Az első világháború következményei a kelet-közép-európai kisállamok geopolitikai sorsában

Author(s): Imre Garaczi / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

From the beginning of the 19th century, the newly emerging nationalistic sentiments characteristically took the guise of some ideology (other than nationalism). People belonging to small ethnic groups felt their authentic national existence threatened by the frequent recurrence of dynastic hegemonies on the one hand, and the interests of neighbouring nations on the other. At the same time, nationalism provided fuel for courage to face the future and possibly build a more fortunate and more modern society. Nationalistic sentiments were in the beginning tied to various other ideologies but from the start of the 20th century they became ideologies in their own right. This phenomenon continued to exist in Eastern Europe after World War II, even under Soviet dominance. In my paper I examine mental factors in the region and their effects on the situation that emerged throughout the 20th century.

Közel–Kelet–tanulmányok és a nemzetközi kapcsolatok elméletei

Author(s): László Kiss J. / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Le mythe du fédéralisme en Europe centrale de 1848 à 1918

Author(s): Catherine Horel / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Merre tartson az EU védelmi képességfejlesztése?

Author(s): Ferenc Gazdag / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

DPJ Government and Climate Change Policy

Author(s): Marcin Socha / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In 2009 election manifesto Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) leaders voiced their decisive support for stronger engagement in international climate negotiations. The promises were realized by an ambitious climate mitigation proposal presented by Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio at COP 15 in Copenhagen. 25% CO2 levels reduction commitment was heavily criticized by Japanese opposition, METI bureaucrats and business circles. Despite strong domestic opposition Prime Minister Hatoyama decided to place climate mitigation among priorities of his foreign policy. Next DPJ administration quickly backtracked from the position of climate leader. The head of the Japanese delegation at COP 16 in Mexico stated that Japan would not be a part of new Kyoto Protocol commitment period. The aim of the article is to identify changing factors in decision–making process that led to quick change in DPJ’s approach to international climate mitigation efforts.

Основни тези на конференцията, тенденции, подходи и възможни алтернативи (основни акценти в дискусията)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bosnian,English Publication Year: 0

The compilation of papers strives to offer the reader a point of view, stepping on the solid ground of comparative analysis of the various aspect of power and authority toward building a sustainable change of policies in integrating society. The selected papers thus represent corrective actions in strategic visions and sustainability recommendations. A comprehensive overview of the ideas and ideologies in historical context and functioning practices with global, national and regional impact are carefully studied, revealing their paradoxes and application weaknesses.

RUSSIA’S GRAND STRATEGY AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON THE INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT OF THE NORDIC-BALTIC REGION

Author(s): Ieva Bērziņa,Māris Cepurītis / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The general task of the project ‘Russia’s (Dis)Information Activities Against the Nordic-Baltic Region’ is to provide an assessment of Russia’s influence on the information environment of the Nordic-Baltic countries (NB8). An analysis of the information environment requires a comprehensive understanding of the major elements of Russia’s grand strategy and their impact on the region, because the information environment reflects all major spheres of interaction between the NB8 countries and Russia. For the purpose of this study, the grand strategy is defined as the integrated use of all military and non-military means to pursue the interests of the state in the international system.4 What are Russia’s interests, and what implications do they have for the NB8 region in general—and for its information environment in particular? How do these interests translate into narratives promoted by Russia? To answer these questions, an analysis of the following documents has been conducted: Russia’s Concept of Foreign Policy (2016), Russia’s Military Doctrine (2014), Russia’s National Security Strategy (2015), and Russia’s Information Security Doctrine (2016). To understand the meaning of the documents, they are viewed in the context of actual events, research data, and the rhetoric of Russia’s top officials. The study is structured around four dimensions of analysis: political, military, economic, and informational. These dimensions cover all major power instruments that states use to advance their national interests. The political dimension includes such areas of influence as diplomacy, geopolitics, and involvement in the domestic policies of foreign states.

Hantos Elemér (1881–1942)

Author(s): Ferenc Szávai / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Hantos’ ideas contained progressive elements and made a realistic of-fer to the states of Central Europe. Its timing was unfortunate, however, because the new nation states’ desire for separation made its realization more difficult. Also, Germany’s breakthrough, and its new network of bi-lateral economic relations made virtually impossible the alliance of the Central European countries. Other attempts at integration have emerged too which also weakened the process. Hantos’ recognition, and offer of freedom from old grudges was a viable alternative to the weary nations of Central Europe. Elemér Hantos was a precursor of the spirit seeking the possible ways of coexistence, and no longer just for Central Europe, but for the whole of Europe: to emphasize what unites us, not what separates us.

Diktátorok árnyékában

Author(s): Gábor Székely / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Georgi Dimitrov (1882–1949) Bulgarian communist leader, head of state after 1945. His international recognition was acquired in 1933, follo-wing the German Reichstag–fire trial in Leipzig, where he was acquitted of Hitler's judges, accused by Herman Göring and Joseph Goebbels. He moved then to Moscow, where he became secretary general of the Communist International, wich controlled of the communist parties aro-und the world. He had a role in the elaboration of the popular front policy - successful in France and Spain. At the same time he had to suffer of Sta-lin's dictatorship, he had to experience the execution of. After 1945, with the Yugoslavian Joszip Broz Tito, many of his associates they saw the op-portunity in the Balkan Federation to loosening the dependence on Sta-lin. What Tito did, he did not succeed: the presence of Soviet troops in Bulgaria had decided the outcome.

Prezydencja w Unii Europejskiej – porównanie rozwiązań funkcjonujących kiedyś i obecnie przy uwzględnieniu polskich doświadczeń

Author(s): Joanna Modrzyńska / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Artykuł naświetla zmieniające się w zależności od aktualnych potrzeb i gromadzonych doświadczeń rozwiązania dotyczące prezydencji w Unii Europejskiej. Jest próbą ich oceny oraz bilansu polskiej prezydencji.

“Nova” istorija za novi identitet

Author(s): Milivoj Bešlin / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Poslednjih nekoliko godina, nakon nasilnog gušenja građanskih protesta zbog izbornih nepravilnosti (2011) i u obnovljenom predsedničkom mandatu Vladimira Putina (2012), Rusija je otvorenije nego do tada krenula u spoljnu ekspanziju. Nakon već ranije izvršene agresije na Gruziju (2008), sledio je oružani napad na suverenu Ukrajinu, potom i intervencija u Siriji. Slabo delotvorne zapadne sankcije zbog agresivnog rata protiv južnog suseda, čiju je nepovredivost granica i sama Rusija garantovala međunarodnim sporazumom iz Budimpešte (1994) i aneksija Krima (2014), kao dela međunarodno priznate teritorije Ukrajine, ojačale su hladnoratovske tendencije u svetu, a posebno u Evropi. Srbija se zbog svoje spoljnopolitičke dezorjentacije našla u središtu političkog disputa između nesigurnog zapadnog sveta i imperijalne autokratije Vladimira Putina. Ruska „meka moć” i pokušaji da destabilizuje Srbiju i odvrati je od nevoljno prihvaćene evropske agende ogledali su se i u činjenici da je Rusija uložila puno truda i materijalnih resursa u pokretanje desetina medija, portala, fondacija, udruženja građana i nevladinih organizacija sa ciljem jačanja antizapadnog raspoloženja u Srbiji i snaženja nacionalističkih, ksenofobičnih i proruskih tendencija. [...]

GEOPOLITICS IS LOCAL: RAMIFICATIONS OF CHINESE PROJECTS FOR HUMAN SECURITY IN SERBIA

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš,Vuk Vuksanović / Language(s): English

The research was conducted in three Serbian cities with large PRC investments -Smederevo, Bor and Zrenjanin - to establish the impact of these projects on local communities and how they affect human security, understood in terms of human rights and human dignity. In that regard, several forms of human security endangerment were observed in the course of the research project:• Environmental hazards: Since the arrival of the PRC investments, cities of Bor and Smederevo have recorded a major surge in the emission of various harmful particles. Environmentalists have so far filed several criminal charges against Chinese companies for air pollution, including pollution of the river Mali Pek. The future will bring further environmental challenges for the inhabitants of Zrenjanin, as the Linglong tyre factory could endanger the nature reserve Carska Bara as well as the food production in Vojvodina.• Public health: Serbia is a country with the highest rate of pollution-related deaths in Europe. Cities of Bor and Smederevo have experienced a rise in the rates of cancer and various other respiratory and heart diseases connected with industrial pollution.• Socio-economic and human rights: A feature of Chinese projects is the influx of labor from Asia to Serbia. A whole range of exploitative practices against foreign and domestic workers has been recorded in all PRC projects, including human trafficking of Vietnamese workers for the purpose of labor exploitation. Despite public pressure, the Serbian authorities are ready to tolerate violations of labor and human rights in order to maintain foreign direct investments, employment and political rating.• Rule of law: PRC projects are often declared as those of ‘national interest’ and are characterised by the lack of transparency and public scrutiny. PRC investors enjoy privileged treatment by local authorities and administration that adjust the legal framework and make numerous concessions at the expense of citizens and local communities.• Cross-cultural issues: The fact that Chinese workers are not trying to integrate and interact more profoundly with the local communities remains a big problem. In the absence of interpersonal communication and intercultural exchange, inter-ethnic and sexual assault-related incidents have also been recorded in some cases.• Surveillance: Chinese cameras equipped with face recognition technology have not been utilised in these cities to date, but local population fears that cutting-edge technology could be used as the PRC presence grows

WRITTEN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION 2013 PROGRESS REPORT ON SERBIA

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

“prEUnup” (ser. prEUgovor) is the first coalition of civil society organizations formed in order to monitor implementation of policies related to the Accession Negotiations between Serbia and EU, with an emphasis on Chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security). “prEUnup” is formed on the initiative of Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) with the mission to propose measures to improve the condition in the fields relevant for the negotiation process. In doing so, the coalition aims to use the process of EU integration to help accomplish substantial progress in further democratization of Serbian society.

Attitudes of Serbian Citizens Regarding Relations with Kosovo and Albania

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English

Relations between Serbia and Kosovo are currently reduced to the EU-facilitated talks in Brussels. The long-stalled talks went “back on track” after the appointment of EU Special Representative Miroslav Lajcak. The resumption of the dialogue was influenced by a different US approach to the Balkans following the presidential election and the appointment of Special Envoy Gabriel Escobar. Despite the international community’s strong desire for the leaders of Serbia and Kosovo to return to the negotiating table, it seemed that Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti were unwilling to take a step forward. Their first meeting in June 2021 in Brussels was not encouraging, as it revealed personal animosities that threatened to bring the dialogue to another impasse. With an accession perspective that includes no date, i.e. without a tangible ‘carrot at the end of the stick’, leaders seem less motivated to make bold decisions. The actors were more engaged in the production and management of a crisis than in taking an effort to reach a final solution and progress towards EU membership. All in all, ten years after the dialogue began, there is little room for optimism as relations between Serbia and Kosovo are now at their lowest level. Many agreements have not been fully implemented, while the implementation of Brussels’ provisions concerning the association of Serb-majority municipalities is still pending.

URGENT POLICE DEPOLITICISATION IN THE WESTERN BALKANS

Author(s): Sofija Mandić / Language(s): English

One of the biggest problems faced by the police in the Western Balkans is politicisation and lack of operational independence from political leaders and structures. This is confrmed by the legal framework on policing which introduces a wide scope of competencies of Ministers of Interior and other politically elected figures, and by the citizens’ perception that the police serve the political parties’ interests. The Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH) Law on Internal Affairs of 2014 allows direct and indirect influence of political parties and officials on the autonomy of the police. Most important shortcomings are related to the Federal Minister of Interior who is allowed to make decisions regarding concrete police actions, influence human resources micro-management, and decide on the use of police finances and detention treatment and rules. The Law only declaratively stipulates that the police are subjected to civilian and democratic control. However, more than 80 percent of the citizens of BIH believe that the influence of politics on operative work of the police is quite high. In Kosovo, before the Prime Minister takes a decision on the appointment of Police Director General, the Minister of Internal Affairs interferes in the process by establishing and regulating the work of the Commission whose task is to nominate the candidates. The 2012 Law on Police in Kosovo allows direct influence of the Minister of Internal Affairs on the internal organisation of the police and the establishment of special police units. The Minister can compromise the operational independence of the police regardless of the fact that the Law on Police stipulates otherwise. More than 70 percent of the citizens perceive police as politicised and fully, or to some extent, under political control. The Montenegrin Law on Internal Affairs of 2012 allows the Minister of Interior to influence the Police Director’s appointment by proposing the candidate to the Government, and to influence the work of the Police Directorate by appointing Police Director’s deputies. The Minister is allowed to define the exceptions concerning the duties that are deemed incompatible with police work, but he also has discretionary powers to allow police officers to conduct some activities that are in contravention to the rules if he estimates that this will not harm the professional work of the Ministry. The Minister can decide in disciplinary proceedings and develop its rules. The public image of the police as an authority serving the citizens is better, to the extent that the legal framework is more progressive – one third of the citizens believe that the police is working in their interest. The Serbian Law on Police of 2016 does not create sufficient and necessary conditions for depoliticisation of the police. The text of the law mentions “respect for the operational independence of the police” but fails to specify what that actually means. The Minister of Interior is allowed to prescribe the mode of performance of internal affairs tasks, request reports, data and other documents relating to the work of the police and the Ministry, and provide the Internal Affairs Sector with binding instructions for work, as well as with orders to perform certain tasks and undertake certain measures. The Minister is given the power to assign and dismiss the highest ranking heads of the Police Directorate. More than 80% of the citizens see the police as an institution serving others’ interests instead of theirs. There are various legal shortcomings influencing the operational independence of the police in the Western Balkans. It is therefore necessary that the international community – the European Union (EU) in particular – advocate the development of legal instruments and institutional mechanisms which will prevent the political leaders and structures from crossing the forbidden line and becoming involved in the operational work of the police.

Monitoring of Implementation of the Agreement Concluded between Kosovo and Serbia in the Field of Free Movement of People and Goods

Author(s): Predrag Bjelić,Bisera Seceragić,A. Besnik Krasniqi,Addhe Krasniqi,Vladimir Petronijević,Miroslava Jelačić,Doruntina Vinca / Language(s): English

On top of all respect for previously concluded and future talks and agreements, the agreement on freedom of movement of people is one of the fundamental agreements, and evaluation of overall relations between Belgrade and Pristina shall depend on its implementation. Can normalization be discussed if people cannot move and communicate freely? Are obstacles to free movement of people still present and what can be done to remove those obstacles? Freedom of movement is one of the fundamental freedoms upon which EU stands and substantial progress of Belgrade and Pristina on the way toward the EU depends on readiness to respect and guarantee that freedom. Agreement on freedom of movement was concluded in July 2011 and implementation of the agreement began on December 26th 2011. This agreement provided free movement for citizens of Kosovo and Serbia within territories of Kosovo and Serbia. This was made possible with identification documents (personal ID cards). Freedom of movement also includes traveling by vehicles, on condition of paying mandatory border (administrative) insurance. Agreement on integrated management of border/administrative line was concluded by teams of negotiators during the technical dialog in December 2011, but the implementation did not begin until December 2012, one year after the dialog, immediately upon the beginning of political negotiations between the Premiers of Serbia and Kosovo.

Public Opinion Poll: Euro-Atlantic Integration and Dialogue between Belgrade and Prishtina

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Center for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID) and Center for Euro-Atlantic Studies (CEAS), BelgradeNovember 08, 2018

KA TRAJNOM REŠAVANJU OTVORENIH PITANJA SRBIJE SA SUSEDIMA

Author(s): Milan Igrutinović,Miloš Paunović / Language(s): Serbian

Since the end of 2016, the Center for Applied European Studies has analyzed Serbia's bilateral relations with neighboring countries, focusing on existing open, problematic areas in bilateral relations and ways to overcome them, as part of the project Towards a Strategy for Serbia's Foreign Policy: relations with the countries. During the work on the project, a significant difference was quickly noticed in the nature and dynamics of the relations between Serbia and the countries that formed on the territory of Yugoslavia in contrast to the relations of Serbia with its "old" neighbors - Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. The analyzes came to the conclusion that the relations of the countries in the post-Yugoslav space are specific and complex enough to have to be followed over a long period of time, and the thematic framework of the new project is dedicated to the analysis of the relations of Serbia with Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia.

BU­DUĆ­NOST OD­NO­SA BEO­GRA­DA I PRI­ŠTI­NE - Upo­red­na kri­tič­ka ana­li­za pre­dlo­že­nih po­li­ti­ka, rešenja i smernica

Author(s): Jovica Pavlović / Language(s): Serbian

Kosovo is one of the key issues that Serbia needs to address on its path to becoming a European Union member state – Negotiating Chapter 35 clearly states that Serbian accession to the EU depends on its capability to normalizeits relations with Kosovo. With this in mind, the following comparative critical analysis – which is conceived as a comprehensive political document – aims to provide a policy paper that, if implemented, has the potential to contribute to the European integration efforts of the Republic of Serbia.

Public perceptions towards regional cooperation and EU integration

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Serbia’s cooperation with some neighboring countries is hampered by conflicts during the 1990s, while citizens’ attitudes are burdened by a negative perception of neighboring countries’ political influence on Serbia. This have not been surprising, taking into account a very belligerent narrative about other regional actors that have dominated the pro-government mainstream media landscape in Serbia in recent years. Citizens are either unaware of the current level of cooperation with Kosovo security institutions or are dissatisfied with certain segments of cooperation. An exception to the dominant view on security cooperation is that most Serbian citizens would accept assistance from Kosovo security institutions in case of a state of emergency or natural/ humanitarian disaster in Serbia.