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Balkánský rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Balkánský rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Author(s): Tomáš Dopita / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Předchozí vydání této publikace zaznamenávaly důležité události v české zahraniční politice vůči jihovýchodní Evropě, zejména ty ve spojení s evropskou integrací, migrační vlnou, zesílením geopolitického soupeření Západu s Ruskem, sporem polostátní skupiny ČEZ s Albánií, dohodou o normalizaci vztahů a dialogu mezi Bělehradem a Prištinou či dlouhodobými dopady finanční krize. Během této doby aktéři české zahraniční politiky rozvíjeli vztahy s jihovýchodní Evropou a v roce 2015 se v aktualizované Koncepci zahraniční politiky České republiky zaměřili zejména na aktivní podporu integračního „úsilí Srbska, dalších zemí západního Balkánu a Turecka“. Přitom se však museli vyrovnávat s vlastním ambivalentním a polarizovaným vztahem ke Kosovu i s podnikatelskými neúspěchy při balkánské expanzi skupiny ČEZ. Mediálně zdaleka nejzmiňovanější balkánskou zemí bylo v posledních letech Řecko, a to zejména ve spojitosti s dluhovou a posléze migrační krizí. Přímé politické vztahy České republiky s Řeckem však byly doposud poměrně omezené.

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Balkánský rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Balkánský rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Author(s): Tomáš Dopita / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Stejně jako v předchozích letech, i v roce 2015 pokračovali aktéři české zahraniční politiky v proaktivní podpoře euroatlantické integrace západního Balkánu jako hlavní dlouhodobé prioritě balkánské dimenze české zahraniční politiky. Tak jako v předchozích letech však docházelo v české zahraniční politice k polarizaci a politizaci kvůli nezávislosti Kosova. Proces normalizace vztahů mezi Srbskem a Kosovem, nastartovaný dohodou z dubna 2013, se v české zahraniční politice stále ještě nikterak neprojevil, začal však již být brán v potaz v českém mediálním prostoru. V roce 2015 také pokračoval trend geopolitického soupeření mezi EU a Ruskem, který započal v roce 2014 a doposud fungoval jako katalyzátor euroatlantické integrace západního Balkánu a protiváha únavy z integrace ve starých členských státech EU.

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The Balkan dimension of Czech foreign policy

The Balkan dimension of Czech foreign policy

Author(s): Tomáš Dopita / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Identically to former years, some representatives of the Czech foreign policy continued with the proactive support of the Western Balkans Euro-Atlantic integration in 2015 as the main long-lasting priority of the Balkan dimension within the Czech foreign policy. Identically to former years, the Czech foreign policy was polarized and politicised in regard to the independence of Kosovo. The normalisation process be-tween Serbia and Kosovo, commenced by the agreement from April 2013, was not reflected in the Czech foreign policy but it was considered by the Czech media. In 2015, the trend of geopolitical competing continued between the EU and Russia; it started in 2014 and functioned as a catalyst for the Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans and the counterbalance to the tiredness from the integration in the old EU member states. The general procedure during the integration of the Western Balkans was accompanied by the further development of direct economic and social relationships with all South East European countries, and the economic dimension in 2015 was less affected by former unsuccessful investment expansion of Czech power generating companies in this area. Like in the previous year, the Greek debts played quite a significant and special role in the Czech foreign policy in 2015; it was strongly discussed in the public debate on European and macroeconomic topics but the communication on the official side of the Czech foreign policy was minimal. The new subject of reaction in 2015 from the Czech foreign policy representatives, the public, and media was the wave of migrants passing through the Western-Balkan migration path. In regard to the structure, this chapter focuses on the current solutions and political context of the Czech foreign policy in regard to the Balkan Peninsula. Subsequently, the attention is focused on the agenda and the events in 2015, namely the Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans, the economic and social relations with Southeast Europe, the refugee wave and the migration. Prior to the conclusion, the analysis of the media context of the Czech foreign policy has been introduced with respect to individual Balkan countries.

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Banking Products and Bank Risk Management of the World Bank

Banking Products and Bank Risk Management of the World Bank

Author(s): Valeri Konicheva / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper provides a comprehensive overview of the World Bank Group, which comprises the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), the International Development Association (IDA), International Finance Corporation (IFC), Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA), and the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). It includes details on the group's structure, locations, and a brief history. The World Bank offers a diverse range of financial products, including loans, risk management services, credit enhancement, disaster risk management insurance, contingent financing, and advisory services. The bank is exposed to several types of risks, including operational, and corporate risks, and financial risks. The bank is also exposed to risky events such as fraud, noncompliance, and losses. The World Bank Treasury manages the bank's activities and is responsible for Treasury Risk, Compliance, and Controls (TRERC). The World Bank is focusing on promoting sustainable development by addressing the root causes of poverty and inequality, such as lack of access to education, healthcare, and economic opportunities. By addressing these underlying factors, the bank aims to promote long-term resilience to risks and create sustainable and inclusive growth.

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GEOPOLITIKA NE MOŽE ODGODITI ZELENU TRANZICIJU U SRBIJI
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GEOPOLITIKA NE MOŽE ODGODITI ZELENU TRANZICIJU U SRBIJI

Author(s): Dragan Đuričin / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

These days the global economy and humanity as a whole are in deep and permanent regression. Due to continuous making and widening of imbalances, the economy fell in a confluence of crises (cascading crisis, rolling crisis or a crisis in the system of crises). Along with the economy, the planet has fallen in a serious trap of dying slowly but surely. Finding systemic solutions to growing imbalances both in the economy and the planet as a whole is the imperative of our time. The so-called “green transition” is a big idea to mitigate current crisis and make a recovery. From an economic perspective, it is a way to nullify the existing structural imbalances of economic neoliberalism and misconceptions of related reactive policies, as well as a platform backing sustainable and inclusive economic growth in balance with the limits of nature. This approach is particularly suitable for developing economies that aspire to catch up with the developed world through new industrialization. In this paper, we attempt to concentrate, among dozens of complex issues concerning the transition from an old to a new economic order, on those solutions pertaining to the economic system adjustments in line with the natural limits in a landlocked, small, open, and developing national economy such as Serbia. The great majority of economics scholars have agreed upon the root causes of the current economic crisis as well as the key assumptions regarding problem solutions. In defining our proposals, despite different angles, we intend to integrate the most effective elements of a widely accepted but outside-the-box view. It is not certain for how long the current crisis will last. Some crisis management actions are already being implemented. Unfortunately, it is not enough. To reverse the regression trend, four questions need to be answered. How to adjust local actions to global priorities? What would be a feasible and effective growth model and conceptual platform of economic policy for the crisis mitigation along with the subsequent revival and set-up of a sustainable and inclusive economy? How to coordinate transformative activities in the right direction at the local level? How to weight different instruments to finance the transition from a new normal to a better normal, particularly from the perspective of the goal function and performance measurement system within basic economic agents? To answer the previous questions, the economic theory and policy should abandon the nexus of neoliberal rules, in both microeconomics and macroeconomics, and adopt a new nexus of economic rules, capable of explaining the real behavior of economic agents, sometimes irrational and inconsistent as explained by behavioral economics, but always under and “universal connectivity” as a dominant free good in the post-industrial age, as well as under the impact of natural limits. The above requires the implementation of the circular model of growth and heterodox economic policy platform. Following the previous line of reasoning, the material is organized in four parts, besides Introduction and Conclusion. The Part 1 discusses unsustainability of the current growth model and related economic policy platform and underlines the necessity for a truly radical paradigm change to mitigate the structural crisis and to set up a new conceptual platform for sustainable and inclusive growth. The Part 2 is focused on the reasons why reactive economic policies failed during a structural crisis. The Part 3 proposes the green transition as a breakthrough idea for radical system change. The Part 4 analyzes the macroeconomic performance and development opportunities of Serbia as prerequisites for the transition toward a greener economy.

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Геоенергийната трансформация на Европа

Геоенергийната трансформация на Европа

Author(s): Nina Dyulgerova / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The researched problem is dedicated to the results of the economic sanctions of the EU against Russia, which lead to a significant transformation in the energy mix of Europe. The main highlights of the changes are in the field of gas and oil.

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Геополитическият образ на България в контекста на пространствената идентичност

Геополитическият образ на България в контекста на пространствената идентичност

Author(s): Viliyan Krastev / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

This research is devoted to a subject, beyond the control of the conceptual features of the critical geopolitics, on the basis of which is the understanding of the space. The major segments of belonging, which express the spatial identity of Bulgaria, are consistently analysed: Proto Bulgarian ethno-genetic root; Orthodox culture; Slavic ethnic and linguistic belonging; Balkan and European identity.

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From Kashmir to East Pakistan: How Hegemony Absence Redefined South Asian Warfare

From Kashmir to East Pakistan: How Hegemony Absence Redefined South Asian Warfare

Author(s): Diyun Zhang / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Post-World War II saw a bipolar global structure emerge, altering warfare dynamics to include not only traditional wars but also civil conflicts, skirmishes, guerrilla tactics, and terrorism. Superpowers like the USA and USSR, often involved in regional disputes in South Asia, the Middle East, and Africa, have been criticized for escalating tensions. However, their absence sometimes led to greater instability and uncertainty, potentially sparking new conflicts. Aiming to investigate how and why hegemony absence has shaped the evolution of warfare in the region, this article examines the three significant conventional wars between India and Pakistan that transpired in South Asia —a region deeply entrenched in distinct historical and political significance. It reveals that the 1947 Kashmir War, occurring during a period of superpower preoccupation, failed to resolve tensions and laid the groundwork for future conflicts. The increased superpower involvement in the 1965 war significantly altered the conflict's scale and outcomes. In contrast, the 1971 war, with focused attention and support from the USA and the USSR, led to East Pakistan's independence, reshaping South Asia's geopolitical structure. Using process tracing and comparative analysis, this study highlights the critical impact of hegemonic absence on regional conflicts, marked by increased decision-making autonomy, diminished resource aid, and limited mediation efforts. This South Asian case study enriches our understanding of hegemony's role in international relations theory.

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Nowy pakt o migracji i azylu

Nowy pakt o migracji i azylu

Author(s): Judyta Cabańska / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

In recent years, the scale of migration flows in Europe has necessitated additional reforms to control external borders and migrant flows. The European Commission has proposed The New Pacton Migration and Asylum, which is a set of regulations to create a fairer, efficient, and more sustainable migration and asylum process for the European Union. The new Pact agreed between the European Parliament and the Council in December 2023. The aim of this chapter is to set out the objectives of the new Pact on Migration and Asylum and the proposed changes to the migration and asylum system. Analysis of the EU legal acts and literature review are used as main research methods in the chapter. The results show that the new common approach to migration and asylum is based on solidarity, responsibility, and respect for human rights. The proposals set out in the legislative proposals that form part of the Pact include principles on the processing of asylum applications, the introduction of temporary emergency measures for crisis situations, the improvement of the EU fingerprint database for asylum seekers, the introduction of screening, reception conditions for asylum seekers, the creation of a permanent EU resettlement framework, the harmonisation of protection standards and the rights of asylum seekers. As planned, the new rules are intended to increase the efficiency of the European asylum system, which is crucial in the light of the predicted intensification of migratory flows worldwide.

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УПОТРЕБА СИЛЕ У ПОРЕТКУ УЈЕДИЊЕНИХ НАЦИЈА

УПОТРЕБА СИЛЕ У ПОРЕТКУ УЈЕДИЊЕНИХ НАЦИЈА

Author(s): Duško Dimitrijević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In contemporary international relations, the ideas of the New World Order and global governance in the field of peace have led to significant political implications in the sphere of collective security of the United Nations. New security challenges, manifested through frequent violations of the rules prohibiting the use of force and the threat, have caused irregular or "quasi-legal" situations. Thus, in the decades after the end of the Cold War, it happened that force was used for the purpose of prevention, and on the basis of the right to self-defense when the threat was not serious and immanent. Then, force was used preventively when the threat potentially or actually existed, but outside the borders of the state territory. Finally, force was also used within the borders of national territories when serious internal conflicts occurred. Although there was no specific legal basis for the aforementioned cases in the United Nations Charter or in general international law, the cases were often covered by Security Council resolutions in order to justify the impact of effectiveness, i.e. the created factual situation, on the positive international legal order. In the context of the changed political circumstances in the international community, a re-examination of the rules on the use of force and the threat of force in the United Nations order therefore seems quite understandable, since the proper management of the collective security system requires an interpretation consistent with the objectives of the United Nations, among which the protection of world peace and security is a fundamental basis for the survival of humanity.

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ПРАВО ДРЖАВА НА УПОТРЕБУ СИЛЕ У САМООДБРАНИ И ЊЕГОВА ЗЛОУПОТРЕБА

ПРАВО ДРЖАВА НА УПОТРЕБУ СИЛЕ У САМООДБРАНИ И ЊЕГОВА ЗЛОУПОТРЕБА

Author(s): Senad Ganić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The right of a state to self-defense is one of the two, indisputably permitted ways of using force in international relations. In Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, this right is defined as an "innate right of states", which implies that it existed as such even before the Charter and that the content of this right is largely determined, not only by codified, but also by customary rules of international law. The inclusion of customary rules of international law as rules that, at least partially, determine the content of a state's right to self-defense necessarily raises a number of open questions. This is due to the uncertainty and specificity of international custom as a rule whose existence must be proven in each specific case. This again leads us into the field of numerous argumentative debates in which, not only do there be disagreements regarding the meaning and content of the right to self-defense, but also regarding the conditions that must be met in order for the exercise of this right to be in accordance with international law. In practice, this situation leads to the abuse of the right of a state to self-defense, which has far-reaching consequences for international relations. In this regard, we consider it extremely important not only to point out this problem, but also, to the extent possible, to try to contribute to its further clarification.

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ПОСТЕПЕНИ РАЗВОЈ ЕВРОПСКЕ УНИЈЕ КАО БЕЗБЕДНОСНЕ ЗАЈЕДНИЦЕ – НА ПУТУ ОД ВЕНЕРЕ КА МАРСУ

ПОСТЕПЕНИ РАЗВОЈ ЕВРОПСКЕ УНИЈЕ КАО БЕЗБЕДНОСНЕ ЗАЈЕДНИЦЕ – НА ПУТУ ОД ВЕНЕРЕ КА МАРСУ

Author(s): Duško Lopandić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The text examines the progress of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) over the last decades in the context of building the EU as a security community. The question is raised whether and to what extent the EU has already become a security community. The elements of building this community are pointed out, including the provision on mutual military support from the Lisbon Treaty, the development of various foreign and security policy instruments, as well as the concrete military action of the EU in international affairs, such as peacekeeping missions and the like. The basic EU institutions in the field of ESDP are presented and the main steps in building the ESDP to date are outlined. The paper points out the limitations in building the ESDP, which relate to NATO's role as the main defence backbone in transatlantic relations and in the military strategies of most EU member states. Particular attention is paid to the formation of the "Permanent Structured Cooperation" (PESCO) as a new form of defence cooperation. It is pointed out that the "Permanent Structured Cooperation" was created after years of anticipation ("sleeping beauty"), immediately after Brexit, as a way to demonstrate the vitality of the EU. Most EU member states participate in this cooperation, not just those that are most militarily prepared. In conclusion, it is emphasized that, regardless of the undoubted development of the ESDP, the establishment of a security community remains a long-term EU goal, not an immediate reality.

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THE NATO WAR OF 1999 AND THE IMPOTENCE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

THE NATO WAR OF 1999 AND THE IMPOTENCE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

Author(s): Hans Köchler / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The unilateral use of force by NATO member states against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999 has made obvious the flaws of the United Nations system of collective security and has demonstrated the unenforceability of the ban on the use of force in contemporary international law. The concept of “humanitarian intervention” has been proven to be legally invalid, essentially serving as an ideological tool to justify acts for which it is impossible to obtain the Security Council authorization. The dysfunctionality of the Council in the Yugoslavia/Kosovo conflict was further aggravated by a systemic flaw in the UN Charter, namely the provisions of Article 27(3) allowing a permanent member to act as judex in causa sua/ “judge in his own cause,” and to block any collective enforcement action against its own acts of aggression. In terms of international criminal law, the NATO war of 1999 has further exposed the problems of judicial procedures based on Chapter VII resolutions of the Security Council. The (legally invalid) creation of an ad hoc court by virtue of a coercive measure of the Council has meant the politicization of proceedings and a practice of double standards, effectively determined by the most powerful states in the Council at the time. No investigation was ever opened over the war crimes committed by NATO forces in the course of the 1999 war (over which the Yugoslavia Tribunal of the Security Council clearly had jurisdiction). In regard to (state) accountability for acts of aggression as well as (personal) responsibility for the commission of international crimes, the lesson from the NATO war of 1999 is twofold: (a) that international law under the UN system of collective security is impotent, and (b) a unipolar power constellation frequently invites acts of self-help and encourages a policy of faits accomplis. This can only be challenged if a credible balance of power emerges at the global level.

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THE CAUSES OF THE NATO AGGRESSION ON THE FR YUGOSLAVIA

THE CAUSES OF THE NATO AGGRESSION ON THE FR YUGOSLAVIA

Author(s): Dušan N. Proroković,Branko Krga / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Despite the often quoted allegations that the intervention was provoked by the bloodshed and ethnic cleansing of thousands of Albanians driving them into exile in neighboring countries, and the potential of this situation to destabilize the region, the authors of this article tried to analyze the geopolitical and foreign policy indicators to identify the real causes of the NATO aggression on the FR Yugoslavia. The work consists of four parts. The first part is devoted to the development of the Kosovo crisis and the possibility of its solution during 1998-1999. The second part describes the facts that have preceded the decision of the NATO Council to intervene. The reasons for the decision to bomb Yugoslavia are analyzed in the third section. The fourth part is dedicated to the final considerations. In this article, the authors come to the conclusion that NATO had seven reasons to start a campaign in the spring 1999: first, to save its own credibility and celebrate fifty years of its existence; second, to accelerate the overthrow of Milosevic from power and put the entire post-Yugoslav space under the umbrella of NATO; third, the geopolitical reasons - to oust Russian influence; fourth, to bypass the UN and minimize the role of this international organization in world politics; fifth, to correct the mistakes made after the Second World War; sixth, the interests of the American military-industrial complex; and seventh - to improve the image of the United States in the Islamic world.

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NATO ROAD TO SERBIA: WHY 1999?

NATO ROAD TO SERBIA: WHY 1999?

Author(s): Slobodan Janković / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

How NATO found its new raison d’être after the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact in the Yugoslav crisis? Why Serbia and the Serbs were designated as bad guys? How the initial NATO and USA policy determined the sides in the war, and how it affected the U.S. policy in Europe are the questions raised and answered in this article. The author starts with the historical introduction of the Yugoslav crisis and wars in the territory of the dissolved nation. He presents the main differing views on these processes among scholars and explains how their attachment to governmental policies affects their portrayal of events. Afterward, the author examines the European and global context in which the crisis and the subsequent aggression of the NATO Alliance on a small Balkan state occurred. Different interests in Berlin, Washington, London and the Vatican led to common action against a pariah state of the 1990s. What prevailed is the Anglo Saxon influence in the Balkans and in the EU.

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NATO INTERVENTION IN THE LIGHT OF THE SERBIAN-ALBANIAN WAR OVER KOSOVO

NATO INTERVENTION IN THE LIGHT OF THE SERBIAN-ALBANIAN WAR OVER KOSOVO

Author(s): Danuta Gibas-Krzak / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The author of this paper will present the circumstances of the NATO attack on Yugoslavia in 1999. The main goal of this address will be to show historical conditions of the Serbian-Albanian conflict over Kosovo, which led to the escalation of violence in this Serbian province. Moreover, the proofs will be shown that information about ethnic cleansing allegedly perpetrated by the Serbs in Kosovo were fabricated and they were the main cause of a decision made by NATO about the attack. NATO intervention was described in the subject literature in the West as a military operation and the “first war in history for the rights of man”. The author of this paper shall present an analysis exposing this thesis, showing the terrorist character of the actions of the Kosovo Liberation Army and presenting the participation of “big players” in the Serbian-Albanian conflict who fight for their influences in the Balkans.

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ANALYSING THE DEBATES AT THE TURKISH PARLIAMENT DURING THE KOSOVO CONFLICT (1998-1999): IMPACT OF GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY AND IDENTITY

ANALYSING THE DEBATES AT THE TURKISH PARLIAMENT DURING THE KOSOVO CONFLICT (1998-1999): IMPACT OF GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY AND IDENTITY

Author(s): Birgül Demirtaş / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Turkish foreign policy towards the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia was carried out in cooperation with its Western allies. However, as different from its policy during the Bosnian War, Turkey assumed a more careful attitude with regard to the Kosovo issue. During the Kosovo War, Turkey did not undertake any guardianship role for the Kosovo Albanians to the extent that it had done for the Bosniaks during the Bosnian War. Different dynamics had an impact on Turkey’s Kosovo policy, its internal problems, the Cyprus issue, Balkan diaspora in Turkey and the presence of the Turkish minority in Kosovo. The presentation will provide an analytical overview of Turkey’s approach towards Kosovo based on the proceedings of the Turkish Grand National Assembly. During that period Turkey was mostly governed by coalition governments. How the governing parties and opposition parties reacted to events in Kosovo during the parliamentary sessions will be analysed through conceptual frameworks. The perceived Ottoman history, the existence of “relative communities” and the Turkish minority, and the fear of the spread of the Kosovo issue to neighbouring countries became important factors affecting the construction of the Turkish foreign policy. The presentation will examine the proceedings of the Parliament in 1998-1999 focusing on concepts like “Ottoman legacy”, “identity”, “interest”. It will analyse how Turkey’s commitments to the Western alliance, how its identity construction as a regional power and how its political, economic and cultural interests became effective in the formulation of Turkey’s attitude towards the conflict in Kosovo.

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THE 1999 NATO BOMBING CAMPAIGN AND THE 21ST CENTURY STRATEGIC ALLIANCE BETWEEN CHINA AND RUSSIA

THE 1999 NATO BOMBING CAMPAIGN AND THE 21ST CENTURY STRATEGIC ALLIANCE BETWEEN CHINA AND RUSSIA

Author(s): Beatriz Bissio / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In the 21st century, the formation of a multipolar world is apparent, with Russia and China as key players.The cooperation between Russia and China has been strengthening year by year: bilateral trade in the expansion, major agreements signed in the strategic areas of energy and security, joint military exercises. One turning point was the joint declaration “World Order in the 21st Century”, signed in Moscow in July 2005, during the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II. The cited declaration warned of Moscow and Beijing rejection at any attempt of intervention by “foreign forces” in their regions and opposed any endeavor to impose “political and social models of development” coming from outside. It is not difficult to see that, besides defining a new level of the relations between China and Russia, the intention was to respond to the US-led interventions which started with the 1999 NATO bombing campaignin the former Yugoslavia and increased after the 9/11 attack in 2001. The chapter will analyze the intensification of cooperation between China and Russia, in particular, and the role of the two countries in the promotion of other initiatives – like BRICS, the “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR), also known as the New Silk Road; the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), called the “NATO of the East” in Western media outlets, etc. – in the context of a geopolitical reply to the 1999 military campaign and its consequences for global security.

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THE BANALITY OF POWER AND THE IDEOLOGY OF UNIVERSALISM (REASONS FOR, EFFECTS OF AND LESSONS DRAWN FROM NATO ASSAULT ON SERBIA IN 1999)

THE BANALITY OF POWER AND THE IDEOLOGY OF UNIVERSALISM (REASONS FOR, EFFECTS OF AND LESSONS DRAWN FROM NATO ASSAULT ON SERBIA IN 1999)

Author(s): Vladimir N. Cvetković / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

NATO’s political and - above all – military participation in secessionmotivated conflicts in the former Yugoslavia (1990-1995), will be remembered as a clear example of demonstration of power, intentions and (in)capability of the victor in a decades-long global “cold war“ between the “freedom-loving” West and “totalitarian East”. Regardless of the expectations of liberal theoreticians and the majority of public opinion, it was soon revealed that the victory was not the “triumph of freedom” and even less “the end of history”. On the contrary, as historically typical, it was only an unstable resultant of relations between the major actors in the modern global theater, who strive to legitimize their need for domination with varying success and vocabulary. Hence, the lessons to be learned from the final act of destruction of Yugoslavia (several months of the NATO bombing of Serbia in 1999) have the expected tone of banality: absolute might strives for absolute power (which remains unattainable in principle); “the mighty oppress” is true always and in any place (but with a time limit); and, finally, what everyone knows but does not (or is unable or refuses) say aloud: the only true alternative to military threat and/or aggression of a single political actor is an equally valid (military) threat/aggression by another one. We are tempted to conclude that, despite the ideological ardor of NGO activists, the political correctness of theoreticians and the rhetorical figures of speech of politicians, the “banalities” remain valid as the only certainties, i.e., regularities in the unpredictable currents of relations between states.

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NATO: ESSENTIAL OR OBSOLETE?

NATO: ESSENTIAL OR OBSOLETE?

Author(s): Richard Sakwa / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

During his presidential campaign in 2016 Donald J. Trump argued that NATO was ‘obsolete’. Once elected president, Trump retreated and accepted that the alliance is here to stay, but as became clear at the Brussels Summit in July 2018, he adopted a much more transactional view of the alliance. This paper will put recent debates on the future of NATO in the context of the Second Cold War. What is the purpose of maintaining a security alliance in an era when the circumstances that prompted its creation have changed so dramatically? Does the Atlantic power system come into contradiction with the aspirations of the end of the Cold War creating a ‘common European home’ and a ‘Europe whole and free’? More disturbingly, does the very continued existence of NATO create security dilemmas that justify its existence? The nature and purpose of the Atlantic Alliance will be examined, reviewing its development since 1989 and the consequences of its actions. The persistence of an anachronistic institutional and ideational security order in Europe contributes to the emergence of an anti-hegemonic alignment at the global level, where Russia, China and other partners are gradually creating an alternative global architecture intended not so much to challenge the historical West as to create a non-hierarchical and pluralist post-western alternative order.

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CEEOL is a leading provider of academic eJournals, eBooks and Grey Literature documents in Humanities and Social Sciences from and about Central, East and Southeast Europe. In the rapidly changing digital sphere CEEOL is a reliable source of adjusting expertise trusted by scholars, researchers, publishers, and librarians. CEEOL offers various services to subscribing institutions and their patrons to make access to its content as easy as possible. CEEOL supports publishers to reach new audiences and disseminate the scientific achievements to a broad readership worldwide. Un-affiliated scholars have the possibility to access the repository by creating their personal user account.

Contact Us

Central and Eastern European Online Library GmbH
Basaltstrasse 9
60487 Frankfurt am Main
Germany
Amtsgericht Frankfurt am Main HRB 102056
VAT number: DE300273105
Phone: +49 (0)69-20026820
Email: info@ceeol.com

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