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Agon i higiena. Nieposłuszeństwo obywatelskie a sfera publiczna

Agon i higiena. Nieposłuszeństwo obywatelskie a sfera publiczna

Author(s): Mikołaj Rakusa-Suszczewski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 9/2015

„Odwaga cywilna” tak jak „nieposłuszeństwo obywatelskie” jest formąaktywnego upominania się o określone zasady: porządek obyczajów, uczciwą władzę i poszanowanie prawa. Obie postawy cechują nie tylko nonkonformizmi sprzeciw, lecz także chęć obrony jakiegoś lepszego, uczciwszegoczy piękniejszego świata. Obie znoszą podział między „dobrym człowiekiem”a „dobrym obywatelem”. Ponieważ każda z nich zawiera w sobierównorzędne elementy społecznie zaangażowanej niezgody i troski, ichwyjaśnienie wymaga wyraźnie zdefiniowanej koncepcji sfery publicznej.Stawiamy tezę, że jest to w istocie konieczne, aby uznać społeczną i etycznądoniosłość i sens każdej z tych postaw. Żeby zilustrować, na czym możepolegać taka interpretacja, odniesiemy się do dwóch odmiennych koncepcjisfery publicznej: pluralistyczno-agonicznej Hannah Arendt i ceremonialno-higienicznejHelmutha Plessnera.The main thesis of this article is that related concepts and attitudes of„civil disobedience” and „civil courage” are comprehensible only throughthe idea of public sphere. To illustrate this rule, we describe two utterly differentviews of the public sphere: as a space of Agon and rivalry (Arendt),where disobedience and courage regenerates a motionless political process,as well as an environment of hygiene and correctness, where acquiescenceto these attitudes is at least limited (Plessner). This rule applies to all interpretationsof this issue, as illustrated by an example of John Rawls. Inother words, whenever the aforementioned issues appear, the problem ofthe public sphere occurs as well. Secondly, the idea of what it is sends usback to the sources of the Self. What might seem to be a problem of socialethics turns out to be more a subject of political philosophy and anthropology.Finally, we believe that this rule might be applied as well to socialmovements that frequently initiate activities of a civil disobedience. Theirfunctions and role is closely linked to the idea of the public sphere.

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Zmagania metodologa z empirią. Pozytywistyczna socjologia Jakuba Karpińskiego

Zmagania metodologa z empirią. Pozytywistyczna socjologia Jakuba Karpińskiego

Author(s): Jakub Bazyli Motrenko / Language(s): Polish Issue: 9/2015

Jakub Karpiński (1945–2003) był znakomitym polskim metodologiem socjologii, prowadzącym badania z zakresu epistemologii nauk społecznych w ramach paradygmatu lwowsko-warszawskiej szkoły filozofii. Jednocześnie stał się jednym z pierwszych i najważniejszych historyków i socjologów systemu komunistycznego w Polsce. Jego socjologiczne opus magnum w badaniach nad komunizmem stanowi książka Ustrój komunistyczny w Polsce. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie projektu socjologii zrekonstruowanego na podstawie tego dzieła w wymiarze retoryki, epistemologii i ontologii. Ukazane zostają racje społeczne i kognitywne, które sprawiły, że program Karpińskiego nigdy nie stał się postępowy w sensie Imrego Lakatosa. Autor stawia pytanie o paradoks: dlaczego świetny metodolog nie stał się równie wybitnym empirykiem?Jakub Karpiński (1945–2003) was an outstanding Polish methodologist, conducting research in the field of epistemology of the social sciences within the paradigm of the lvov-warsaw school of philosophy. At the same time he became one of the first historians and sociologists of the communist system in Poland. His book Ustrój komunistyczny w Polsce (The Communist Regime in Poland) was his sociological opus magnum. The aim of this paper is to explore his sociology project which has been divided into three aspects: rhetoric, epistemology and ontology. It examines the social and cognitive reasons for the fact that Karpiński’s research programme never became progressive in accordance with Imre Lakatos’s seminal concept. The author raises the question: why didn’t brilliant methodologist become an equally bright empirical researcher?

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NON-VOTING AS A POLITICAL ACTION. 
THE BEHAVIOUR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE STUDENTS REGARDING THE REFERENDUM FOR THE “TRADITIONAL FAMILY” IN ROMANIA, 2018

NON-VOTING AS A POLITICAL ACTION. THE BEHAVIOUR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE STUDENTS REGARDING THE REFERENDUM FOR THE “TRADITIONAL FAMILY” IN ROMANIA, 2018

Author(s): Georgeta Ghebrea / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

In Romania, on October 2018, a national referendum took place in order to amend the Constitution and change the family definition, from “union between spouses” to “union between a man and a woman”. This change was asked by “The coalition for family” – a large coalition of non-governmental organisations – in order to preserve the traditional values and prevent same-sex marriage. The referendum failed because it did not pass the 30% participation threshold required for validation. The classical electoral theories cannot explain this very high rate of abstention. To understand this event, we carried out a mini-survey having political science students as a target group, because we considered they are relevant to the population that did not vote in that referendum. We found out that political science students are educated, well informed persons, interested in politics who did not vote, contradicting in this way the main theoretical approaches explaining abstention. This behaviour is actually a boycott, a political action meant to lead to the referendum’s failure. The students took this action because this referendum was against their attitudes and values – both in the political and family spheres. In their majority, political science students share robust liberal, anti-conservative and pro-diversity attitudes. Also, their action was determined by strong anti-governmental attitudes, emotions and previous behaviours (anti-governmental rallies, protest marches etc.). In conclusion, non-voting represented, in fact, a significant political action against both the Government in power and the conservative socio-political forces existing in the Romanian society.

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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-13 February
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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-13 February

Author(s): Ky Krauthamer / Language(s): English Issue: 02/17/2020

Today’s regional roundup: MH17 trial; a solitary voice in Baku; Romania warned over trees; Facebook purges fake pages; and a pay cut in Pristina.

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State Capture: From Theory to Piloting a Measurement Methodology

State Capture: From Theory to Piloting a Measurement Methodology

Author(s): Alexander Stoyanov,Alexander Gerganov / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

The objective of this paper is to present a method to measure and quantitatively assess the prevalence of state capture. This phenomenon refers to the emergence of private interests which, in the course of modernization and growth tend to become dominant (in a sector, in the economy or globally). The assessment of this phenomenon is controversial and depends on the dominant perceptions of norm and deviation from the norm embedded in laws and regulations. In the context of the European civilizational model, and the Weberian state ideal, the norm postulates that all interests and actors should be regarded equal and no specific privileges should exist. The paper is based on the idea that the functional nature of the capture process (the acquisition of privileged status) can be achieved not only by influencing the adoption of regulations and rules but also through other mechanisms. At a general level, state capture could be described as virtual privatization of the state functions which ensures a systemic privilege for captors. Depending on who the captors are (business, government officials, parties, politicians, etc.) capture could include combinations of multiple base mechanisms. The concrete state capture assessment methodology used focuses exclusively on business capture and includes three groups indicators of state capture: business capture pressure assessment, institutional enablers, environmental enablers. This theoretical structure has been tested using factor analysis. Pilot test data from five countries have been merged to produce 1605 different institutional assessments. The factor analysis generally confirms the initial theoretical assumptions about the structure of indicators necessary to assess state capture vulnerabilities.

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Społeczne poparcie dla rządów wojskowych i wojskowego zamachu stanu w Polsce w perspektywie porównawczej

Społeczne poparcie dla rządów wojskowych i wojskowego zamachu stanu w Polsce w perspektywie porównawczej

Author(s): Jerzy Bartkowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2019

An idea of a military government or a pro-democratic coup d’état seems to be completely out of the typical democratic consciousness. This paper attempts to analyze the support for the presence of the military in politics in Poland. Such attitudes are marginal, shared by a small minority of the society. Respondents supporting military rule come from lower social class backgrounds and have lower level of education, usually live in villages or small towns. Such issues as (perceived) lack of order in the country and conservative, authoritarian, strong egalitarian and statist attitudes were linked to opinions supporting military rule. Such views are also typical for proponents of the political right. Comparative analyses in other European countries point to similar attitudes. Military rule and military intervention are turned down even if the social status of military is high. The support and rejection syndrome is correlative in most countries surveyed. Only the relation with the social dimension of democracy is differential and dependent on the country. The results point to the matching image of democracy in European countries and also to the similar pattern of support for non-democratic institutional alternatives.

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Institutional factors for anti-corruption climate in modern Russian society

Author(s): Evgeniy Gennadievich Melnikov,Vladimir Petrovich Miletskiy,Sergey Dmitrievich Savin / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The paper addresses system-based sociological methodology and considers the anti-corruption policy in the modern Russian society. The authors try to identify key institutional factors for creating anti-corruption climate in the context of advanced transformations. It is noted that modern Russia should develop the anti-corruption climate applying both Soviet and foreign experience. The paper concludes that the key role in the process under analysis is given to maintaining the adequate Russian conditions for the anti-corruption law-based climate providing the execution of the whole set of norms of the positive law by the social subjects and the law institutes. This includes such law-based regulation mechanisms as judicially relevant activities and other law-enforcement practices suitable for reproduction and improvement of the anti-corruption climate at all levels of the powerful hierarchy. Promotion of the anti-corruption behavioral standards, the development of the respective law-oriented consciousness and law culture should also be paid special attention to.

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Transitions Online_People-Transitions Online-Around the Blo-20 April
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Transitions Online_People-Transitions Online-Around the Blo-20 April

Author(s): Ioana Caloianu / Language(s): English Issue: 04/27/2020

Our news roundup: cyberattacks in Czechia; Chernobyl smog in Kyiv; Russian dual citizenship; pandemic in Belarus; and inheriting the presidency in Tajikistan.

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Transitions Online_Society-Fending for Themselves
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Transitions Online_Society-Fending for Themselves

Author(s): Nida Dincturk / Language(s): English Issue: 05/11/2020

Vulnerable migrants in Turkey could be a hidden time bomb as some reports say that thousands were released back into the general population without any health checks.

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Ortački kapitalizam i emigracije iz Bosne i Hercegovine

Ortački kapitalizam i emigracije iz Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Mirjana Damjenić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 17-18/2019

Review of: Braco Kovaćević. Bjekstvo iz Bosne i Hercegovine, Banja Luka: Evropski defendologija centar,2020.

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Crony capitalism and emigration from Bosnia and Herzegovina

Crony capitalism and emigration from Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Mirjana Damjenić / Language(s): English Issue: 17-18/2019

Review of: Braco Kovaćević. Bjekstvo iz Bosne i Hercegovine, Banja Luka: Evropski defendologija centar,2020.

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Научные общества Петрограда и революция 1917 года

Научные общества Петрограда и революция 1917 года

Author(s): Elena Fedorovna Sinelnikova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 30/2020

The article explores activities of Petrograd’s scientific societies and their relations with changing state power in 1917, especially legal and financial aspects of their functioning and everyday life in the context of an acute socio-political and economic crisis. The study uses different sources, in particular legislative and regulatory acts adopted by the Provisional Government to define procedures for the creation and functioning of such societies in 1917, ficing their rights and obligations and regulating their relations with the authorities. (These materials are housed in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the Russian State Historical Archive, the Central State Historical Archive of St. Petersburg, the Central State Archive of St. Petersburg, and the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences and its St. Petersburg Branch.) The author also used materials from periodicals of scientific societies from 1917–1918. In 1917, scientific societies actively cooperated with the authorities, and the authorities in turn found it expedient to support their activities, assigning subsidies assisting in solving economic issues. Despite difficulties, scholars in that crucial period of history managed to preserve these societies as important organizational forms for pursuing scholarship. This study was funded by RFBR according to the research project № 18-011-00730 (Self-Organization of the Russian Science in the years of crisis: 1917–1922).

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«Немецкая» операция в Казахской ССР (1937–1938 годы): к вопросу об этнической составляющей Большого террора

«Немецкая» операция в Казахской ССР (1937–1938 годы): к вопросу об этнической составляющей Большого террора

Author(s): Albina Sovetovna Zhanbosinova,Natalia Anatolievna Potapova,Andrey Ivanovich Savin / Language(s): Russian Issue: 30/2020

The “national” operations of the NKVD during the Great Terror remain one of the hottest debates in Soviet history. The sharp gap between the Bolsheviks’ previous national policy encourages historians to advance various explanations about what happened. Some scholars believe that “national” operations were based on an ethnization of the image of the enemy, and as a result, the ethnic aspect allegedly received a priority over the social aspect in the punitive policy of Stalinism. Other historians believe the main reason for the “national” operations of the NKVD was the authorities’ desire to eliminate any ties of Soviet citizens with the “hostile capitalist environment.” The article presents directives and internal statistics of the NKVD, found in the Central Archive of the FSB of the Russian Federation and previously unknown to researchers. The authors discuss the thesis of the ethnic component of the Great Terror, using the example of the “German” operation in Kazakhstan. The “national” operations were ambivalent. Under conditions of such “landscapes” as industry, transport, and the army, total terror was aimed at “nationals” with practically no selection of victims. However, in the countryside, in the “outback” of the USSR, in places of compact residences of “hostile” ethnic “contingents,” the state security bodies actively selected their victims. Thus, in the Kazakh SSR, the Germans deported to Kazakhstan in 1931–1936 and who were extremely dissatisfied with their living conditions became the main target group of the “German” operation. Germans who voluntarily moved to Kazakhstan before 1917 suffered much less.

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Переписка Б. Л. Бразоля с семьей великого князя Кирилла Владимировича

Переписка Б. Л. Бразоля с семьей великого князя Кирилла Владимировича

Author(s): Evgeny Grigoryevich Pivovarov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 30/2020

Библиотека Конгресса США считается крупнейшим научным учреждением за пределами России, хранящим кириллические материалы. На протяжении десятков лет ее сотрудники целенаправленно приобретали личные архивы эмигрантов и их организаций, позволяющие проследить историю русской диаспоры в Америке с момента ее зарождения до наших дней. Коллекции, переданные в библиотеку Борисом Львовичем Бразолем (1885–1963), а именно бумаги возглавляемого им Общества имени А. С. Пушкина в Америке и его персональный архив, — самые крупные собрания, сложившиеся в период между двумя мировыми войнами, во время формирования русской общины в Новом Свете.

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Financial Progress of Integrated Territorial Investments – A Case Study of Kielce Functional Area

Financial Progress of Integrated Territorial Investments – A Case Study of Kielce Functional Area

Author(s): Wojciech Pietrowski / Language(s): English Issue: 34/2019

The level of spending of funds under the Integrated Territorial Investments of Kielce Functional Urban Area (KFA’s ITIs) varies depending on the individual fund. The level of contracting of funds is higher under the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), while in the case of their certification there is an advantage of the European Social Fund (ESF). The difference between the value of contracted and certified funds is evident. Financing projects from structural funds on the average exceeds 80% of the project value. The implementation of the instrument proceeds correctly from the point of view of spending the funds. The analysis of contracting of the funds in individual years indicates a delay in the implementation of programmes, which is not an exception in the entire Regional Operational Programme for Świętokrzyskie Voivodeship 2014-2020 (ROP SV 2014-2020). The author deals with the issue of financing the Integrated Territorial Investments (ITIs) in the EU perspective 2014-2020.

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THE ETHICAL ALTRUISM AND THE SPIRIT OF CAPITALISM

THE ETHICAL ALTRUISM AND THE SPIRIT OF CAPITALISM

Author(s): Sorin Suciu / Language(s): English Issue: 13/2020

The ethical model of capitalism, which is based on the idea of a so-called rational egoism, has led in practice to unacceptable economic gaps and inequalities. At the same time, this model subordinates human values and global priorities to economic principles and consumerist drives. This leads to environmental pollution, exhaustion of the planet and threatens the future generations to come. My article proposes to replace this model with an ethical altruism that takes into account the urgent needs and the welfare of all parties involved.

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Generation ’68 in Poland (with a Czechoslovak Comparative Perspective): Introduction
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Generation ’68 in Poland (with a Czechoslovak Comparative Perspective): Introduction

Author(s): Krzysztof Jasiewicz / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2019

This is the introduction to a special section “Generation ’68 in Poland (with a Czechoslovak Comparative Perspective).” The author analyzes the concept of “generation” and introduces the articles that compose this collection.

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“Down with 1989!”: The Peculiar Right-Wing Backlash against 1968 in Poland
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“Down with 1989!”: The Peculiar Right-Wing Backlash against 1968 in Poland

Author(s): David Ost / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2019

Whereas much of the European right greeted the fiftieth anniversary of 1968 with a critique of its legacy, Poland’s ruling Law and Justice party was largely silent, both because 1968 did not usher in a counterculture and because the protests were directed against the communist party. And yet the Law and Justice party detests the legacy of 1968, for three reasons: 1968 was shaped by the left, ’68 activists and their values played a key role in the ensuing opposition, and because the right actually sympathizes with the communists of 1968, then dominated by nationalists. The right thus traditionally attacks the legacy of 1968 by attacking 1989 instead, when ’68ers played a central role and new left progressivism could finally emerge. That began changing early in 2018 when Poland’s parliament passed its Holocaust-speech law banning calumny against the “Polish Nation.” The resulting criticism brought 1968 back with a vengeance, with the right openly inhabiting the role of the national-communists, and beginning to attack Poland’s 1968 directly. Shedding new light on the diverse meanings of 1968 and the relationship of the right to national communism, the piece ends by looking at developments through Bernhard and Kubik’s theory of the politics of memory.

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Czechoslovak Generational Experience of 1968: The Intellectual History Perspective
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Czechoslovak Generational Experience of 1968: The Intellectual History Perspective

Author(s): Kristina Andělová / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2019

1968 is universally considered as the year that Marxism and socialism achieved significant political legitimacy amongst the younger generation. This is only partly true for Czechoslovakia, where the younger generations—students in their early twenties, but also young intellectuals, artists, and political activists entering their professional careers—brought about the emancipation of non-Marxist political thinking in public discourse. In this article, I demonstrate the intellectual clash of the generations of 1968: the older generation that represented Dubček’s famous “socialism with a human face” and that made the Prague Spring liberalization possible by introducing a set of reforms, and new political generations—of students and young intellectuals who rejected the idea of Reform Communism as insufficient for real democratic order. Examining each generation’s understanding of key political concepts such as “opposition” or “political pluralism” reveals that the younger generations had vastly different expectations of “socialism with a human face.”

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Discover, Instrumentalize, Monopolize: Fidesz’s Three-Step Blueprint for a Populist Take-over of Referendums
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Discover, Instrumentalize, Monopolize: Fidesz’s Three-Step Blueprint for a Populist Take-over of Referendums

Author(s): Pepijn van Eeden / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2019

This article assesses the referendums in Hungary in 2004, 2008, and 2016 diachronically. The review is framed by two competing liberal parliamentary approaches to direct democracy: A useful democratic corrective to the distortions of particracy, or a risky option leading to tyranny of the majority? Rather than choosing sides, this article shows how the conundrum conceals another, more interesting question: Which are the constraints under which the liberal parliamentary viewpoint shifts from the one to the other? Theorizing on post-democracy and populism provides a provisional answer: A consensualized, “post-political” parliament is key, as this, in combination with widening social-economic disparities, incentivizes illiberal populist parties to harness referendums, which prompts liberal parliamentarianists to change their minds. The referendums in 2004, 2008, and 2016 in Hungary substantiate this suspicion. Taken together, they offer a step-by-step blueprint for how, in a thoroughly postpolitical situation, a referendum evolves into a perfect catalyst for populists on their road to power, enabling them with (a) agenda-setting; (b) an explosive emphasis on popular legitimacy; (c) arousing voluntarism, while luring opponents into campaigning for boycott and political apathy; (d) combining social equalitarianism with identarian protectionism, and most importantly; (e) bypassing parliament itself.

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