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As a social sciences discipline, international relations do not possess a universal and general theory allowing for sufficiently precise predictions, i.e. at least with non-random probability, on the origins of wars and an understanding of their causes.
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The paper delves into the possibility of constituting and preserving the alternative forms of communities, here exemplified by the Women’s Peace Coalition formed by Kosova Women’s Network and Women in Black network (Serbia). The principal question which paper puts forward is whether communities that surpass identitarian belonging can exist, and what is their relation to ‘communities’ defined by territoriality, nation (or nation-state), as well as to artificial and symbolic supra-national communities. The main aim of the paper is to examine the political potential of a community which seeks to ground itself within the logic of peace and refusal of the logic of possession (under the slogan: People, not territories). The community of feminist activists is defined as the community of the dispossessed, and the concept of dispossession is taken from Judith Butler’s and Athena Athanasiou’s work and contextualised. The introduction of this concept enables a different approach to a context of ambivalent, divided, inoperative state, where the wounds of war are still festering.
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The aim of this article is to analyze the two most volatile periods in Syria – both in thepolitical and social context – in the 21st century. The priority was placed on presentingthe problem in the perspective of the terrorist activities of the Islamic State. Therefore, thefirst period corresponds to the beginnings of the ISI (Islamic State of Iraq) in Syria after2011 (which was also the background to the bloody political events related to the civilwar), while the second part is an analysis of the political background in Syria during thepandemic COVID-19, when Islamic State was once again playing a key role as a significantthreat to the Bashar al-Assad government. Thus, it was necessary, above all, to indicate thechanges, goals and tactics of the jihadists in the years 2020–2022 in comparison with theirmost intense period of activity in Syria during the civil war (2011–2014).
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Vietnamese-Cambodian relations are characterized by many controversies and problems. Their causes should be seen in deeply entrenched stereotypes and prejudices. The domination of Vietnam over Cambodia at various stages of history has contributed to the rise of anti-Vietnamese resentment among the Cambodian community. The aim of the article is to point out how they impacted on internal situation in Cambodia, and indirectly, on the relations between the governments in Phnom Penh and Hanoi. This paper also takes into account the influence of the COVID-19 pandemic on bilateral relations, and shows how common threat has improved or worsened the Hanoi-Phnom Penh relationship.
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Review of: Ivan Cvitković „Konfesija u ratu“.
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This chapter looks into the key trends and patterns in globalization of terrorism and how they may affect Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), and the Western Balkans. The most obvious link to such developments over the last few years (2012-2016) was the foreign fighter phenomenon, namely departures of Bosnians to the civil war in Syria, and later Iraq. The returning war veterans, those who failed to join them and have instead stayed at home, as well as the ideology that they had all been radicalized and recruited on, must be considered as key elements in any terrorist threat assessment in BiH. While departures from BiH to Syria and Iraq have gradually ceased and eventually stopped in 2016, the underlying ideological narrative that had motivated dozens of foreign fighters is still very visible and viable in BiH. On the other hand, Bosnian society seems passive and reluctant to respond to challenges posed by this radical ideology. Dysfunctional state, and its failing society could therefore conduce terrorism, leaving law enforcement agencies and judiciary as its last line of defense.
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The changes that have marked the world in the past two years indicate the establishment of new geopolitical relations and a new paradigm. It is about strengthening the ideological and political practice based on the principles of nationalism and territory. This can have significant consequences on the security situation in the world and in Europe. It may particularly expose places such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is dominated by the politics of nationalism, generating ethnic hatred and division.
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Příspěvek se zabývá vyobrazením izraelsko-palestinského konfliktu v próze Ruthie a barevnost světa Tomáše Kolského. Cílem příspěvku je nejen analyzovat, jaké mechanismy autor při práci s tematikou izraelsko-palestinského konfliktu využívá a jakým způsobem zasahuje do pásma postav, ale také zjistit, jakou funkci konflikt v rámci děje plní.
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Adequate use of warning can contribute decisively to avoiding or reducing major consequences in case of crisis situations. This paper intends to emphasise the contribution that strategic warning can have in the proactive development of the decision-making process. The paper analyses the way in which the issue of warning was approached by a number of experts in the field. At the same time, it is noted that paying adequate attention to medium and long-term analysis methods could contribute to an effective transition towards a proactive approach to the warning, in order to avoid strategic surprise, adapt strategies and maintain competitiveness in the operational environment.
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In democratic countries, the relationships between the procedures in both foreign policy and economic exchange should resonate with each other. The opportunity to analyze this hypothesis is used in the case of the Czech Republic’s export to two countries. Although both of them find themselves in an armed conflict, the premise of the Czech Republic’s political approach towards each of them is extremely different. Ukraine is considered the state, which is supported by both the Czech Republic and the European Union, whereas the Al-Assad regime in Syria is often politically condemned and political sanctions are imposed on it. The analysis of the data carried out by The Czech Statistical Office on the statistical value of export confirms the following essential premise: the worsened political relationships have a strong impact on the reduction of exports. This trend is less visible in the case of Ukraine, which is politically supported. In the case of both countries, the factor expressing the development of the internal situation is visible. In the case of Syria, a certain minimum value of cooperative willingness has been identified which is not affected by political proclamations, but rather by an actual possibility to physically export.
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In the context of the annexation of Crimea, the need to counterbalance the political influence of the Russian Federation in the extreme central-eastern region, severely affected by the manipulation of the euroatlantic base by the Soviet reminiscences, Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine laid the foundations of a military brigade and the Lublin Triangle. The strategic importance of cooperation formats is gaining new value in the context of the current aggression by the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine. The Lublin Triangle is based on historical congruences, in the first part of the research being studied this dimension, namely the Polish-Lituanian relations and the way in which the regional binomial evolved in order to form the current cooperation platform. Subsequently, taking into account the presentation of the foundations that led to the development of the trilateral, the study will focus on analyzing the cooperation format "Lublin Triangle" from 2020 to the present, respectively the evolutionary perspectives of the partnership in the current geopolitical context. Also, in order to achieve a comprehensive approach, the emphasis will be on the trajectory of the common military formation and its role in consolidating the eastern flank. An important role in the research will be played by the quantitative and qualitative methodology, intertwined, for a better understanding of the subject under study.
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Having as a starting point the end of the Cold War and the proliferation of terrorism at an unprecedented scale, the threats aimed at national security have become ambiguous, and the potential enemies are either classical structures, units and large units from within military structures, or structures of terrorist or paramilitary organizations which have capabilities that cover a large range of doctrines, forms of organization, equipment, instruction and ideological motivations. For these reasons, the structures must be capable of executing operations during times of peace, crisis, and war and in post-conflict periods, in a collaborative context, multinational, in between departments, on national and international grounds, depending of the situation. The international structured terrorism and also the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are the most dangerous threats that could affect the security of the democratic nations of the world, and of human civilization on the whole. No country in the world could be considered safe taking into account these threats and no democratic state could ignore the responsibilities it has as a member of international community. The purpose of this paper is to emphasize the need for adaptability to the challenges posed by the security environment which is continuously changing, and to create operational structures which ought to be trained and equipped so as to face this mode of action called terrorism, and to benefit from the necessary legislative framework, adapted to given conditions.
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Küresel bir sorun olan mültecilik olgusunun, ulus devletlerin yarattığı yurttaşlığa dayanan haklar rejimine endekslenmesi veya ontolojik olarak önce yurttaş hakları sonra insan hakları yaklaşımının derin sorunlar ortaya çıkardığı ifade edilmiştir. Bu yaklaşımın küresel bir rejim olarak hala varlığını devam ettirmesinden kaynaklanan mültecilik sorunu ülkeden ülkeye değişse de temel olarak aynı cendereye sıkışmış durumdadır. Bu boyutlar ekonomik, hukuki ve güvenlik eksenlerinden oluşmaktadır. İkinci dünya savaşında bu yana mülteci sayısı her gün artmaktadır. Bu çerçeve esas alınarak ulus devlete tabi olmaktan kaynaklanan yurttaşlık hakları ile insan olmaktan kaynaklanan insan hakları gibi iki eksenin ortaya çıkardığı paradoks eleştirel bir çerçevede tartışılmıştır.
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The study evaluated the “operational part” of the intelligence report titled The Situation in Turkey 15 March 1920 prepared by the Great Britain War Office. The operations section of the intelligence report included observations on Anatolian geography and Turkish military capabilities in order to eliminate the uncertainties of a possible operation. The report, which also analyses the developments and predictions regarding Turkey and its nearby geography during the National Struggle, provides multifaceted information in terms of understanding Great Britain’s approach to the National Struggle. In the intelligence report, Great Britain analyzed the military aspects of the process leading up to Sevres and stated that the military occupation of Anatolia would not be possible based on various factors.
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The Soviets and the Germans, who came to a common decision on the partition of Poland, signed a 10-year non-aggression agreement in August 1939, but this period of peace ended with the sudden attack of the Germans on the Soviets on June 22, 1941. With these sudden attacks, which Russia did not expect, the Nazis made great progress and captured millions of Soviet soldiers, including soldiers of Turkestan origin, towards the end of the year. While the living conditions in the German camps cost the lives of many prisoners, the survivors brought an additional responsibility and cost to the Germans over time. Under the leadership of the German Ministry of the East, various committee studies were carried out with the notables of Turkestan, who sought a solution, and it was decided to form legions of captives that seemed to be beneficial to both sides. The legions formed from Turkestan soldiers later suffered great loss of life in the battles they fought with the Red Army on the Eastern Front and with the allies on other fronts. One of these legions, created under the control of the Germans, was the 'Idil (Volga)-Ural' Legion, mostly Tatar-Bashkir Turks, who had sworn to liberate their occupied lands since the middle of the 16th century. In this context, the formation processes of the Idil-Ural Legion and its political-military activities during the war will be discussed.
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This article deals with terrorism and terrorist violence. Terrorism has been a phenomenon that has been continuing its existence for centuries, although it has undergone qualitative changes in each period. Although terrorism changes qualitatively in every period, the only thing that does not change in terrorism is violence. Because violence is the basic building block of terrorism. Terrorist organizations try to get people or groups to do what they want by intimidating, threatening and intimidating them with the elements of violence they use. Terrorism is also an excellent tool to achieve the targeted end of violence. Terrorism is also an excellent tool to achieve the targeted end of violence. In a way, it can be said that the existence of terrorism depends on violence. If there is violence, there is terrorism, if there is no violence, there is no talk of terrorism. This study has the nature of a conceptual study. In the study, the concepts of terrorism and violence are handled conceptually and the relations of these two concepts with each other are examined in all details.
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