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№105. A Synergy for Black Sea Regional Cooperation:

Author(s): Fabrizio Tassinari / Language(s): English

This study advocates that the EU support a comprehensive, multi-stakeholder initiative to achieve synergy from regional cooperation in the wider Black Sea area. The background for this initiative is first provided through an overview of the challenges, recent developments and EU interests in this region. Different models of regionalism have been promoted by the EU in the European periphery, and these are schematised with a focus on their respective advantages and disadvantages. Finally guidelines for an EU initiative are set out under: 1) objectives and sector-specific actions, 2) its scope in terms of variable geographic geometries of desirable cooperation in the region and 3) a Framework of institutional and financial arrangements to support the process. An overarching mechanism is required to give political cohesion, ownership, visibility and strategic purpose to the process, and this could well be based on an annual, high-level meeting, drawing on the model of the Black Sea Forum Summit in Bucharest on 5 June 2006.

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№126. European Neighbourhood Policy Two Years on: Time indeed for an ‘ENP plus’

Author(s): Michael Emerson,Gergana Noutcheva,Nicu Popescu / Language(s): English

Conceived in 2003 and 2004, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has now had two years of operational experience. This initial experience has seen a sorting out of the partner states, with Action Plans drawn up for five Eastern and seven Southern partner states. We would distinguish among these 12 states between the ‘willing’ and the ‘passive’; and among the other partner states without Action Plans between the ‘reluctant’ and the ‘excluded’. These groupings should be the basis for stronger differentiation in the policy packages offered by the EU. In general the political context now calls for a strong reinforcement of the ENP, since the benign situation of 2004 has given way now to a more menacing one, given threats to European values bearing down on the EU from all sides. The EU institutions recognise these needs in principle, and last December the Commission advanced many valuable proposals. ‘ENP plus’ is a term being used by the current German Presidency, without this yet being defined in a public document in operational detail. In our view, ‘ENP plus’ could mean: Plus an advanced association model for the able and willing partner states, Plus a strengthening of regional-multilateral schemes, Plus an upgrading of the standard instruments being deployed, and Plus the offer of an ‘ENP light’ model for difficult states or non-recognised entities. More precisely we suggest a 15-point programme for achieving a qualitative upgrading of the ENP, to give it strategic leverage, rather than allowing it to be seen as a poor cousin of the enlargement process.

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№215. How to Change the EU Treaties. An Overview of Revision Procedures under the Treaty of Lisbon

Author(s): Peadar ó Broin / Language(s): English

Less than a year has passed since the Lisbon Treaty became part of EU law, thereby bringing to an end almost a decade of intergovernmental wrangling over EU institutional reform. Yet despite its protracted ratification process and pledges from national administrations and EU authorities that the Lisbon Treaty had closed the issue of treaty reform for the foreseeable future, a number of modifications to the EU treaties are currently in the pipeline. One such proposal, relating to the number of seats in the European Parliament, has already left the drawing board and is presently pending national ratification. But perhaps most significant are those proposals that could amount to major treaty reform in areas such as the Franco-German Declaration of Deauville, which proposes significant changes in the area of economic and monetary union and, possibly also institutional reform. This Policy Brief provides an overview of the procedures that are available to change the Treaty of Lisbon. A companion piece looks at the political issues raised by the debate on a substantive treaty change that is currently underway.

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№216. From Lisbon to Deauville: Practicalities of the Lisbon treaty revision(s)

Author(s): Piotr Maciej Kaczyński,Peadar ó Broin / Language(s): English

It has only been one year since the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force and already there is a stack of pending issues requiring primary law change in the EU. The Franco-German Deauville Declaration of 18 October 2010 is probably the most politically prominent of them all, yet it is not the first, nor will it be the last in a long, incremental process of constant treaty revision similar to the national process of amending national constitutions. All of these proposals have one feature in common: none of them is an overarching treaty change and each one is designed in such a way that amends only one element of the system. This, in theory, should avoid the need to submit the change to public referenda in the EU as part of the ratification process. This paper explores the political difficulties of treaty reform in the context of five pending revisions. It first looks at the Deauville Declaration and its translation into political and legal reality. The second part is dedicated to the four other treaty revisions on the European agenda. Finally, it focuses on some of the potential problems in the ratification phase.

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Izbor - Kosmet, 2008 / 05 / 23

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

AZIJSKA SENKA NAD KOSOVOM I BALKANOM (Gazeta shqiptare - Tirana) NEZAVISNOST U INKUBATORU (Express - Priština) MILOŠEVIĆEVA SPS I DEMOKRATIJA U SRBIJI (Zëri - Priština) UNMIK, GO HOME! (Koha ditore - Priština) MUTACIJA (Vetëvendosje! - Priština) IMA O ČEMU DA SE RAZGOVARA? (Infopress - Priština) OPASNOST OD ”MEKE PODELE” (Epoka e re - Priština) IZABRALI SU EU A NE KOSOVO! (Zëri - Priština) ŠTA ĆE TADIĆ TRAŽITI OD ZAPADA POVODOM KOSOVA UKOLIKO FORMIRA VLADU SRBIJE? (Zëri - Priština) NOVE POJAVE SRPSKOG HEGEMONIZMA (55 - Tirana) REČ KOJU TREBA ODRŽATI (Zëri - Priština) SADAŠNJE KLUPKO - ČISTO REŠENJE SA ICO-om I EULEX-om ILI HIBRIDNO POD UNMIK-om (Zëri - Priština) SRBIJA U EVROPI (Standard - Tirana) ODSUSTVO ZAHVALNOSTI (Zëri - Priština) OSTANITE U EVROPI! (Koha ditore - Priština) BRISEL I EVROPSKA POLITIKA PREMA SRBIJI (Zëri - Priština) NOJEVI I MEDVEĐE ŠAPE (Koha ditore - Priština) SEVER BEZ GOSPODARA (Kosova sot - Priština) SRPSKA KORIST I KOSOVO KAO OSTRVO (Kosova sot - Priština) DECENTRALIZACIJA NA KOSOVU JE ETNIČKA I POLITIČKA (Koha ditore - Priština) DOBRA DRŽAVA, SRBIJA! (Express - Priština) DOVIĐENJA U EVROPI! (Infopress - Priština) DAN USTAVA (Express - Priština)

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DPC POLICY NOTE 05: Negotiating Conditionality: An Updated Review of the European Union Progress Reports for Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Author(s): Patrick Dick / Language(s): English

The purpose of this updated report is to review the European Union’s (EU) evolving approach to Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in assessing fulfillment of EU membership conditions. In particular, this report is concerned with the following questions: How have EU requirements for BiH changed over time, if at all?, and; Have priorities evolved, and, if so, how? The European Commission “has drawn detailed conclusions regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina… based on the technical analysis contained in… the annual EU Progress Reports for accession-bound countries.” These Progress Reports are technical in nature, but are nonetheless collective assessments generated by a committee of diagnostic evaluators. Apart from the political and economic situation, the Progress Reports “review Bosnia and Herzegovina’s capacity to implement European standards, that is, to gradually make legislation in key policy areas more compatible with European legislation and standards.” As such, they are a useful barometer of progress made not only in reform, but also expectations and requirements.3 They provide a useful annual baseline to consider both the status of the country in question in its reform and accession preparations, as well as the EU’s expectations for the country in question. In an effort to answer the above questions, the author has analyzed the annual EU Progress Reports for Bosnia and Herzegovina from 2005 – 2013. These reports break down EU requirements by topic and sector. They are published with a nearly identical structure year after year, which facilitates comparison. The following five areas are examined: Agriculture, the Constitution, the Judicial System, Education, and Minority Rights and Protection. These sections were chosen for their link to constitutional reform issues—specifically those identified as crucial for EU accession (justice, agriculture, constitution)—as well as broader human rights issues related to BiH as a post-war, transition state (education, minority rights).

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Analiza člana 19 Zakona o radu FBiH u odnosu na Direktivu Vijeća Europske unije 1999/70/EC o Okvirnom sporazumu o radu na određeno vrijeme

Author(s): Jasmin Muratagić / Language(s): Bosnian

Tradicionalno shvatanje ugovora o radu (kao ugovora o radu sklopljenog, u pravilu, na neodređeno vrijeme) doživljava promjene. Praksa u EU i u FBiH pokazala je tendenciju sve češćeg sklapanja ugovora o radu na određeno vrijeme, što je posljedica potrebe fleksibilizacije radnih odnosa. Kako je Sporazumom o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju Bosna i Hercegovina deklarativno preuzela obavezu da svoje zakonodavstvo uskladi sa pravnim poretkom EU, tako se Zakonom o radu FBiH, mora predvidjeti okvir za ostvarivanje principa i postizanje ciljeva predviđenih Direktivom. Iako je na prvi pogled zakonodavac FBiH uskladio svoje propise sa Direktivom 1999/70/EC i Okvirnim sporazumom, analizom člana 19 Zakona o radu FBiH, da se zaključiti da zakonodavac FBiH nije uspostavio pravni okvir koji bi onemogućio praksu zloupotrebe ugovora o radu na određeno vrijeme. U tom svijetlu možemo reći da odredbe Zakona o radu FBiH suštinski ne ostvaruju ciljeve i ne uspostavljaju principe predviđene Direktivom i Okvirnim sporazumom o radu. Da bi se član 19 Zakona o radu FBiH, zaista, suštinski uskladio sa ciljevima predviđenim Direktivom neophodno je da njime budu tretirana sljedeća pitanja: 1. Jasno definisani posebni slučajevi i uslovi zaključenja ugovora o radu na određeno vrijeme. Tako bi poslodavac mogao ponuditi ugovor o radu na određeno vrijeme samo u tačno propisanim slučajevima, odnosno za tačno određene vrste posla, što bi u praksi otežalo zloupotrebu ugovora o radu na određeno vrijeme, kratkog trajanja, a za poslove stalnog karaktera. 2. Ograničenje mogućeg broja zaključenja uzastopnih ugovora o radu na određeno vrijeme između istog poslodavca i istog zaposlenika za isti posao. Ovakva mjera bi adekvatno spriječila ovaj oblik zloupotrebe. 3. Ponuditi slično rješenje kao u Zakonu o radu Republike Srpske i izmijeniti važeću pravnu fikciju da pri zaključivanju uzastopnih ugovora o radu na određeno vrijeme, od radnji i ponašanja zaposlenika, zavisi da li se ugovor na određeno vrijeme ima smatrati ugovorom na neodređeno vrijeme. Time bi se onemogućila različita tumačenja konkretne zakonske odredbe, koja u praksi, kao što je pokazano primjerom u poglavlju 5.1, zbog nepoznavanja punog obima prava i obaveza, idu na štetu zaposlenika. 4. Izmijeniti, odnosno produžiti trajanje vremenskog perioda od 15 dana, koji se po tački 7 člana 20 Zakona o radu FBiH ne smatra prekidom ugovora o radu. Time bi se trenutna praksa tzv. „prijave/odjave zaposlenika sa PIO evidnecije“ , na osnovu koje poslodavci izbjegavaju zaključenje ugovora o radu na neodređeno vrijeme i time zasnivanja radnog odnosa na neodređeno vrijeme, znatno umanjila, a u konačnici dokinula.

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Odgovornost države za štetu uzrokovanu pogrešnom presudom – praksa Vrhovnog suda Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine u svjetlu prakse Suda Evropske unije

Author(s): Zlatan Meškić,Maja Čolaković / Language(s): Bosnian

Odgovornost države za štetu nastalu usljed pogreške suda u BiH je utemeljena na čl. 172 ZOO-a FBiH i čl. 172 ZOO RS-a, koji uređuju odgovornost pravne osobe za štetu prouzrokovanu od njenog organa. „Nepravilan ili nezakonit“ rada suda kao uslov za odgovornost države za pogrešku suda ne proizilazi iz same formulacije ove odredbe, te Vrhovni sud FBiH do ovog uslova dolazi historijskim i komparativnim tumačenjem. Kao uzor za uspostavljanje kriterija za ocjenu kada se rad suda smatra „nepravilnim ili nezakonitim“, Vrhovni sud FBiH uzima praksu Suda EU iz predmeta Köbler, prema kojoj povreda prava EU mora biti ne samo „dovoljno ozbiljna“, nego i „očigledna“. Prema navedenoj praksi, krivica je samo jedan od kriterija za utvrđivanje da li je povreda „dovoljno ozbiljna“, ali se ne smije ispitivati kao samostalni kriterij. Samim time nije nužno postojanje krivice kako bi se utvrdilo postojanje državne odgovornosti. Čini se da bi praksa bila bolje upućena kada bi načelo nezavisnosti sudstva u tumačenju i primjeni materijalnog prava osiguravala strožijim tumačenjem protivpravnosti kao jednog od uslova odgovornosti u okviru čl. 172 ZOO. Smatramo da sudija ne djeluje protivpravno ako formulacija tumačenog propisa ostavlja mogućnost različitog tumačenja, a do rezultata do kojeg je sudija došao u konkretnom predmetu se može doći jednom od priznatih metoda pravnog tumačenja. Državna odgovornost za štetu, kao samostalan institut prava Evropske unije, ne spada u institute koje je država kandidatkinja u predpristupnoj fazi dužna implementirati u svoje zakonodavstvo. Harmonizacijska klauzula iz čl. 70 Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju potpisanog između BiH, Evropskih zajednica i država članica ne obuhvata državnu odgovornost za štetu, te ne postoji obaveza sudova da u predpristupnoj fazi domaće propise o državnoj odgovornosti za štetu tumače u svjetlu prava EU. Ipak, snažno podržavamo da sudovi BiH već sada koriste kriterije iz prava EU prilikom ocjene postojanja državne odgovornosti za štetu, ali samo kao rezultat komparativnopravne analize. Ovi kriteriji će od prvog dana punopravnog članstva postati obavezujući za sudove BiH unutar područja primjene EU. Nakon pristupanja naše zemlje EU uslovi za potraživanje štete nastale povredom prava EU neće smjeti biti nepovoljniji od uslova za naknadu štete nastale povredom nacionalnog prava te države.

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Nabavka intelektualnih usluga fizičkih osoba: Primjena Zakona o javnim nabavkama Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Enesa Mrkaljević / Language(s): Bosnian

This article deals with issue of intellectual services offering by natural person in public procurement procedure. The focus is on the natural persons that are not registrated in professional or trade registers and the ways of engagement of this persons provided by law as well as ways of engagement of such persons in praxis of public authorities. European law and praxis on this issue has been also overviewed. Public Procurement Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been challenged regarding those sevices. Finally, applying of public call for such service has been recommended in actual legal frame. Legislative proposals on Draft on Public Procurement Law in Bosnia and Herzegovina which is in legislative procedure has been made as well.

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Europska regulacija ponovne uporabe informacija

Author(s): Anamarija Musa / Language(s): Croatian

Trend omogućavanja ponovne uporabe informacija koje u okviru svog djelokruga prikupljaju i stvaraju tijela javne vlasti danas je dio nove orijentacije javne uprave prema građanima kojeg omogućuje razvoj informacijsko-komunikacijske tehnologije, a potiču povećana očekivanja privatnog i civilnog sektora od doprinosa uprave inovaciji i razvoju društva i gospodarstva. Informacije u strojno-čitljivom i otvorenom formatu, pružene korisnicima na zahtjev ili proaktivno, kao otvoreni podaci, postaju resurs kojim se stvara dodana vrijednost u partnerstvu između uprave i građana. Time se omogućava veća transparentnost i odgovornost uprave, uključivanje građana i disperzija moći, potiče efikasnost u ostvarivanju javnog interesa, te omogućava razvoj novih inovativnih usluga i proizvoda. Kao i mnoge međunarodne organizacije, EU je uočila potencijal informacija javne uprave za razvoj informacijskog, a zatim i digitalnog europskog društva i svojom je pravnom regulacijom potakla države članice da na svim razinama vlasti omoguće uporabu informacija javnog sektora, prvo Direktivom o ponovnoj uporabi informacija 2003. godine, a zatim izmjenama PSI Direktive 2013. godine. Novi sustav ponovne uporabe informacija u EU i državama članica zahtijeva aktivniji pristup država politici ponovne uporabe i otvorenih podataka, osiguravanje zaštite prava građana na ponovnu uporabu, uklanja ograničenja nametanja troškova građanima te u cjelini nudi efikasan pravni okvir za realizaciju ciljeva Europa 2020 i digitalnog društva. Iako se izmijenjena Direktiva suočava s otporom država članica i slabostima u transpoziciji, promijenjene okolnosti u odnosu na vrijeme donošenja prve PSI Direktive, upućuju na ulazak u napredniju fazu u pogledu ponovne uporabe i otvaranja podataka: jača globalni trend otvaranja podataka i države članice trebaju hvatati korak s konkurencijom izvan EU, predviđena je aktivnija financijska potpora projektima temeljenim na otvorenim podacima, pritisak civilnog društva i privatnog sektora je puno snažniji, kako nacionalno tako i na međunarodnoj razini, a tijela javne vlasti su u međuvremenu postala svjesnija svojih obaveza u smislu osiguravanja I pristupa informacijama i ponovne uporabe. U odnosu na pravnu regulaciju, pojedine države članice suočavaju se s potrebom prilagodbe svojih propisa o pravu na pristup informacijama i ponovnoj uporabi informacija novoj europskoj regulaciji, ali i po ispunjenju tog uvjeta praktične će okolnosti diktirati napredak. Prije svega radi se o nužnosti uspostave odgovarajuće nacionalne politike otvorenih podataka, jer europska regulacija zahtijeva prioritiziranje i sistematičan pristup ovoj problematici, ali i općoj sposobnosti i kvaliteti javne uprave da se podvrgne potrebama i zahtjevima digitaliziranog i suradnički orijentiranog društva i gospodarstva.

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Pravna zaštita građana od prekograničnog onečišćenja zraka

Author(s): Lana Ofak,Paula Jelić / Language(s): Croatian

This paper deals with the problem of transboundary air pollution. It begins with a brief reference to the harmful effects of air pollution on human health and the environment. Taking into consideration that Croatia joined the EU on 1st of July 2013 and Bosnia and Herzegovina is a potential candidate country, which signed the Stabilisation and Association Agreement on the 16th of June 2008, the paper presents the legal framework of the European Union relating to the air protection. Both Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina are signatories to international treaties that are relevant for air pollution. Thus, the paper demonstrates the obligations of States under the Convention on Long-range Transboundary Air Pollution and its Protocols, the Convention on Environmental Impact Assessment in a Transboundary Context and the Protocol on Strategic Environmental Assessment, and the Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters and Protocol on Pollutant Release and Transfer Registers. For each of these conventions the authors describe the non-compliance procedures. A special emphasis is given to the possibility of citizens to initiate proceedings against the party that (allegedly) does not meet its commitments.

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The Balkans and the EU: Challenges on the Road to Accession

Author(s): Livia Plaks / Language(s): English

On November 19, 2005, the Project on Ethnic Relations, in cooperation with the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, organized an international roundtable discussion under the title "The Balkans and the EU: Challenges on the Road to Accession." The purpose of the roundtable was to provide a venue for frank dialogue among countries of the region and European institutions on the next wave of EU en-largement, how to make EU accession a reality, and the regional implications of future European inte-gration. The discussion also focused on the issue of Kosovo, and how the province's future status will impact the EU integration process for the region as a whole and for Serbia and Montenegro in particu-lar. The roundtable, which was held in Bucharest, brought together senior political leaders and gov-ernment officials from Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungary, Macedonia, Poland, Romania, Serbia and Montenegro including Kosovo, and Slovakia, as well as representatives of the Council of Europe, the European Union, and the United Nations. While all participants in the roundtable were in agreement that European integration should be their states' eventual goal, sharp differences in opinion were ex-pressed over the question of Kosovo. Kosovo Albanian leaders continued to insist that independence is the optimal solution both for Kosovo and for the region. Serbs rejected the possibility of an inde-pendent Kosovo and argued that such a step would set a dangerous precedent. Representatives of EU institutions avoided involvement in this debate but stressed that the countries of the Western Balkans still have much work to do, and many outstanding problems to resolve, before EU membership will be a reality for them. The Bucharest roundtable was unusual as a neutral, off-the-record setting for open discussions of often sensitive issues. This report documents those discussions.

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Macedonia: Agenda 2006

Author(s): Livia Plaks / Language(s): English

The December 2005 Mavrovo roundtable came at a historic moment for Macedonia. Having received a positive evaluation on Macedonia from the European Commission in November, the EU’s Council of Ministers was set to grant the country EU candidate status—a major milestone for a state still dealing with the consequences of a violent ethnic conflict in 2001. However, on December 12, the day before the beginning of the Mavrovo talks, the news from Brussels was that the Council, troubled by such setbacks as the recent French and Dutch popular rejection of a new European constitution and the continuing stalemate in budget negotiations, might vote to delay a decision on Macedonia’s candidacy until the next EU Presidency. This potential uncertainty over the country’s EU prospects sent shockwaves through Macedonia’s political scene. While the potential for a delay in Macedonia’s EU candidacy dominated much of the discussion at Mavrovo, other questions, such as the upcoming 2006 parliamentary elections and the implementation of certain reforms related to the Ohrid Framework Agreement, were also significant topics of discussion. Even these issues were seen by many participants as highly connected to the developments in Brussels, however, and Macedonia’s EU candidacy returned time and again in the discussions as the dominant outside factor shaping the country’s immediate future. This Mavrovo roundtable, the sixth since the series began in 2003, was characterized by a high degree of consensus. No participant disputed that European integration should be one of the state’s top priorities; to the contrary, some opposition leaders claimed that their parties, rather than the current government, should in fact be credited with paving the way to the country’s expected EU candidacy. The question of election irregularities was also an important agenda item on which there was broad agreement, with many participants supporting tougher penalties for violators, as well as reforms to the election law and the makeup of the election commission to improve the quality of the campaigns and the voting process itself.

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Grassroots Europeanisation in the Western Balkans is just starting: Visa facilitation

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

In April 2007, the Western Balkan countries initialed visa facilitation agreements that will allow more simplified procedures when applying for visas for entering the EU countries. Readmission agreements were also initialed between the countries of the region and the European Commission that will require from the countries to take back all of their citizens found to be residing in the EU illegally. Macedonia signed the agreement in Brussels on 13 April, while Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro signed theirs in Zagreb, on 14 April.

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№270. How to Negotiate under Co-decision in the EU. Reforming Trilogues and First-Reading Agreements

Author(s): Christine Reh,Lukas Obholzer / Language(s): English

The Constitutional Affairs Committee is currently reviewing the European Parliament’s Rules of Procedure to increase the effectiveness, transparency and inclusiveness of first-reading agreements under co-decision. This CEPS Policy Brief takes a stand as to which rules should be adopted to achieve these objectives. Given the steep rise of early agreements and Parliament’s role as a guarantor of EU legitimacy, we place a premium on inclusiveness and transparency.

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№303. Rule of law or rule of thumb? A New Copenhagen Mechanism for the EU

Author(s): Nicholas Hernanz,Elspeth Guild,Sergio Carrera / Language(s): English

The EU should establish a new EU supervisory Copenhagen mechanism assessing member states’ compliance with rule of law, fundamental rights and democracy. The mechanism should be a monitoring arm, complementing the current preventive and corrective ones of Article 7 TEU. It would consist of a periodic evaluation or score board of member states’ compliance with Article 2 TEU. No Treaty change would be required. The Commission should coordinate the process. European Council Conclusions should be adopted offering an EU inter-institutional agreement on its features and operability.

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Uticaj jurisdikcije Evropskog suda za ljudska prava na odlučivanje Ustavnog suda Srbije u postupku po ustavnoj žalbi

Author(s): Maja Nastić / Language(s): Serbian

The impact of the jurisdiction of the ECtHR on the Constitutional Court decisions is analyzed based on the normative framework established by the Constitution of Serbia (2006). Of particular importance are the provisions of the Constitution governing the relationship between national and international law, the basic principles of human and minority rights as well as the provisions on the Constitutional Court. By establishing the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court to decide on constitutional complaints, the Republic of Serbia became a part of the large number of countries that recognized the importance of this legal instrument. At the same time, the constitutional complaint emerges as a specific „reference point“ between the national constitutional court and the European Court of Human Rights. It is the last legal remedy to be used before possible referral to the European Court. The complainants often turn to the Constitutional Court because of violation of their rights enshrined in the ECHR. However, when the protection of this rights is also ensured by the Constitution, the Constitutional Court shall assess the violation or denial of the right concerning the relevant provisions of the Constitution. The impact of the jurisdiction of the European Court on the decision-making of the Constitutional Court in the procedure of constitutional appeals is analyzed from two aspects: a general one, concerning the fundamental principles on which human rights protection system is based and from the perspective of individual guarantees of human rights. The Constitutional Court shows its willingness to adapt its jurisdiction and bring it into line with the ECHR and the case-law of the European Court. Moreover, the Constitutional Court of Serbia demonstrates that it understands the ECHR as a living instrument. However, the Constitutional Court should not be overshadowed and blindly guided by the case-law of the European Court or to use it as a “paravane“ to justify political desirable decisions. This is important because it is expected that the Constitutional Court will show the path that regular courts should follow to protect human rights and freedoms.

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Primena prakse Evropskog suda za ljudska prava od strane Ustavnog suda u postupcima po ustavnim žalbama

Author(s): Nataša Plavšić / Language(s): Serbian

The European Convention on Human Rights and the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights have special position in the legal order of the Republic of Serbia – they are part of the of the Serbian legal system, they are below the Constitution and above the law and they are directly implemented and applicable. This special position of the European Convention and the jurisdiction of the Strasbourg Court have been recognized by the Constitutional Court of Serbia who frequently applies Strasbourg standards and jurisdiction. The paper analyzed the examples of good practice of the Constitutional Court in the implementation and harmonization of its case-law with the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights and challenges that the Constitutional Court is facing in this process.

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№10 Public Administration Reform in Kosovo: Constant Struggle to Make It

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Public Administration Reform (PAR) is a dynamic process aimed at improving its capacity to deliver public services. In Kosovo, it is largely driven by external factors, the European Union (EU) perspective and agendas and other donors. Domestically, a number of internal factors work against effective reform; a high level of politicization, inefficient recruitment and evaluation processes, a bloated size, inadequate training and professional development, a barely functional local administration, a chaotic framework for independent agencies, a deficient focus on service delivery and lack of local ownership of the reform process. Kosovo created its own public administration less than two decades ago, and reforms took place simultaneously with its institutional building. Along the way, from UNMIK’s interim administration to the most recent national PAR Strategy, reform could never succeed without the necessary recourses and willpower. The legal framework has advanced substantially in recent years, mostly as a result of it being a requirement to implement the Stabilization and Association Agreement and the European Reform Agenda, but it is rarely respected.

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№71 How to deal with quasi-loss of nationality situations? Learning from promising practices

Author(s): Gerard-René de Groot,Patrick Wautelet / Language(s): English

The central question of this policy brief is how quasi-loss situations should be treated in the European Union and its 28 Member States. More specifically, may the authorities of a Member State rightly argue that situations of quasi-loss amount to a mere non-acquisition of nationality? Or should we start from the assumption that there is no significant difference between the loss of and the quasi-loss of nationality? A next essential question is whether and how a person should under certain circumstances be protected against quasi-loss of her or his nationality? Due to the fact that a Member State entitles to European citizenship, it is desirable to compare the approaches of the different Member States to these questions and to develop recommendations to member States in light of the best practices.

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