest of the Drina River. Following this discussion, the consequences of committing genocide in and around Srebrenica are briefly presented and analyzed. The opinion of the author is that each of the mentioned factors was a precondition for genocide to be committed and that all of them together, to a different extent, presented the cause of genocide. The consequence of committing genocide is the demographic collapse of Eastern Bosnia and Podrinje and a temporary change in the ethnic structure of the population in that area.

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Zaštita civila i civilnog stanovništva u oružanom sukobu – s posebnim osvrtom na njihovu zaštitu u Srebrenici 1995. godine

Author(s): Zijad Hasić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In all wars that were fought up to now, beside soldiers of the combative sides and those serving in the employ of the combatants, a constant follower were also civilians and the civilian populace. That category of participants of every war, participating with no volition of their own, is often the greatest victim of each actual armed conflict. The makers of first international documents, the first humanitarians knew that, and so they tried to humanize armed conflict, putting forth and adopting important humanitarian law conventions and acts, of which most notable are the Geneva and Hague conventions governing these issues. Civilians and civilian populations that, howsoever, is found on the occupied territory or is in and was found in the field of fire of an armed conflict, these international documents provide from protection. There are many kinds of protection, starting with the protection of the greatest values of human kind – protection of human life, and many other human values. In this paper, which I intend to present at the international scientific conference I will be espousing on the numerous rights of civilians and civilian populations in armed conflict, on the norms of international humanitarian law intended to protect civilian populace in armed conflict as governed by the Geneva and Hague conventions and other relevant international instruments, those applying on civilians present in the times of armed conflict, as well as to those interned. Normative determination of the position of protected persons, domiciled populace, foreigners, interned persons and others, through the insurance of their nourishment, accommodation, hygiene, medical care, enactment of religious rites, intellectual and physical activities, protection of personal property and financial instruments, ensuring legal representation, reallocation in times of armed conflict, and in particular in regards to civilian deaths – all of this will be the focus of my work. Special attention I will dedicate to the position of civilians and civilian population in the year 1995 during armed operations by the Army of Republic of Srpska in the United Nations protected enclave Srebrenica, as well as the consequences of violating the norms of international humanitarian law at that time. IN the end, I will give a certain overview of the normative protection of civilians and civilian populations today, the messages that are sent by the deaths of civilians and civilian populations of Srebrenica during war in July of 1995.

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Odluke i stavovi vijeća sigurnosti UN-a o genocidu u Srebrenici

Author(s): Alija Kožljak / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The United Nations (UN), as the most representative representative of the international community, was established to ensure international peace and stability, prevent aggression or other violations of peace, and protect human rights and lives, while respecting the principle that every sovereign state is an equally important member. Therefore, the UN has both the right and the responsibility to take appropriate measures and actions against those who do not comply with international regulations in this regard, including sanctions. The genocide, committed in Srebrenica and neighboring municipalities in 1995, is the most heinous example of inhumane behavior and violations of international norms, which has unequivocally confirmed the ineffectiveness of the international community in preserving peace and preventing human suffering. However, in addition, the UN Security Council further confirmed its inconsistent action through the absence of full and adequate sanctioning of organizers and perpetrators of genocide. Of particular concern is the fact that the UN Security Council, as it did not take effective measures to prevent aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina, and thus the Srebrenica genocide, did not take appropriate decisions and positions even after the genocide, until today. Despite UN International Court of Justice rulings on genocide in and around Srebrenica, the UN Security Council has never adopted a resolution, which formally confirms this. The aim of this text is to analyze the attitude of the UN Security Council on the genocide in Srebrenica. The research is focused on the decisions, attitudes and other activities of this body during and after the commission of genocide.These influences are determined through the analysis of UN Security Council documents, other international documents as well as national documents of member states. The consequences caused by such actions are also elaborated, which have a very wide range of implications, both for the countries concerned, as well as for society and the wider international community. The concluding remarks emphasize the importance of the decisions made and the views expressed, as well as those not adopted, suggesting alternative procedures, which would possibly represent some satisfaction, but to some extent also direct the future actions of the UN Security Council.

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Rezolucija 819 – Srebrenica, april 1993.

Author(s): Merisa Karović-Babić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Relying on a detailed reconstruction of the “nine days of hell”, as ICTY judges characterized the period after the fall of Srebrenica, the public discourse on the Srebrenica genocide is completely dominated by July 1995 topics. However, the representation of earlier periods in historiography, which refer to very dynamic events within Srebrenica during 1992, 1993 and 1994, also occupies a significant place on the scale of research on topics related to the genocide in Srebrenica. Several important books, scientific and professional papers have been published on these issues, in which, for the most part, documents of military units surrounding and attacking Srebrenica were used as basic source material, primarily documentation of the VRS Drina Corps and the Yugoslavian Užice Army Corps. Based on the cited literature and available documents related to the events in Srebrenica from the beginning of 1993, the paper will present a synthesis of the circumstances that preceded the adoption of Resolution 819 in the United Nations Security Council. Relying mainly on the available documentation of UNPROFOR and the United Nations, the aim of this paper is to clarify what the newly appointed safe zone status has essentially brought to this area. Also, the adoption of resolutions related to safe zones was preceded by a series of discussions in the Security Council, with special reference to the question of what these zones should be called. Safe havens, protected zones, demilitarized zones and ultimately safe areas, were some of the proposals and, each of the above terms implied substantial differences in the status of these areas. In this paper, we will try to explain the essential differences between all these names, and finally, offer explanations why the Security Council opted for this name - safe areas. The paper will analyze the main shortcomings of the mentioned resolutions and other documents of the Security Council, ambiguities on the demilitarization of Srebrenica and Žepa, insufficient presence of UN forces, as well as ambiguity of UNPROFOR’s mandate in this area.

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Planiranje i upotreba zabranjenih hemijsko-bioloških sredstava: slučaj sigurna zona UN-a Srebrenica i Bihać

Author(s): Mujo Begić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

During the preparations and aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Yugoslav People’s Army and the Serbian military and police forces planned and conducted special operations for the use of illicit chemical and biological agents in operations in the UN protected areas of Srebrenica and Bihać. In planning the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Yugoslav People’s Army implemented a special program called “BIO-131-S”, which also referred to Srebrenica and Žepa. In 1995, the Serbian Army of Krajina, planned and implemented a special operation “MACH-1” against the civilian population and units of the 5th Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina of the UN Protected zone of Bihać, in order to poison the population with contaminated food delivered to this area. Using all means, even prohibited means, the aggressor wanted to occupy the territories of these two UN protected zones in all possible ways.

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Percepcije genocida u Srebrenici – između istine i revizionizma i poricanja

Author(s): Zijad Šehić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Based on the reference literature, the author observes the perception of the Srebrenica genocide in the domestic and foreign public, concluding that the Srebrenica genocide is a “blood stain on the conscience of humanity”. The author paid special attention to the views of those who deny genocide and glorify war crimes and promote the ideology of hatred. In Serbia, RS and in the international community there are political actors at all levels of state and government as well as in the academia, journalism and all other institutions who are turned in sharing revisionistic narratives about genocide in Srebrenica. Despite the campaign of denial of genocide in Srebrenica which appears in different forms with an aim to revise history and to remove the indisputable facts those efforts mostly stayed without success. Evidences, expert reports, primary sources of varying provenance support the verdicts of the International tribunal for former Yugoslavia and International residual mechanism for criminal courts in Den Hague. Based on these evidences which were thoroughly verified ICTY, Mechanism and International Court of Justice in the Hague confirmed undoubtedly that genocide was committed in Srebrenica in July 1995. The 25th anniversary of genocide in Srebrenica is still performed in the shadow of political games and on the diplomatic stage of international community.

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Zaboraviti zlo – put ka pomirenju ili jedan od specifičnih načina negiranja genocida nad Bošnjacima

Author(s): Muamer Džananović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

It is not a novus in scientific and public discourse to insist on forgetting the “burdening” past. Just as Friedrich Nietzsche did not find anything valuable in the memory of evil, believing that turning back turns us against life, so also lately, at the time of the strongest wave of genocide denial against Bosniaks, there are tendencies in public discourse that victims should forget evil committed against them. The oblivion is presented as a precondition for the way forward, the way to a common and better future, the way to development of the state and society of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is forgotten that evil is “repetitive” as Hannah Arendt says regardless of the punishment. Once a specific crime occurs, its recurrence is much more likely than the possibility of its occurrence. The continuity of the centuries-long recurrence of crimes against Bosniaks, which is in fact a matter of the identity of the state and society of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also of Bosniaks as victims, is an adequate example and proof of this attitude. The continuity of the centuries-long recurrence of crimes against Bosniaks, which in fact represents a matter of the identity of the Bosnian state and society, but also of Bosniaks as victims, is an adequate example and proof of this attitude. Consequently, in this paper we will look at (un)conscious ways and methods of denying genocide against Bosniaks, identify new methods of denial, certain deviance dealing in the aftermath genocide, but also to give recommendations in which direction the study of genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina should go in order to adequately remember it, and finally stop the evil of genocide against Bosniaks that has lasted for several centuries.

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Strategija negiranje genocida: od Markala do Srebrenice

Author(s): Hikmet Karčić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Denial of genocide and mass crimes committed by Serb forces has been in progress since the 1992–95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. To gain sympathy from the western forces and have them intervene, after the first massacres in occupied Sarajevo, Serb propaganda machinery accused the government of RBiH of shelling and sniper fire over its citizens. Notorious massacres in the streets Vase Miskina, Markale I, and Markale II, as well as the square known as ‘Gate’ in Tuzla, were subjected to ridicule by the Serb media. News about the concentration camp in Krajina during the summer of 1992 and the news about mass rape were dismissed as propaganda. Genocide in Srebrenica has since been denied and was subjected to conspiracy theories. A quarter of a century after the genocide, despite numerous judicial processes and vast forensic evidence, the denial of genocide and other crimes grows ever stronger. Notable western writers have also denied the genocide and other crimes including Jessica Stern, Noam Chomsky, Diana Johnstone, and Peter Handke. During the last decade, genocide denial has become the official strategy of the Republic of Serbia and Republika Srpska. In this paper, I will focus on key actors and their arguments in genocide denial and mini- mization of genocide and other crimes committed. I will demonstrate the sophistication of genocide denial developed over the years.

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Genocid u Srebrenici – tri poruke Srebrenice

Author(s): Omer Ibrahimagić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Nedavno sam u Oslobođenju od 5. juna ove godine polemizirao s dvojicom Pentagonovih analitičara za vanjska vojna pitanja. Naime, ova su gospoda u New York Timesu objavila svoj prijedlog da Ujedinjene nacije, da ne bi rat trajao unedogled, nagrade srpskog agresora predajom Srebrenice, Žepe i Goražda srpskim secesionistima, a u zamjenu da se Sarajevo u cjelini vrati pod kontrolu bosanske vlade. Kao što je poznato, ovaj prijedlog ranije je lansirala agresorska strana, a analitičari Pentagona to su uvrstili u tobožnje rezultate svojih istraživanja situacije u Bosni. Stavljanjem ovih, agresorovih, prijedloga kao svojih u njihovim analizama svakako dobija sasvim druge dimenzije i snagu vjerodostojnosti, kao da su zaista izišli iz laboratorija Pentagonove pameti, koji se potom distribuiraju pod šifrom “strogo pov” najbližim Clintonovim saradnicima i njihovim prijateljima u Kontakt-grupi, a potom šire preko UN-a Ghaliju, Akashiju, Janvieru, Smithu i da ne redam dalje, radi pripreme terena da se u najpovoljnijem trenutku to i realizira. [...]

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