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Социално-племенна структура на Идил и популярност

Социално-племенна структура на Идил и популярност

Author(s): Vladimir Chukov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2017

It is essential socio-tribal dissection of a terrorist organization, as is isylic and whose existing combat composition climax does not exceed the most optimistic estimates 100,000 people. Furthermore, according to the CIA in the summer of 2015 fighting parts of the isylic account for between 20 000 and 31 000 people. It controls territory in which lives a population greater than that of Bulgaria. Not only about the repressive instruments through which they keep in subjection those approximately seven to eight million people.

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The Construction of European identity in the Paradigm of Anthropocentrism and its Constitutionalization

The Construction of European identity in the Paradigm of Anthropocentrism and its Constitutionalization

Author(s): Volodymyr Denysov,Liudmyla Falalieieva / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The research highlights the importance of European identity forming in the paradigm of anthropocentrism, reveals the nature, factors, mechanisms, peculiarities and problems related to this process. It is emphasized that the search for the most appropriate conceptual model for the construction of European identity is one of the important conditions for deepening the solidarity and unity of the peoples of Europe, the effective functioning of the European Union, the activation of European integration, the enhancement of synergies between supranational and intergovernmental components of integration processes. The practice of Ukraine on the constitutionalization of European identity and European integration, ie revision of the Constitution of Ukraine confirming the European identity of the Ukrainian people and the irreversibility of the European course of Ukraine, are investigated. The modern practice and doctrinal views on the issues discussed were analyzed. Prospects for the constitutionalization of European identity at the level of supranational integration are presented.

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Demokraatliku sõna poole! Peeter Sauteri "Indigo" kui sümptom

Author(s): Neeme Lopp / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 6/2022

Peeter Sauter’s novel “Indigo” was at the time of its publication in 1990 intuitively perceived (the core example is given here by the literary critic Maimu Berg) as a profound analysis of an individual, of a certain era or some phenomenon. This art­icle opens up on these intuitions, taking special interest in the third part – Sauter’s writing as a symptom of a certain phenomenon in literary discourse that was not yet clearly distinguishable at the time. That phenomenon was the rapid change in literature’s public position in the 1990s, which is here described in terms of the proliferation of a democratic concept of literature. During this process a new, individual literary norm emerged according to which literature is the space of (maybe even radical) freedom: a new kind of “institution” which allows one to say anything, in any way, and which in Sauter’s case manifests itself most prominently in the disputes over obscene language. In this process of “democratization” of the literary field – where in the instance of evaluating the texts there occurs a shift from institution to reader – it is interesting to observe how attacks on aesthetic innovations become at times interpreted as attacks on newly gained political freedoms and vice versa, so that the notion of aesthetic democracy becomes indistinguishable from the notion of democracy in its juridico-political meaning. However, our ability to properly navigate between these different senses of democracy makes it possible to determine what is really at stake in these literary discussions – which are nothing less than a public struggle for meaning – during these abrupt changes.

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Turkey and Saudi Arabia Relations in the Twenty-First Century: Power, State Identity and Religion

Turkey and Saudi Arabia Relations in the Twenty-First Century: Power, State Identity and Religion

Author(s): Ahmet Erdi Öztürk / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

During the first two decades of the Twenty-First century, we have begun — and will continue to — experience a new dimension in the political roles of power, state identity and religion in different ways. One can read this situation as the concentration of these notions at the core of global politics implemented by political leaders who have been transforming their countries appearances and perceptions worldwide. Furthermore, we will also be experiencing an increase in the intersectionality between domestic and foreign policy that are covered by power, state identity and religion. Within this framework, Muslim majority countries in the Middle East, which are underdeveloped in terms of liberal democracy, have been engaging in a global struggle over state identity and power that stretches from different part of the world, and this has been affecting both the regional dynamics and beyond via global Muslim diasporas. Among many different examples two of these countries have become quite visible: Turkey, under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Saudi Arabia with its crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman. The two countries have long been in a problematic relation and this has been intensified after Saudi agents murdered journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the kingdom's Istanbul consulate in 2018. But, how did their relations come to this point and how do power, state identity and religion play different roles? To answer this question, this article argues that not directly religion, but also international power struggles and differences between state identities could play different roles into the relations between states, but the positions of the states could not be stable and can be changeable according to their interests.

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The semantics of "multiculturalism" as a principle of public policy in the 1990s

The semantics of "multiculturalism" as a principle of public policy in the 1990s

Author(s): Radu Andreica / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

The evolution of Romania after the fall of the Ceaușescu regime is directly related to the political and social balance achieved mainly by initiating a regional partnership with the neighbours, which will help to complete the necessary steps for inclusion in the European Union and NATO. At a new beginning, Romania needed a new speech toward the minority, a speech whose central pillar was multiculturalism. This presentation presents how multiculturalism became a public policy principle in the 1990s. To this end, the amendments made to education in the languages of national minorities, as well as the legislation on the use of the mother tongue concerning the local public administration, will be presented. The method of analysis that this presentation uses is the qualitative one. This text analysis highlights the semantic and legal evolution of multiculturalism in the legislation regarding the organization of the Hungarian educational system in Romania.

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„Political Re-education Camps” in Xinjiang as a part of panopticon-like Society: Clashing Discourses of Western and Chinese Media

„Political Re-education Camps” in Xinjiang as a part of panopticon-like Society: Clashing Discourses of Western and Chinese Media

Author(s): Ayşe Çiçek / Language(s): English Issue: 16/2022

Today, we see crimes against humanity in the 21st century in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region within the borders of China. Human rights violations experienced by Uyghurs living in the aforementioned geography for centuries are not a new development, but they remain up-to-date. The state’s approach to the Uyghur people has evolved into a new dimension with the camps, which are described as vocational training centers by the state and also known as political re-education camps and internment camps in the literature. These camps, which are part of the state’s security policies, have inevitably been the subject of many research, especially in the context of human rights violations. This article explores how political re-education camps, unlike others, are represented in some Western media sources and in the Chinese media, using the method of critical discourse analysis. The analysis revealed that the camps have been a part of a panopticon-like society and places where the lives of Uyghurs are surveilled from every angle, and both violation of rights and political indoctrination have been experienced. However, these places have been portrayed by the Chinese media as places where minorities have been rendered safe, enabling stability, security and development.

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Ochrona praw mniejszości narodowych
w państwach powstałych
w zachodniej części byłego
Związku Radzieckiego

Ochrona praw mniejszości narodowych w państwach powstałych w zachodniej części byłego Związku Radzieckiego

Author(s): Grzegorz Bonusiak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2022

The aim of the study is to present and compare the level of protection of the rights of national minorities in the states created by the break-upof the Soviet Union, along its former western border. The research covered:Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova. In pursuit of the stated aim, the processes occurring in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union,which resulted in migrations and significant ethnic mixing of the population,are presented. In the next step, the population of ethnic minorities in thecountries covered by the study is presented. It is indicated who each of thecountries in question recognises as belonging to minority groups, as well aswho Russia, as heir to the former empire, recognises as minorities living inthe territories in question. In the final step, the principles of protection of therights of national minorities in the respective states were analysed. Particularattention was paid to the issue of the freedom to use and teach the languageof minority groups. The research showed that the three Baltic States, after regaining their independence, started to rebuild their national identity at theexpense of minority rights. However, by doing so, they are now graduallyimproving their status. The other three states have followed a different pathby specifically trying to protect the largest Russian-speaking language group.Growing pressure from Russia seeking to rebuild its imperial position hasexposed the flaws in such an arrangement, and Russian-speaking minoritieshave become a tool of its efforts. As a result, Belarus is on the road to losing itsown distinctiveness and reintegrating, Moldova is trying to balance althoughgradually strengthening its national identity, while Ukraine has abruptlychanged its policy since 2014 and is now diligently building its own identity atthe expense, however, of minority rights.

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Trideset godina bosanskohercegovačke borbe za pravo na vlastitu budućnost

Trideset godina bosanskohercegovačke borbe za pravo na vlastitu budućnost

Author(s): Slavo Kukić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 01+02/2022

Behind Bosnia and Herzegovina is 30 years of life as a sovereign and internationally recognized state. The thesis that that entire time was filled with some kind of civilizational abyss would be far from the truth. On the contrary. During that time, Bosnia and Herzegovina became a member of the United Nations, a significant part of what was destroyed during the war was rebuilt, new economic and other capacities were built, its young people, athletes, students and scientists achieved admirable results and thus became the most powerful ambassadors of their country on all world meridians. Unfortunately, for all 30 years, Bosnia and Herzegovina was and still is in serious historical trials, in struggles with the civilizational scyllas and charybdis, in stumblings for which those who have the mandate to make it a European society and state, as well as those outside it who would preferre to destroy it and increase their own trough the parts of the states territory. Bosnia and Herzegovina’s angusih due to its decision to move into the European future as a sovereign state is most vividly witnessed by the imposed war that cost it over a hundred thousand human lives, several hundreds of thousands of devastated or completely destroyed families, economic and public facilities, as well as a total demographic devastation. According to some estimates, over 50% of the total population was either evaded or fled to save their lives. Most of them ended up outside the borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and relatively most of them have not returned to their pre-war homes even to this day. This is supported by the fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina is at the top of the world list of countries in terms of the size of the diaspora in relation to the number of inhabitants. The end of the war also meant relief for the common man and the hope that we could once again live as we used to live - neighbor with neighbor, helping each other, experiencing good and bad together, celebrating religious holidays and national holidays together. And it must be admitted that for the first ten years there was an inkling that this could happen. However, such a foreboding is not the merit of domestic authorities/polititians, but the practice of world power centers personified through the OHR and high representatives. At the moment when those centers of power shift their attention from Bosnia and Herzegovina to other global hotspots, the door is open to ethno-nationalists to once again take out their hatchets and return unrealized war goals to politics. This is the policy that has marked the last fifteen years and that is increasingly pushing Bosnia and Herzegovina into new civilizational and historical trials. Unfortunately, incentives for such trends, and that in an increasingly open form, come from outside Bosnia and Herzegovina, from those who turned it into a burning ground and human slaughterhouse 30 years ago, but also from the actors of world geopolitical games who see Bosnia and Herzegovina as an area of their geopolitical interest. It is fortunate, however, that due to the combination of circumstances, what is happening in Ukraine in particular, Washington and Brussels have been warned that they will have to return their involvement in BiH to the level of the immediate post-war years. And the signals from those addresses, especially in the last half year, suggest that such a turn could happen - that, in fact, it is already happening today. The largest part of the titled work is dedicated to these conversions in the last fifteen years, and in today’s time in particular.

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Communicative Dimensions of Centre-Periphery Relationships: Communicating the Post-1989 Traumatic Conjuncture in the Balkans and the Future of Europe

Communicative Dimensions of Centre-Periphery Relationships: Communicating the Post-1989 Traumatic Conjuncture in the Balkans and the Future of Europe

Author(s): Zlatan Krajina / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2022

This paper surveys the post-1989 Europe/Balkan conjuncture from the perspective of communication studies. I employ David Morley’s materialist definition of communication, encompassing exchange/movement of information/ ideas, goods, and people. Observing the exchange of ideas, we find EU’s Euroscepticism contrasting the Balkans’ Europhilia. Considering the movement of people, the brain-drain from the Balkans is paralleled by incoming migrations and a questioning of whether leaving the region is necessarily advantageous. The movement of goods, finally, elucidates the ascendancy of Chinese investment in the region, confronting Europe with being seen as a periphery of Asia. The materialist communication approach thus reveals unanticipated dynamism (a working-through of inherited inequality), rather than one-way perpetuation of old centre-periphery prejudice. Though historically modelled as Europe’s traumatized inner Other where nationalism was imposed, the Balkans still have much to narrate about impurity of identities and uncertainty as Europe’s new/old possible cultural heritage.

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Intensification of Macedonian Ideology at The EU’s Door

Intensification of Macedonian Ideology at The EU’s Door

Author(s): Trendafil Atanasov Mitev / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

The paper reflects on the rising wave of Neo-Macedonianism in the Republic of North Macedonia (RNM). The author stipulates that this ideology is alive, resilient, and expressed in its most extreme forms. The paper suggests that the political institutions of the EU must be aware of the historical inaccuracies, misleading information, and perpetual violations of the Treaty of friendship, good-neighbourly relations, and cooperation. The author examines the anti-Bulgarian propaganda and all the political, historical, and social complication that such behavior can impose on Bulgarian-Macedonian relations. There is no doubt that the described political phenomena must be taken into consideration, having in mind the possible acceptance of RNM into the European Union.

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Kronika

Kronika

Author(s): Justinas Dementavičius / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 4 (108)/2022

Konferencija „Asmuo, moralė ir politika: filosofinių alternatyvų paieškos“, 2022 m. vasario 28 d.–kovo 1 d. (VU TSPMI). Viktorijos Rimaitės-Beržiūnienės disertacijos „Paminklai Lietuvoje: valstybės tapatybės konstravimas“ gynimas, 2022 m. balandžio 1 d. (VU TSPMI). Diskusija „Globalūs iššūkiai ir mūsų vaidmuo“, 2022 m. balandžio 29 d. (VU TSPMI). Sergejaus Medvedevo paskaita „Russian Politics of Memory in context of the war in Ukraine“, 2022 m. gegužės 5 d. (VU TSPMI, nuotoliniu būdu). Diskusija „Partnerystės įstatymas: kokią vertybinę kryptį pasirinksime?“. 2022 m. gegužės 17 d. (VU TSPMI, hibridiniu būdu). Diskusija „Rinkimų komitetų sėkmė savivaldybių tarybų rinkimuose“, 2022 m. rugsėjo 6 d. (VU TSPMI, nuotoliniu / hibridiniu būdu). p Liucijos Vervečkienės disertacijos „Visi buvo patriotai vis tiek, norėjo tos nepriklausomybės“: kartos po „lūžio“ atminties darbas ir buvusio režimo samprata“ gynimas, 2022 m. gruodžio 21 d. (VU TSPMI).

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MACARİSTAN’DA POPÜLİST SÖYLEM: TÜRK GÖÇMENLERİN DENEYİMLERİ

MACARİSTAN’DA POPÜLİST SÖYLEM: TÜRK GÖÇMENLERİN DENEYİMLERİ

Author(s): Hande KARS,Didem Çakmakli / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2023

In an era of increasing populism across Europe, antiimmigrant and exclusionary rhetoric and policies have become widespread. This research studies Turkish migrants in Hungary to assess the extent to which Hungary’s populist turn has affected their experiences as immigrants. Turkish immigrants have been studied extensively across Europe, yet Hungary’s small but increasing Turkish population has been little observed. As a member of the EU, Hungary is caught between liberal European values and illiberal, populist politics. Exclusionary rhetoric, particularly targeting Muslims, is expected to reflect on how Turks evaluate their everyday experiences as migrants. The research is based on 20 semi-structured, in-depth interviews with Turks in Hungary. Findings point to positive rather than negative experiences. One reason presented by the interviewees themselves is the particular profile of Turks in Hungary and their relatively smaller presence, making them less of a target. Second, they claim that social and cultural commonalities between Hungarians and Turks support generally positive attitudes towards Turks. Third, close political relations between Turkey and Hungary lead to agreeable relations between Turks and Hungarians. Turks in Hungary emerge as a distinct immigrant group whose members claim they are not negatively affected or disadvantaged by Orbán’s illiberal populist rhetoric.

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CLIENTELISM AND ETHNICITY AS CONSTRAINTS TO PARTY ORGANIZATION CHANGE: THE AKP IN TURKEY AND CHANGE IN DISTRICT PRESIDENCIES

CLIENTELISM AND ETHNICITY AS CONSTRAINTS TO PARTY ORGANIZATION CHANGE: THE AKP IN TURKEY AND CHANGE IN DISTRICT PRESIDENCIES

Author(s): Gül Arıkan Akdağ,Halide YAZGAN / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

Based on the existing literature, the study tests the relevance of electoral and intra-party alliance concerns on party organization change for the AKP in its 2017 District Congress. We believe that both the electoral and intra-party alliance concerns the party faced in 2017, make it a suitable case to test the basic hypothesis of the study. The dataset used in the analysis consists of secondary data on 971 districts present in Turkey. District presidency change is employed as the key independent variable to estimate organization change. The result of the logistic regression indicates that the effect of increasing percentage of swing voters and members of the former alliance, despite being valid, have moderate positive effects on the AKP’s decision to change its organization. The insignificancy of the electoral safety of the party in the district reveals that in 2017 the AKP changed its organization regardless of the nature of the electoral competition it faces. Interestingly, results indicate that socioeconomic development and ethnic presence in districts are also significant factors that constrain organization change in the AKP. Based on these results we suggest that change in party organization becomes a more difficult issue in parties with strong clientelistic networks where political parties built electoral support through the conditional distribution of resources to voters. Similarly, ethnicity also acts as a constraint due to the peculiarity of the relations political parties develop with these groups. As such clientelism and ethnicity seem to have constraining effects on the abilities of parties to change their organizations. The results highlight the necessity of further research to generalize the validity of the effectiveness of clientelism and ethnic groups on political parties’ organization change on different settings.

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învățământul politic în Basarabia 1944-1953, I
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învățământul politic în Basarabia 1944-1953, I

Author(s): Victor Beșliu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/1998

With the restoration of the Soviet-Communist regime in 1944, one of the main propaganda points was the anti-Romanian campaign. Its purpose was to isolate the Romanians in Bessarabia and destroy the idea of national identity.

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Politică și literatură Dezbateri la Uniunea Scriitorilor 1975
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Politică și literatură Dezbateri la Uniunea Scriitorilor 1975

Author(s): Gabriela Dumitrescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 4/1995

The stenogram of the Plenary Session of the Writers’ Union in April 1975 is presented. To the citizens of Romania, the year of 1975 meant the signing of pledges to the Communist Party. The writers were also required to sign them at the indications received from Nicolae Ceaușescu, the general secretary of the Romanian communist party. The stenogram is in the custody of the Library of the Romanian Academy.

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The Formation of the Memories of Economic Development in North and South Korea

The Formation of the Memories of Economic Development in North and South Korea

Author(s): Natalia Aleksandrovna Matveeva / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

This article focuses on the state-sanctioned and state-led formation of memories related to economic development in the service of post-colonial nation-building. Looking at North and South Korea in the 1940s through the 1960s as a case study, it examines the different strategies utilized by the “pedagogical states” on opposite sides of the Cold War divide to create in the national consciousness a lasting historical myth, in this case – the myth that both countries’ economic development was truly national and had no relation to their former metropole Japan. Based on primary sources, including public speeches by North and South Korean leaders and archival documents, this article explores the importance of public historical education to the formation of memories related to economic development, ways of achieving that, and the role played by nationalism in each country as the memories were formed. Finally, it assesses the role of public historical education in nation-building, its longterm efficacy, and its influence on the present day.

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Ralph Schattkowsky: Osteuropaforschung in Polen. 1918–1939

Ralph Schattkowsky: Osteuropaforschung in Polen. 1918–1939

Author(s): Johanna Bichlmaier / Language(s): German Issue: 1/2023

Review of: Ralph Schattkowsky: Osteuropaforschung in Polen. 1918–1939. Harrassowitz Verlag. Wiesbaden 2019. X, 342 S. ISBN 978-3-447-11337-3. (€ 58,–.)

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Проблематизиране на идентичността – балкански и европейски измерения

Проблематизиране на идентичността – балкански и европейски измерения

Author(s): Veselin Bosakov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 1/2019

This article is focused on several sets of themes, in which greater analytic clarity is sought. The first set of themes is related to the meanings of identity in different contexts. The second concerns the relationship between nationalism and national identity. The author has applied a nuanced approach to nationalism, emphasizing the characteristics that distinguish it as a political principle, or as an ideological framework, or as a tool of populist manipulation. Treating the nation as a biological fact leads to ethno-national identity, a pathological form of national identity that may lead to assimilation, emigration, disadvantaged status of minorities or physical elimination.

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The Civilizational Choice of Ukraine: Questioning the Conceptual Roadmap

The Civilizational Choice of Ukraine: Questioning the Conceptual Roadmap

Author(s): Oleg Rafalskyi / Language(s): English Issue: 30/2023

Modern Ukraine is a post-colonial, post-totalitarian state in which decolonization, decommunization, and de-russification have not yet been fully implemented. This article sets itself the goal of reviewing the agenda of the processes of civilizational transit of Ukraine and developing theoretically grounded vectors of the said process. The important fact that the current stage of development of the “worldview gravity” of Ukrainian society is characterized by an eclectic system of stereotypes is also of significant importance: here coexist both old stereotypes of consciousness and behavior, which have largely ceased to fulfill their functions, and new ones that are unstable and ambiguous. The series of ideas regarding the Ukrainian civilizational choice was already discovered in a monograph, “Civilizational crossroads of modern society,” and presented for Ukrainian readers a few years ago. The current article offers a revision of the previously presented ideas for the international audience of the journal readers, taking into account the current Ukrainian sociocultural situation, at the center of which are the challenges produced by the military aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. The policy of new realism can become an effective tool for social modernization. The given word combination is not accidental: the realism of this type of politics insists on the need for the adequate perception of reality in all its essential aspects, and the novelty emphasizes the need to operate not with the laws and features of the socio-political status quo “in general,” but taking into account the latest dynamics, trends, threats, and problematic challenges. The people and the country need not only (and sometimes not so much) a thorough understanding of their cultural-civilizational, geopolitical, and economic-economic prospects but an indomitable character that guarantees the realization of their potential in spite of anything and against anything. On the difficult path of establishing a civilizational choice, Ukrainians will need not only the awareness of the incomplete state of political modernization, the limited, post-totalitarian (post-colonial, etc.) status, but also to work at the individual level to accelerate evolutionary processes. These processes can catalyze political decisions, not at the declarative level but at the practical level, to fill the steps for the approval of the civilizational choice with content. Step-by-step changes in favor of a new worldview horizon will require significant changes at the personal level through the rejection of destructive post-colonial (post-totalitarian, etc.) narratives in social practice in favor of the development of Ukrainian national identity, which will be preceded by the rational assimilation of the perspectives of civilizational choice, which is a fruitful combination of the European civilizational project and heritage of Ukrainian culture.

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Byzantium, the Rus, and Medieval Typologies of the Other

Byzantium, the Rus, and Medieval Typologies of the Other

Author(s): Sverrir Jakobsson / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

The aim of this article is to analyse the discourse about the people known as 𝑅𝑢𝑠 and 𝑉𝑎𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑔𝑖𝑎𝑛𝑠 which was prevalent among the erudite minority of the medieval Roman Empire. The earliest image of the Rus in Eastern Roman sources, found in the sermons of Patriarch Photios from 860, is one of inhumanity in the most basic sense of the word: the Rus are likened to a hailstorm and a roaring sea, they are wild boars and merciless barbarians. In a later letter, however, Photios adopts a different view: the Rus are no longer inhuman insofar as they are on their way to becoming members of the community of Christian nations. The images of the Rus in works from the time of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (r. 945–959) are very different from their representations in the writings of Photios as the Rus had become subjects of diplomatic efforts by the imperial court. The Rus are still very different from the Romans, but they are identified as people with their own government, their own hierarchy, and their own interests. The texts 𝐷𝑒 𝑐𝑒𝑟𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑛𝑖𝑖𝑠 and 𝐷𝑒 𝐴𝑑𝑚𝑖𝑛𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑑𝑜 𝐼𝑚𝑝𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑜 offer both peaceful and aggressive models of co-existence, each characterized with a different gender aspect. In the eleventh century, a group of Scandinavians known as Varangians became separated from the Rus. Although not mentioned in works earlier than from the 1070s, they are referred to in connection with events happening as early as in the 1030s. Unlike the Rus, the identity of the Varangians was tied to their service to the Romans, as members of the Roman army, or even an independent group of soldiers. Loyalty was regarded as an important characteristic of the Varangians. The picture of the Varangians as supremely loyal subjects, yet with a clearly demarcated identity of their own, is the one that entered posterity as the archetype of the Varangian.

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