"Demokracija je počela" - demokratski izbori u Općini Bjelovar 1990.

Author(s): Željko Karaula / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 2/2008

The downfall of the communist system in Europe in 1989, during a peoples’ awakening of a kind, was very soon reflected upon the events occurring in Socialist Yugoslavia, where the Yugoslav Communist Union had, until that time, exercised absolute power. Under the pressure of the communist system having fallen down in Eastern Europe, the true power takeover happened in 1990, when – after the introduction of a multi-party system – the Communist Union disappeared from the Croatian political scene. Referring to and based upon articles from local newspapers, publications issued by political parties and other written sources, the author notes how hard the way to democracy had been and indicates to the emergence of political parties in the area of the then Bjelovar Municipality. The paper presents the election results in the Bjelovar area in detail.

"Itt kutatási szabadság van"

Beszélgetés a 60 éves Öllös Lászlóval

Author(s): Eleonóra Sándor,László Öllös / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 3/2017

László Öllös, political philosopher, associate professor, president of the Forum Minority Research Institute speaks about his professional trajectories, the communist regime, events of the 1968 revolution in Czechoslovakia, opposition activities, the Velvet Revolution in 1989, political transition in the CEE countries. He also details his public activities, theoretical and research work focusing on human rights, national rights, ethnic minority rights, constitutional issues, national identity, civil society. Among his special spheres of interest belong issues such as Slovak–Hungarian reconciliation, national division, European identity, political community, constitutional value system.

"Jugoslovanstvo" in mednacionalni odnosi v Jugoslaviji v petdesetih letih 20. stoletja

Author(s): Mateja Režek / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 2/2005

In her paper, the author deals with the interethnic relations in Yugoslavia and the phenomenon of Yugoslav integralism in the 1950's. This decade saw the resurfacing of the national question, essential for the preservation of Yugoslavia, which had been underestimated and ignored by the communists for over a decade. This attitude was partly rooted in their conviction that the question bad been definitely resolved with the revolution and the formation of a federal slate, and partly in the fear that a reopening of I be national question might provoke internal conflicts and a disintegration of Yugoslavia. Infatuation with workers' internationalism also played its part. In order to smooth over the interethnic differences they recoursed to the magic formula of "brotherhood and unity" to which was added, in the mid 1950's, the promotion of "Yugoslavism" i.e. an attempt to fashion a (super)ethnic, Yugoslav conscience.

"MUSLIM by NATIONALITY" and the upcoming Neo-Ottomanism

Author(s): Ilie Iulian Mitran / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2017

The upcoming years are vital for the stability of the Balkans. The degree in which stability, or the lack thereof, will be present will highly depend on how well aligned are the political elites and intellectuals with the radical ideologies that are surfacing. A very firm act of disownment of radicalism that would come from the elites would raise some red flags among the mainstream society in regard to the danger that such ideologies pose. Even so, we must take into account, that in the case of states of the Balkans, information has more difficulties in reaching people in short time. This is mainly due to the rugged ter-rain, lack of efficient technology and poor infrastructure. The radicalization of Islam can be only perpet-uated through exploiting the weakest points of the local societies, mostly having to do with poverty and the lack opportunities for communal development. Using personal, material, gains as a means of twisting the minds of otherwise peaceful people and drawing them into fundamentalism is a technique that proved to be often efficient in the case of communities that are struggling with poverty. As time will progress, we will see the confrontation between the two Islamic traditions, now present in region, to be more visible, the future stability of the region will also be determined by which will gain the most ground.

"Naš odnos do Italijanov naj bo miren in dostojen, toda nič več". Nekateri vidiki razpetosti med nacionalnim in internacionalnim med slovenskimi komunisti na Primorskem

Author(s): Bojan Godeša / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2000

The paper deals with the activities of the Slovene communists in Primorska during the Second World War, where the Communist Party of Slovenia often faced the dilemma of how to reconcile the national interests of its struggle with international ones. The most burning issues for the Slovene communists concerned their relations with the Italian population, the status of Trieste and their cooperation with the Communist Party of Italy in Primorska.

"Panslavizem, panslavizem, bi se kričalo od vseh strani!" K zgodovini slovanstva, slovenstva in nemškega strahu pred panslavizmom 1788-1861

Author(s): Marko Zajc / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2009

The idea of Slavism is inseparably linked with the development of the Slovenian national thought. The use of wider, Slavic notion to surpass provincial and regional borders was present since the very beginning of the Slovenian nationalism which was closely connected with the neighbouring German element. Herders's views on language as the essence of the nation and his praise of Slavs play an important role. At the end of Napoleon's Wars a general fear of Russia overcame Europe. Three different aspects of attitude towards Russia existed in the German-Austrian public: Russia as a reactionary state (internal policy aspect), Russia as a Slavic force (national aspect) and Russia as an expansive force (foreign policy aspect). The Slovenian national movement also operated in this context and had to struggle against being accused of Panslavism and Pro-Russianism from the beginning of its political action.

"Slovenski" prostor na Ogrskem po obnovi ustavnega življenja. Značilnosti (ne)demokratizacije in (ne)pluralizacije na levi strani Mure (1861-1918)

Author(s): Filip Čuček / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2009

In the following contribution the author analyses the "Slovenian part" of Hungary after the restoration of the constitutional life in the Habsburg Monarchy in the light of democracy and democratisation of society, when nationalism kept increasingly asserting itself in the political life. The author demonstrates that nationalism was far slower to affirm itself among the "Slovenians" on the left bank of the river Mura as among those on the right bank. The link between both banks has existed since the 1860s and was "established" by the Slovenian intellectuals from Carniola and Styria, who were actually only getting to know the people on the other side of Mura. In the time of democratisation, the developments were different in Hungary as in the Austrian part of the Monarchy. If before the turn of the century the Cisleithanian Slovanians acquired certain rights and "transformed" their initial unification policy into a modern plural political party life (in Carniola in the beginning of the 1890s and in Styria after the turn of the century), the "Slovenians" in Hungary have not organised themselves politically until the very dissolution of the double monarchy. Instead they were largely left to the Hungarian national "wave". Only after World War I can we really start talking about the linguistic and cultural unity of the Slovenians from the Prekmurje region with the other Slovenians.

"Želimo biti enakopravni in enakovredni državljani". Gregorčev predlog jezikovnega zakona za zaščito nacionalnih manjšin iz leta 1899

Author(s): Janez Cvirn / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2009

Since the beginning of his career as a Member of Parliament, Lavoslav Gregorec from Styria argued for the idea of "national autonomy" in the National Assembly many times, which was to be achieved by adopting an act implementing Article XIX of the Basic Act of 21 December 1867. He argued for the idea of national autonomy in more detail in his speech in the National Assembly on 3 May 1887 and then also on 17 April 1890. He restated his arguments in the time of the extensive "language discussion" in March and April 1898, encouraged by Thun's government. His ideas became more substantial when he prepared a draft "Language Act for the Protection of National Minorities", which he submitted to the National Assembly on 16 December 1899. His proposal was one of the most interesting attempts at solving the linguistic and national issues in the time of mounting national conflicts in Austria.

"Здесь русский дух… здесь Русью пахнет!": Борьбас "русским духом" в Таллине в начале 1920-х гг

Author(s): Aurika Meimre,Antonia Nael / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1/2014

This article is aimed at reconstructing the course of events that resulted in the relocation of a monument of Peter the Great in the capital of Estonia. The bronze standing figure of Peter by Léopold Bernstamm (unveiled in September 1910 to commemorate the bicentennial of the siege of Reval) was removed in April 1922. The reasons for its demolition were mainly ideological: for Estonians Peter the Great symbolized years of suffering under Russian rule. The controversy around Peter the Great attracted Georg Tõnisson (Gori), a graphic artist, who portrayed the czar in a series of caricatures published by Waba Maa and Meie Mats.

"Сви смо ми људи једнаки, а што је неко мало црњи, а неко мало бељи, не мења ствар"

Сексуална педагогија у Србији на крају 19. и почетку 20. века

Author(s): Ana Kolarić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2012

This essay explores (various cultural and pedagogical discourses of sexuality and sexual conduct. Those discourses were important for the processes of formation of the national state and its “proper” citizens. The analysis tried to prove that many concepts, ideas and knowledge(s) “travelled” from the Western countries to Serbia, where they were appropriated without any changes. To do this, the author has analysed how category of “race” was utilized in the Serbian “conduct books” and women’s magazines. In conclusion, the author pointed out the significance of historical examination of identities, which should help us form more reflexive and critical attitudes towards cultural heritage and traditions.

(RE)SHAPING POLITICAL CULTURE AND PARTICIPATION THROUGH SOCIAL NETWORKS

Author(s): Marija Andreeva / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2019

The influence of social networks is growing intensely. They do not only influence only certain aspects of our lives, but they also influence political participation and political culture. In recent years, this influence has been very notable. We have seen a change of policies as a result of pressure, a lot of significant political movements started via social networks. This paper concentrates on the influence of social networks on political participation and political culture. The paper tries to foresee the future implications and the intertwining of social networks and political culture and political participation. It also gives conclusions for the past, present and future implications and it gives a comparison between political participation before and after the rise of social networks. It also analyses the positive and negative implications that social network could have on political participation.

(Stief-)Mütterchen Russland - Projektionen und Mental Maps von Russland in Serbien

Author(s): Nenad Stefanov / Language(s): German / Issue: 02/2019

The article discusses the so-called “traditional Russian-Serbian friendship”. This relationship between the two states is assessed as an “invention of tradition”. The contribution examines changes in Serbian society during the 1990s which brought about a new turn towards Russia. In the mental maps that had emerged in the context of new ethno-nationalism during the late1980s, the West had initially been central and served as evidence of an allegedly original love of freedom on the part of the Serbian people. This map stood in contrast to the other republics of former Yugoslavia that were seemingly “infested” by the Vatican and Germanophilia. The experience of sanctions imposed on Serbia in 1992 and the refusal to reflect on this experience led to a re-orientation of existing mental maps. The fixation on Russia had the function to spare individuals the question of responsibility for crisis and war. Even today, this mental map serves as a relieving function in Serbia and it is increasingly coming to the fore.

(حركات اإلسالم السياسي والسلطة في المنطقة العربية بعد 2011 ( مصر انموذجا

Author(s): Muhammed Salih / Language(s): Arabic / Issue: 1/2018

Some Arab countries, starting from 2011, witnessed a sequence of peaceful protesting demonstrations which the western media called the term (Arab Spring). But the new reality resulting from this, in its early stages up to 2013 represented an opportunity for the Islamic powers to show and disorder at the same time. Because these powers participated in the events of protesting and the peaceful an armed confrontation and pushed the Islamic political trend in general and the Ikhwan trend (Muslim Brothers) in particular to the field of the political work and experience the public party work, after being deprived, like many political movements in the Arab countries, from public legal political activity.

,,Дијалектичка равнотежа’’ институционалног система ЕУ у области спољног представљања: фикција или реалност?

Author(s): Dejana M. Vukčević / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2012

Dans cet article, l’auteur s’efforce d’analyser l’identité institutionnelle de l’UE en matière de la représentation extérieure. Malgré la tentative proclamée d’une plus grande cohérence et de l’efficacité dans le domaine extérieur de l’UE, le traité de Lisbonne crée une image institutionnelle complexe dans laquelle une représentation extérieure unique de l’UE est difficile. Cela est dû au fait qu’il y a un grand nombre d’acteurs et une confusion quant à la compétence dans le domaine de l’action extérieure de l’Union. Le nouveau traité demeure prisonnier d’un mélange hybride des logiques intergouvernementale et supranationale qui se caractérise par un manque de clarité des rôles des institutions prévus par le traité. L’article est divisé en deux parties. Dans la première partie, l’auteur analyse la nouvelle identité institutionnelle de l’UE dans le domaine de l’action extérieure. Dans la deuxième partie, l’auteur traite l’application des dispositions istituionnelles, marquée des tensions permanentes pour le contrôle des positions de pouvoir. Cela est dû à des dispositions vagues et imprécises du traité de Lisbonne laissаnt aux Etats membres et aux institutions une grande marge de manœuvre quant à l’interprétation de leurs compétences. L’auteur conclut que la pluralité d’acteurs dans ce domaine témoigne d’un compromis du traité de Lisbonne quant à l’allocation du leadeship politique dans le cadre de l’UE. Pour cette raison, il est difficle d’établir un équilibre entre les intérêts des Etats membres et des institutions dans la consolidation postLisbonne en matière de représentation extérieure ce qui n’est pas sans répercussions quant à la visibilité de l’UE sur la scène internationale.

100th Anniversary of the Republic: Strategies and Language Tools for Constructing Austrian National Identity in Socio- Political and Mass-Media Discourse

Author(s): Elena SHIRLINA / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2018

This paper is devoted to the comparison of two medially different “texts“– panel discussion and the premium newspaper “Der Standard” – united by a common topic: the 100th anniversary of the Austrian Republic, in terms of strategies and specific language tools used to construct a national identity. The author assumes that the set of strategies, in general, will coincide, since both texts are inscribed in the context of a broad public discussion about the fate of the country in the conditions of a postnational society. However, there may be differences in their implementation with the help of specific linguistic means, due to the medial and conceptual differences, different contexts in which communication takes place, etc.

15 TEMMUZ OLAYI ÇERÇEVESİNDE KOLEKTİF EYLEM ALGISI

Author(s): Elif SÜMER,Rukiye KAYA / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 12/2017

The purpose of this study is to compare the collective protest perception of people who took the streets protest after 15th July 2016 and the ones who did not and therefore to reveal the meaning built by participation to the protests. Data for this study is gathered from interviews with 11 participants (6 of whom protested and 5 of whom did not after the coup attempt). In this study, interview technique was used as a data collection method and content analysis technique was used for data analysis. During analyses, perceptions of collective action between the participating and non-participating groups in the actions after 15 July were processed within the different frameworks in theoretical approaches which are concept of political trust, social identity and resource mobilization theories. Variations between groups was revealed regarding feelings and thoughts about collective action and the relationship between participating collective action and perceptions of collective action. These variations seemed to influence the emergence of different patterns of motivations for participation.

1980'LERDEN GÜNÜMÜZE KÜRESELLEŞMEYLE GELİŞEN "KİMLİK POLİTİKALARI" VE SANATA YANSIMALARI

Author(s): Gökçen Şahmaran Can / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 61/2019

The changing side of socio-cultural, economic, technological and political structure over the world, which occurred with globalization, rapid development of information and communication technologies especially during 1980s intensified the international interaction and caused the globalization to accelerate. These effects significantly changed the notion of individual, changing economic, sociological and political balances made the individual obliged to look at the world with a new point of view. Differentiation emerged in this period that significant theoretical divergences occurred. The notions such as discrimination, racism, anti otherness concertized with globalization, “identity politics” emerged as the notions which was introduced to field of expression by the art. This period when post-structuralism and deconstructionism revealed the unity of life, politics and art with an understanding that developed around “I” caused the “other” to be accepted and women, black people, homosexuals to have the freedom to express themselves. The artists addressed phenomena such as gender politics, sexual identity, ethnic identity, discrimination in their works created through various ways of expression, and they shaped their arts in this direction. Artistic construction of identity politics developed with globalization which constitutes the content of the subject was examined and assessed in terms of social identity characteristics within the context of sociology methods and theories. Artistic construction was examined over a broad bibliography; the acquired findings put forth art’s theoretical discussions from past to present comparatively.

1989: Szempontok a rendszerváltás globális politikai gazdaságtanához

Author(s): Márk Áron Éber,Ágnes Gagyi,Tamás Gerőcs,Csaba Jelinek,András Pinkasz / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 21/2014

This article rethinks 1989 – the year commonly treated as a milestone of regime change. As contrary to this narrow view, and with the aim of laying out the conceptual foundations of possible future research projects, we give a short overview of the way Hungary became incorporated into the capitalist world system and of the key global, economic, and geopolitical factors that influenced its dependent development. For this we present a historically sensitive, global political economic narrative within which we pay special attention to the way public debt had been accumulated and how this, in turn, shaped Hungary’s position within the world system. After our analysis of the regime change we continue with an overview of the main structural dynamics of the last two decades. Finally, through two short case studies, we show how our perspective can throw new light on the political ideologies and economic policies of the era. The accumulation of state debt was not a Hungarian specificity: instead, we argue that it was rather a result of the global restructuring process and of its concomitant effect of decreasing national state-sovereignty. In the following manner, we also argue that the emergence of debates (which were central in evaluating the regime change, revolving around issues like „democracy” vs. „dictatorship” or „planning” vs. „market”) can be better understood within our global, historical, and political economic analytical framework. In the long run we identify two economic development strategies – namely, the strategy of liberalization and the strategy of protectionism – both structured around the, nonetheless entirely unfulfilled, hope of overcoming Hungary’s semi-peripheral position by „catching up” to its Western neighbors. These strategies then can be analyzed on the base of how they relate to global cycles of accumulation; how their shifts were influenced by changes in the world system; and, in turn, how these strategies organized both various elite projects shaped by global cyclical dynamics and the interpretations about our historically unfolding dependent position.

A Brief History of Americanization

Author(s): Marta Dębska / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2010

A Case of Successful Transitional Justice

Fritz Bauer and his Late Recognition in the Federal Republic of Germany

Author(s): Jakub Gortat / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2017

Germany is an example of a country which has been implementing transitional justice for decades and is still active in this field. What is more, contemporary Germans have recently come to terms with their not-so-distant past and their negligence in this area by showing the falsehood, backwardness, and injustice as negative foundations of the young Federal Republic. This article evokes the person of Fritz Bauer, the prosecutor in the state of Hessen. His struggle for human dignity and the memory of his achievements after his death exemplify an accomplished case of transitional justice and the memory of it. During his lifetime he contributed to bringing to trial numerous Nazi criminals, even at the cost of habitual threats and disregard. Forgotten for a few decades, Bauer and his legacy have been recently rediscovered and studied. Eventually, Bauer became a movie character and was finally brought back to the collective memory of Germans. The belated, but a well-deserved wave of popularity of Fritz Bauer in the German culture memory proves that reflections on the transitional justice are still topical and important.