,,Дијалектичка равнотежа’’ институционалног система ЕУ у области спољног представљања: фикција или реалност?

Author(s): Dejana M. Vukcevic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2012

Dans cet article, l’auteur s’efforce d’analyser l’identité institutionnelle de l’UE en matière de la représentation extérieure. Malgré la tentative proclamée d’une plus grande cohérence et de l’efficacité dans le domaine extérieur de l’UE, le traité de Lisbonne crée une image institutionnelle complexe dans laquelle une représentation extérieure unique de l’UE est difficile. Cela est dû au fait qu’il y a un grand nombre d’acteurs et une confusion quant à la compétence dans le domaine de l’action extérieure de l’Union. Le nouveau traité demeure prisonnier d’un mélange hybride des logiques intergouvernementale et supranationale qui se caractérise par un manque de clarité des rôles des institutions prévus par le traité. L’article est divisé en deux parties. Dans la première partie, l’auteur analyse la nouvelle identité institutionnelle de l’UE dans le domaine de l’action extérieure. Dans la deuxième partie, l’auteur traite l’application des dispositions istituionnelles, marquée des tensions permanentes pour le contrôle des positions de pouvoir. Cela est dû à des dispositions vagues et imprécises du traité de Lisbonne laissаnt aux Etats membres et aux institutions une grande marge de manœuvre quant à l’interprétation de leurs compétences. L’auteur conclut que la pluralité d’acteurs dans ce domaine témoigne d’un compromis du traité de Lisbonne quant à l’allocation du leadeship politique dans le cadre de l’UE. Pour cette raison, il est difficle d’établir un équilibre entre les intérêts des Etats membres et des institutions dans la consolidation postLisbonne en matière de représentation extérieure ce qui n’est pas sans répercussions quant à la visibilité de l’UE sur la scène internationale.

A multietnikus nemzetállam

Author(s): Ildikó Bajcsi / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2017

Szarka­ László:­ A multietnikus­ nemzetállam. Kísérletek,­ kudarcok­ és­ kompromisszumok Csehszlovákia­ nemzetiségi­ politikájában1918–1992.­ Pozsony,­ Kalligram,­ 2016,­ 376­ p.

ALBANIAN IMMIGRANTS IN GREECE: FROM UNWANTED TO TOLERATED?

Author(s): Artur Adamczyk / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

The main objective of this article is to present the way attitudes towards Albanian people and the perception of them has changed in Greece. The Albanians came to Greece following the collapse of the Communist bloc at the beginning of the 1990s. Within time it transpired that it was a mass immigration of approximately 500,000 people. Greece was not prepared for such an enormous influx of foreigners and failed to initiate an effective migration policy. The initial reactions of the Greek politicians, media, and society were negative. Social feelings, however, began to turn in the first decade of the XX century. Albanians ceased to be stigmatised as a threat and started to be perceived in a positive way through the prism of the demands of the Greek economy. The economic and migration crisis, however, lead to the reappearance of a xenophobic mood among the Greeks.

Autonomy of the family in the modern world

Author(s): Nidhi Gulati / Language(s): English / Issue: 37/2017

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this article is to understand autonomy of the family in the ‘modern’ world by locating the family in the historical changes that led to its present form. The autonomy of the family was shaped in two ways, as collective mentalities and as private space. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The present research problem concerns an important inquiry into the private space of the family and the role of the state in shaping and governing the individual by intervening in the family. The paper uses the method of historical inquiry and analysis of reference literature. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: After having defined the aim of the study and the fundamental concepts (modernity, autonomy, mentalities) there has been presented the psychogenic history of the family in the context of France. This is followed by the presentation of changes in mentalities and private space in the family, with a special emphasis on the changing focus on the child in the family. The essential part of the argumentation was also to build the concept of autonomy through the changes in mentalities and private space that unfolds in three stages of the psychogenic history of the family. RESEARCH RESULTS: The result of this argumentation is the autonomous space of the family in the modern times, which is impacted by the state and popular culture. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: This analysis confirms the changes of autonomy in the family from the middle, to the modern and across the contemporary times through the conceptions of (I) collective mentalities, (II) private space and sociability and (III) govern-mentality. It argues that ever since the turn of the modern, the family has never been autonomous, though in law it appears to be a ‘private space’. Family in the contemporary times is insidiously governed by messages and images that circulate in media. Autonomy of the modern family has always been under threat. The arguments point to the necessity to question and problematize the contemporary conceptions of family and the child as mirrored in the domain of popular culture.

Berluskonijev identitet u italijanskoj štampi

Author(s): Marija Koprivica Lelicanin / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 27/2013

In this paper we analysed the differences in representation and creation of Berlusconi’s identity in the two Italian largest circulation weekly magazines. As a representative time period we chose the year 2011 because of important social and political changes in Italy. The corpus consists of 233 editorials from magazines L’Espresso and Panorama (totalling 152 817 words). The study is based on the theoretical framework of van Dijk on ideology and society and on categories of ideological discourse analysis (van Dijk 2005). Some categories of ideological discourse analysis are: actor description (meaning), authority, burden, categorization, comparison, consensus, counterfactuals, disclaimer, euphemism, evidentiality, example, generalization, hyperbole, irony, lexicalization, methaphor, national self-glorification, number game, polarization, negative other presentation, norm expression, us-the, categorization, populism, positive selfpresentation, vagueness, victimization (van Dijk 2005). The method includes the principles of corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis. In this broad theoretical and methodological framework we developed the procedure that requires classification of linguistic material in clusters according to key characteristics of Berlusconi’s profile. In the end, we compared the matrix in two newspapers. The results confirmed the majority of van Dijk’s strategies and emphasized the contrasts of linguistic material in sub-corpuses.

Brunnbauer, Ulf. Globalizing Southeastern Europe. Emigrants, America, and the State since the Late Nineteenth Century. New York, 2016

Author(s): Valentina Sharlanova,Petia Bankova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2016

Central European Path to the Modern Nation: Myth and Reality

Author(s): Miroslav Hroch / Language(s): English / Issue: Spec./2016

“If we think that our terms are understood by everyone in the same way, we are mistaken, and this mistake, unfortunately, is not only the fate of beginners,” writes Miroslav Hroch in the opening section of his essay. While revisiting the two terms crucial for both his essay and this very issue – “Central Europe” and “the formation of a modern nation” – Hroch challenges myths and rumours of Central Europe, focusing thereby on the Czech national movement. It is this inspiring essay, written in an eloquent style so characteristic of Miroslav Hroch’s work, that gave grounds for the collection of articles presented in this special issue of The Annual of Language & Politics and Politics of Identity.

Challenges to the Croatian National Identity within the EU: the Polish perspective

Author(s): Ryszard Lawniczak / Language(s): English / Issue: 7/2013

The aim of this paper is to share the experience of a post-socialist country and a member of the EU since 1 May 2004 and the problem of preserving its own national identity, while also trying to promote it. The author first examines the definition of the concept and the relevance of the Nation’s Brand Identity Model with respect to Croatia. Next, he addresses the issue of how to preserve national identity facing “the winds” of unequal competition from more developed EU member countries as well as other global players – mainly United States. (perhaps even more dangerous). The issue of media ownership plays an extremely important role. Based on the evidence from the Polish experience, the author developed a new concept of “the reed effect.” In the final section of the article, he recommends public diplomacy as the potentially most efficient tool for building relations and promoting national identity. Finally, he concludes the study with a rather optimistic observation that external threats tend to strengthen national identity, yet the process is time-consuming. In the case of Poland, the appeals for “economic patriotism”, defending the purity of the Polish language, slogans like “buy Polish” and “proud to be Polish” did not emerge until 6-8 years after accession to the European Union and about 18-20 years after the beginning of the country’s economic and political transformation. This phenomenon can be observed after the first waves of enthusiasm for the “western/individualistic” value system, consumer goods, junk food, films, foreign direct investment and media “freedom”.

China vs. Central Asia. The achievements of the past two decades

Author(s): Aleksandra Jarosiewicz,Krzysztof Strachota / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2013

The collapse of the USSR brought about conditions conducive to the dynamic development of relations between Central Asia and China. These relations have evolved from deep mistrust to the continually growing Chinese presence primarily in the region’s economy but also increasingly in its politics. Central Asia is playing a growing role in those areas of the economy which China sees as strategic (in particular in energy and communications). China’s ambitions and capabilities with regard to new areas and its geopolitical competitors are also being tested here. For the time being, it can be said that China has achieved vast success: its offer is appealing for the region, and Beijing has outpaced its Western rivals and has seriously challenged Russia’s position in the region. It remains, however, an open question whether China will be able to maintain and secure its present achievements and trends, which will be a serious challenge given the eternal instability in the region and Russia’s reintegration ambitions.

Dějiny obětí

K historiografii a politice identity českých židů

Author(s): Vít Strobach / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 3/2016

After the Changes of 1989 a change also took place in normative points of articulation of social conflict in eastern Europe. The paradigm of the social sciences, including historiography, changed as well. It is on the whole fair to call this the ‘identity turn’. The meaning of the term ‘identity’ was inspired by history but changed into up-to-date forms. The article analyses points of friction where contact took place between majority Czech society and cultural identity, historical memory, and historiographical self-reflections of Czech Jews after the Changes of 1989 to 2012.In this article, the author seeks to analyse the basic structure of statements about Jewish history in the Bohemian Lands in this period, and to determine what role the narrative of the victim plays in them. The author presents his hypothesis of the considerable influence of the ‘lachrymose conception of Jewish history’ in Czech historiography after the Changes of 1989. In this, he distinguishes between three paradigms, which he then further defines and assesses according to their functions: methodological nationalism, methodological totalitarianism, and methodological culturalism. He then identifies the constellations in which they appear both in academic and in public discourses, especially those influencing the politics of identity of the Czech Jews. At the same time, he seeks to explain why the schemes make it difficult to understand the modern history of the Jews of the Bohemian Lands.The history of the Jews, according to the author, became locked in an interpretation based solely on the idea of ‘eternal antisemitism and its victims’. This is therefore a good example of history/memory as an inherent component of ideology. As such, it has been operating in the undifferentiated space between scholarship and politics, and has been constructing the ethnocentric identity of the Jewish nation. This has led to a schematizing division of social relationships into adverse national and cultural (racial) camps, which have seemed to exist ‘since time immemorial’ and ‘naturally’, and to the gradual seclusion of the Jewish community and its defining itself or being defined against other groups. This is evident not only in the approach of Czech Jews towards the Arabs (Muslims) but also in the assertion of the security discourse in their politics of identity in fields as specialized as architecture and social care.

Demographic Circumstances in Serbia: Exaltation and Resignation as two Extremes of the National Identity Crisis

Author(s): Saša Markovic,Snežana Besermenji / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2015

One of the far- reaching consequences of Serbia’s involvement in crucial global events and regional conflicts of the twentieth century was its demographic re- composition. The unstable geopolitical situation in the Balkans, which was intentional, drove the people living there into confronting situations, in which they had to act accordingly. The politics of the elite that ran the country (mis)used various models for dealing with its population– from traditionalism and sacrificing, through migration and colonization, to modernization and cosmopolitanism. Each of these models has had its highs and lows. The extremes of these models testified more to senseless wanderings than to a responsible demographic policy. This resulted in an unenviable and almost irreversible demographic decline in Serbia. Unlike today, in the early twentieth century the Serbian nation was considered as one of the youngest in the world, relative to its population size. In this paper we shall present numerous warnings of our contemporaries that the issue of preserving the population is far more important than short- sighted social ideas of the emotionally driven. Unfortunately, this attitude is usually interpreted as an unpatriotic act of dubious intentions. It often took very little time to go from exaltation to resignation. Events have shown that the identity often lacked stability. The irrational elements in creating the identity in Serbia has been and remained one of the greatest challenges of a responsible population policy.

Demokracja bezpośrednia wobec dążeń separatystycznych. Rozważania nad kategorią referendum niepodległościowego

Author(s): Tomasz Czapiewski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2017

The aim of this article was to present the referendum on independence within the framework of the current definitions and typologies of referendum, and to present the main doubts concerning the political conditions and the function of the independence referendum. The referendum on independence in most cases is considered to be a particular instrument of direct democracy and a key step in the process of gaining statehood by the ethno-regional movements. Such a type of referendum should be defined as popular vote in which citizens (with voting rights) of a certain territory may declare their will to establish a new state through secession. The independence referendum is a concept in relation to which there is a significant disproportion between the number of empirical studies in the form of a case study and the number of studies of more general character and theoretical ambitions. The key issues concerning the analysis of this category of referenda are: the referendum procedure - the way of referendum initiative, the preconditions, the persons entitled, the content of the question or the interpretation of the results. It is important to remember about the possibility of a constitutional regulations of referendum, although its implementation is influenced by current factors and tactical political decisions by actors, just like ordinary public votes.

DEVELOPING ACTIONABLE RESEARCH PRIORITIES FOR LGBTI INCLUSION

Author(s): M. V. Lee Badgett,Philip Crehan / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2017

Heightened global concern about the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people has called attention to the lack of adequate research on their lives and situations. With so little known in many parts of the world, filling knowledge and data gaps would be difficult without setting priorities. This paper uses the furthering of LGBTI inclusion as the criterion for identifying and recommending key research priorities. Our method for identifying potential priorities draws on a variety of sources, including a review of reports on research needs, consultations with researchers and LGBTI activists from many countries, and the findings of the UNDP LGBTI Inclusion Index consultation process. We find several key research priorities that stakeholders agree would advance inclusion, including research on health, education, economics, and political participation, as well as the development of a more robust research infrastructure.

Dokumentumok az Országos Magyar Kisgazda Földmíves és Kisiparos Párt és a Magyar Nemzeti Párt történetéhez 1920-1936

Author(s): Béla Angyal / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 2/2017

In this collection of documents I have included 53 documents on the second strongest party among the Hungarian civic parties in Czechoslovakia between the two world wars: the Provincial Hungarian Smallholder Agrarians´ and Craftsmen´s Party (Hungarian: Országos Magyar Kisgazda Földmíves és Kisiparos Párt), as well as on its successor, the Hungarian National Party (Hungarian: Magyar Nemzeti Párt) established in 1925. This volume is closely linked to my collection of sources published in 2004, entitled Documents on the History of the Provincial Christian Socialist Party 1919–1936 (Hungarian: Dokumentumok az Országos Keresztényszocialista Párt történetéhez 1919–1936), and the book called Interest Protection and Self-organization. Chapters on the History of the Hungarian Political Parties in Czechoslovakia 1918–1938 (Hungarian: Érdekvédelem és önszerveződés. Fejezetek a csehszlovákiai magyar pártpolitika történetéből 1918–1938). While selecting the documents, I sought to publish those introducing the events taking place within the party and the processes going on in domestic politics. The smallholders' party had not only changed its name over its 16 years of independent operation, but had politicized along various programs and strategies until the summer of 1936 when it merged with the Provincial Christian Socialist Party. In the introductory study, as well as in the comments and notes attached to the documents, I refer to each turning point separately. The understanding of the collection's documents is supported by a wide range of notes and by names register. In addition, the volume is complemented by a rich photographic material aiming to give a well-rounded picture of the era.

Dokumentumok az Országos Magyar Kisgazda Földmíves és Kisiparos Párt és a Magyar Nemzeti Párt történetéhez 1920-1936

Author(s): Béla Angyal / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 2017

For exploring the history of Hungarian parties in Czechoslovakia between the two world wars, it is indispensable to get acquainted with the original sources and documents. After the Second World War, following the measures affecting the Hungarian minority, the archives of these parties were lost or scattered, therefore the search of documents relating to them has been a difficult task for historians. Information on the history of these parties can only be traced out of various domestic and foreign archives and of different types of funds, and by gathering news and reports after reading dozens of contemporary newspapers.In this collection of documents I have included 53 documents on the second strongest party among the Hungarian civic parties in Czechoslovakia between the two world wars: the Provincial Hungarian Smallholder Agrarians’ and Craftsmen’s Party (Hungarian: Országos Magyar Kisgazda Földmíves és Kisiparos Párt), as well as on its successor, the Hungarian National Party (Hungarian: Magyar Nemzeti Párt) established in 1925. This volume is closely linked to my collection of sources published in 2004, entitled Documents on the History of the Provincial Christian Socialist Party 1919–1936 (Hungarian: Dokumentumok az Országos Keresztényszocialista Párt történetéhez 1919–1936), and the book called Interest Protection and Self-organization. Chapters on the History of the Hungarian Political Parties in Czechoslovakia 1918–1938 (Hungarian: Érdekvédelem és önszerveződés. Fejezetek a csehszlovákiai magyar pártpolitika történetéből 1918–1938). The former collection of documents contains sources on the other significant political platform of the period, the Provincial Christian Socialist Party. The present book follows the proven editorial principles of the latter.In the introductory study I briefly summarize the history of the party, present its program and its role in the Hungarian minority politics. I deal more specifically with the party’s election results and the party-related press.While selecting the documents, I sought to publish those introducing the events taking place within the party and the processes going on in domestic politics. The smallholders’ party had not only changed its name over its 16 years of independent operation, but had politicized along various programs and strategies until the summer of 1936 when it merged with the Provincial Christian Socialist Party. In the introductory study, as well as in the comments and notes attached to the documents, I refer to each turning point separately.The documents are presented in a chronological order, marked with Arabic numerals. The serial number is followed by a short regest, which indicates the date and place of origin of the document. In the rest of the regest, the reader is provided with information about the contents of the document without evaluation or classification. I sought to communicate the full text of the sources. Where it was not possible because of the extent of the document or for reasons of substance, I applied partial publication, while indicating the omissions with a square bracket [...]. In case of articles taken over from the press, the text is preceded by the article´s original title. The text of the document is in all cases followed by a mark indicating the location of the document. Then I give the type of the document (clarification, phrasing, copy) and the method of its production (handwritten text, typed, printed text). In case of articles taken over from the press, I refer to the title of the paper, page number, and the author’s name. Each document is followed by a commentary. In some sentences I introduce the document’s author(s), its production and other related documents, as well as the relevant literature.The understanding of the collection’s documents is supported by a wide range of notes and by names register. In addition, the volume is complemented by a rich photographic material aiming to give a well-rounded picture of the era.

Europa/Kryzys: nowy słownik „kryzysu” „Europy” i w „Europie”

Author(s): No Author Specified / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 21/2016

The aspiration and purpose of these New Keywords is to effectively “hijack” the dominant discourse surrounding and superintending how we speak of and think about the conjunctures of “Europe” and “crisis.” The New Keywords of “the Crisis” in and of “Europe” emerged from a workshop convened by Nicholas De Genova and Martina Tazzioliat King’s College London on 25–26 June 2015.

FINALITÉ POLITIQUE OR JUST A STEP FORWARD: THE LISBON TREATY AND THE IDENTITY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AS A GLOBAL ACTOR

Author(s): Goran Ilik,Adam Adamczyk / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2017

This article is a qualitative analysis of the Lisbon Treaty and its institutional and political implications for the international political identity of the European Union as a global actor. The Lisbon Treaty makes an institutional-political effort for integration of the European foreign policy capacities, followed by installation of the President of the European Council and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy institutions. This Treaty also constitutes the single legal personality of the EU which differs for the EU on the international political scene in relation to others. With the integration of the EU’s foreign policy capacities and the fusion of the (former) three pillars, the Lisbon Treaty makes some sort of rationalization of the institutions in terms of providing efficient and simplified decision-making, suitable for implementing a coherent foreign policy. Thus, considering the prerogatives and credentials of aforementioned institutions, regarding their contribution to the international political identity of the EU and its decision-making, we conclude that the Lisbon Treaty does not represent a finalité politique of the EU integration process, but just a step towards its achievement.

Hegemonija i čin „prolaska kroz fantazmu”: o reafirmaciji koncepta ideologije kod Laclaua, Mouffe i Žižeka

Author(s): Vedran Jerbic / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 12/2014

this paper discusses the modalities of reaffirmation of the concept of ideology in the works of ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe and Slavoj Žižek. Such “reaffirmation” is constituted as a transition from the epistemological to the ontological level of theorizing about ideology. the aim is to point out towards mutual differences with respect to the axis of ideology – nonideology, and the rearticulation of the concept of “false consciousness”. Both approaches, Laclau and Mouffe’s on the one hand, and Žižek’s on the other, are oriented towards critical detachment from althusser’s theoretical edifice and his concepts of interpellation and ideological state apparatuses. Zizek’s position aims at reinterpreting the Marxist paradigm from a Lacanian-Hegelian perspective. Laclau and Mouffe enforce the “deconstructive” potentials of Gramscian legacy in order to rearticulate the “dead ends” of Marxism through the poststructuralist framework.

Historický kontext sformovania súčasných politických identít východného Slovenska a Zakarpatska (stručný náčrt)

Author(s): Gita Geremešová / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 1/2017

The currently developing cross-border cooperation among the regions of Eastern Slovakia and Transcarpathia – part of the European Union’s strategy (“Europe 2020”) – can benefit from their common historic and cultural heritage. The general reference is to the impressive histories and the uncommonly complicated destinies of the regions’ individuals and their entire societies. Both phenomena have to be viewed in the geopolitical and historical context of (the often idealized) Middle Europe as a macro-region whose core was formed by the AustroHungarian Empire in the 18th and 19th centuries. Eastern Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia in their positions as a region (or regions) of the Middle European Habsburg Empire often lagged behind economically and societally compared to the West; they struggled with the religious and ethnic plurality, or more precisely, were intolerant of them. Their dramatic destinies were characterized by an uncertain statehood (unstable statehood coordinates), by their distrust against the political and religious elites; they could not fulfill their role as a barrier against the dangers from the East – Eastern Orthodox Russia and Muslim Ottomans.

IDENTITET, POLITIČKI I DRUŠTVENI ŽIVOT KOSOVSKIH BOŠNJAKA

Author(s): Arsim Tarik Saliji / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 70/2017

The aim of this article is to present the life of the Bosniak community in the Republic of Kosovo, the Bosniaks in the region of Prizren in particular, through the available records and through the first-hand insight into the present situation on the ground. Thus we intend to offer in one document a number of the analysis, carried out earlier that are dealing with this topic with the view of the identity and political and social life of Kosovo Bosniaks also reflecting upon their education and the language issues. The method used in this research is the analysis of the available records concerning the problems of this population as well as through the interviews and personal insight into the situation on the ground.