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Пандемия, европейски и международни институции, политики…
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Пандемия, европейски и международни институции, политики…

Author(s): Mila Santova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2021

The article dwells on the situation in Europe and in the world in the sphere of cultural heritage and its preservation in the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic. Attention is focused on the reactions, decisions and actions taken by the European Council/ Council of the European Union, UNESCO and ICOM.

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Парламентарно измерение на първото българско председателство на съвета на Европейския съюз – предизвикателства и възможности

Парламентарно измерение на първото българско председателство на съвета на Европейския съюз – предизвикателства и възможности

Author(s): Mladen Lambev,Lidiya Simova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 0

Following the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the national parliaments of the Member States of the European Union have been granted enhanced competencies to work on emerging issues on the European agenda. With the introduction of the new ‘yellow’ and ‘orange’ card procedures, as well as the strengthening of interparliamentary cooperation through a number of mandatory and complementary international conferences, the Parliamentary dimension has become an integral and essential part of the rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU. As it is well known, the Presidency of the Council covers a period of 18 months and is in a "Trio" format - six months for each of the three Member States pre-approved by the European Council. Bulgaria was appointed to chair the Council of the EU in the second half of 2018 and to complete the Trio after Great Britain and Estonia. The events surrounding Brexit, however, have led to necessity of shifting the pattern, as a result of which our country will take over its leading role on January 1, 2018 (6 months earlier than planned). In this context, the paper hereby aims at outlining some of the key challenges and opportunities the National Assembly of the Republic of Bulgaria faces on the doorstep of the first for our country Presidency of the Council of the European Union. They mainly concern issues of interinstitutional, political, economic, administrative-organizational, informational and communication nature. The adopted approach, without claiming to be fully detailed, is aimed at achieving clarity in the formulation of problems and finding the appropriate way to solve them.

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Передумови зародження та формування співробітництва держав-членів Європейського Союзу у сфері оборони

Передумови зародження та формування співробітництва держав-членів Європейського Союзу у сфері оборони

Author(s): Yu. V Petrenko / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 15/2019

The historical way of development of integration processes in the defence sphere, startingwith the end of World War II up to nowadays, appeared to be rather complicated. The Europeandevelopment shows, that security and defence can be provided only by successful activity ofdifferent international blocks and organization.The main preconditions and tendencies, investigated in this article, are the basis for thefurther development of European security system. The investigation of European Unity membersevolution of cooperation in the defence sphere gives the opportunity not only to state the mainstages of such cooperation and its features on the contemporary level, but to make a forecast of itsfuture development, taking into consideration the challenges the European Union faced with duringthe last years.Among the most important preconditions for generating and formation of the Europeanstate-members cooperation in the defense sphere, the following must be underlined: the demand ofpeace and security, the aspiration for economic development and welfare and keeping of economicand political significance on the international arena. Proceeding from these preconditions andtendencies the European Union is widening nowadays and will widen further its own defencesystem.At the same time the new challenges and threats appear. The European society has toidentify them and create its effective law and institutional means to resist them. Because of the greatnumber of threats the achievements in the international security system effect become the main taskfor all peoples.

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Питање одговорности за повреде Eвропске конвенције о људским правима које су последица активности мисија Европске Уније

Author(s): Vesna Ćorić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2014

Тhe issue of the jurisdiction of the European Court on Human Rights over actions and omissions adopted under the Common Foreign and Security Policy was much debated in the process of drafting the instruments on the accession of the European Union to the European Convention on Human Rights. It significantly divided scholars and other professionals. The undertaken analysis demonstrates an importance of establishing the unlimted competence of the European Court of Human Rights in that regard. The extension of the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights in the given sense would remove various gaps in the accountability for human rights violations existent at moment within the legal system of the European Union. Primarily, it would close the gap created by first paragraph of Article 275 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. However, a main achievement of an introduction of the jurisdiction of the European Court on Human Rights over the European Union for actions and omissions, adopted under Common Foreign and Security Policy will be apparent in a sphere of the recently codified Common Security and Defense Policy. It appears from the framework regulating European Union missions that without having unlimited jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Right for violation committed in the context of the European Union missions, a number of committed breaches of human rights might remain unpunished. The analysis of the draft revised instruments on the accession and the Treaty of Lisbon will be followed by providing an overview of relevant case law of the European Court of Human Rights. The analyisis of the given jurisprudence seems particularly important as to identify flows and potential obstacles which in long run may undermine the successful implementation of the draft revised instruments on the accession.

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ПЛАН ЗА ОДГОВОР НА ЗДРАВСТВОТО
ПРИ РИЗИЦИ, ОПАСНОСТИ, КАТАСТРОФИ,
ВОНРЕДНИ И/ИЛИ КРИЗНИ СОСТОЈБИ
ВО РМ

ПЛАН ЗА ОДГОВОР НА ЗДРАВСТВОТО ПРИ РИЗИЦИ, ОПАСНОСТИ, КАТАСТРОФИ, ВОНРЕДНИ И/ИЛИ КРИЗНИ СОСТОЈБИ ВО РМ

Author(s): Mihail Kochubovski,Margarita Spasenovska / Language(s): Macedonian / Issue: 20/2015

Во 2015 година, Министерството за здравство, во соработка соклучните владини институции, и со поддршка на Светската здрав­ствена организација, иницираше активност за ажурирање на Опе­ративниот план за одговор на здравствениот систем при ризици,опасности, вонредни состојби, катастрофи и/иликризни состојби,донесен во 2009 година, со цел обезбедување меѓуресорска соработкаи учество на сите надлежни институции поврзани со надлежноститена здравствениот систем во:• навремено планирање и преземање оперативни мерки за одговорнавонредни / кризни состојби;• брзо навремено известување;• постојана комуникација и соработка;• подигање на системот за здравствена заштита;• поврзување со системот за заштита и спасување и со системот зауправување со кризи.Планот за одговор на здравството при кризни состојби се изготвуваво рамките на Националната стратегија за здравје до 2020 година

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Победители и губещи: промените в структурата на българската икономика в последното десетилетие
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Победители и губещи: промените в структурата на българската икономика в последното десетилетие

Author(s): Latchezar Bogdanov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1-2/2017

The period before Bulgaria’s accession to the EU was marked by high rate of economic growth. Both final consumption and fixed capital formation are factors that contributed to this growth. During that period a sizable net inflow of foreign capital was recorded, in the form of foreign direct investment and new debt accumulation of the private sector. These trends persisted throughout the first two years of the EU membership. The global economic crisis led to a sharp contraction of investment activity in Bulgaria, with the employment falling for four consecutive years. The impact of the crisis, combined with the effect of the common market resulted in considerable shifts in the structure of the economy. In 2015 the industry already had the highest share in the gross value added. The share of some manufacturing sectors in the exports of goods have risen by 500% or even 800% during the last decade. The role of export-oriented business services also significantly increased, becoming a key job creator in recent years.

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Повратак у Европу

Југославија и питање европске безбедности крајем 60-их и почетком 70-их година ХХ века

Author(s): Ljubodrag D. Dimić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 18/2018

During the 1960s, a part of European countries accepted with reserve the nonaligned politics of Yugoslavia. The anti-colonial politics espoused by Yugoslavia faced resistance and disapproval of the then European colonial powers. Belgrade’s anti-bloc politics caused mistrust among the members of the Western and Eastern military alliances. By opposing the proliferation of atomic weapons in Europe, the Mediterranean and the Balkans, the Yugoslav state establishment confronted the nuclear powers and their ambitious plans. The support to the non-developed countries of the Third World triggered a revolt of the wealthy countries. For these reasons, the painstaking development of quality relations with the neighbouring countries and European states entailed time, a pragmatic stance and considerable effort. In the early 1960s, Yugoslavia was not putting forward its own initiatives and proposals relating to the enhancement of security in Europe, but supported all endeavours leading to the appeasement of hostilities, establishment of trust and promotion of cooperation. Forced to pursue realpolitik, the Yugoslav state leaders understood at a very early stage that this also meant “more adequate adjustment” to the existing situation in Europe. In the mid-1960s, Yugoslavia’s political and diplomatic engagement to preserve European security became more concrete and, in time, more intensive. In the conditions of a pronounced internal crisis, foreign political stability was the key interest of the Yugoslav state. In the second half of the 1960s and the early 1970s, the Yugoslav diplomacy espoused the view that the “political moves and shifts among the powers” in Europe required the need to find a “possible and realistic approach” to solving the issues of security and cooperation. In such circumstances, the “European area” and the “direction of its development” were becoming all the more important for Yugoslavia, which belonged to it itself. Consistent with this, efforts were made to broaden cooperation and ensure a rapprochement and provision of mutual assistance among the states with different social organisation. The Yugoslav view of Europe rested on the conviction, obtained through experience, that any conflict between the great powers on the European soil jeopardised world peace in the most direct way, whereas the easing of tensions in the continent contributed to the strengthening of peace in the world. Therefore, Belgrade believed that the “favourable evolution of circumstances in Europe, particularly in terms of relations between the East and the West”, anticipated the period of true progress “along the lines of peaceful international cooperation”. As assessed by Belgrade, the stability achieved did not result from the nuclear powers’ interest in preventing confrontation, but arose from more independent activity, an enhanced role and concrete national interests of European countries to mutually cooperate, develop rapidly and ensure security in Europe. Such development of events was considered favourable for new political initiatives and a conscious action, so as to ensure that the identified historical process would progress rapidly towards the desired direction. More intensive Yugoslav political and diplomatic engagement in European politics (the so-called Yugoslav “return to Europe”) served this purpose.

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Подготовка за преговори за членство на България в Европейския съюз
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Подготовка за преговори за членство на България в Европейския съюз

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The extraordinary dynamics of the process of European integration in the second half of the Nineties has brought forward the need for numerous adjustments, different in depth and in scope, in the associated Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) having applied for membership of the European Union. For some countries these processes have developed more rapidly than expected and the adjustments in question have been more or less prom-pted by the aspiration not to lag behind in the overall process of approximation of-Central and Eastern Europe to the EU. The environment is dynamic: the process of integration develops in parallel to, and sometimes even coincides with, the process of political and economic transformation typical of the transition to a democratic society with a functioning market economy. Thus, in the desire to reach as soon as possible the goal - full membership of the Union -it is particularly difficult, but also very important, to bear in mind the useful lessons of the past and the experience gained over previous EU enlargements. The purpose of this paper is to draw attention to some typical challenges relating to the negotiations for EU membership, both in the short and in the medium term perspective. This could be a contribution to the development of the various elements of Bulgaria's preparation for accession negotiations. Emphasis is laid on the model of negotiations, on the various underlying principles, on the indispensable preparation for their conducting, on some organisational and other aspects of their successful development. In this respect, significant reflection is devoted to the lessons to be drawn from the fourth enlargement of the Union. The negotiations for accession to the European Union will take place in a given context which would undoubtedly influence their dynamics and predetermine their successful completion. The context will have both external and internal dimensions, the first connected with the changes in and the readiness of the European Union itself, and the second with the preparation of the candidate country concerned. For the purposes of this paper, attention is mainly drawn to the internal adjustments needed by CEECs, rather than on the processes within the Union which have already been discussed in numerous publications. The historical lessons, the theoretical and practical background described in the first part of the paper and the recommendations on Bulgaria's preparation in the second part are based on an analysis of existing studies, monographs, documents and materials devoted to these problems, as well as on some practical observations arrived at in the course of this process. The clear prospect of opening accession negotiations with Bulgaria in the foreseeable future makes it particularly necessary to refine the overall preparation of the country in order to ensure the indispensable conditions for the conduct of the negotiations. Thus, the conclusions offered below should be regarded as practical recommendations for a more successful preparation of Bulgaria for membership of the Union. The collected material could also be used as reference for some typical problems and for the approaches used to solve them.

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Подељена одговорност ЕУ и државе чланице

Author(s): Vesna Ćorić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2012

This paper provides a critical analysis of the concurrent liability of the European Union and a Member State, placing a particular emphasis on its notion, classification as well as on the legal effects of the given categorization within the EU legal framework. The paper further argues that in order to comply with requirements set out in article 13 of the ECHR (the right to an effective remedy), the current system of concurrent liability must be improved.

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ПОЗИЦИЯ ИНТЕЛЛЕКТУАЛОВ ЕВРОПЕЙСКОГО СОЮЗА ПО ОТНОШЕНИЮ К МИГРАНТАМ: АЛЕН ФИНКЕЛЬКРАУТ И ЮЛИАН НИДА-РЮМЕЛИН

ПОЗИЦИЯ ИНТЕЛЛЕКТУАЛОВ ЕВРОПЕЙСКОГО СОЮЗА ПО ОТНОШЕНИЮ К МИГРАНТАМ: АЛЕН ФИНКЕЛЬКРАУТ И ЮЛИАН НИДА-РЮМЕЛИН

Author(s): Alexandra Alekseevna Ashmarina / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 3/2019

The problem of mass migration is widely discussed in the circles of European intellectuals. Of course, the views of intelligentsia members on the state of migration policy and regulation of migration processes in Europe are different. In this article the author examines positions of two prominent European thinkers and public intellectuals: Alain Finkielkraut (France) and Julian Nida-Rumelin (Germany). The aim of the article is to consider views of these intelligentsia members of the United Europe in terms of the attitude of France and Germany to the problem of migration, including period of the migration crisis in Europe.

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Политика међународне сарадње Републике Србије у ванредним ситуацијама

Политика међународне сарадње Републике Србије у ванредним ситуацијама

Author(s): Dragan Mlađan / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2012

This paper presents the author’s attempt to research the system and normative documents concerning international cooperation in a state of emergency, as well as international cooperation policy of the Republic of Serbia. The paper gives details on the modes of international cooperation and partnership in a state of emergency caused by the natural and technological disasters or by technical devices. Since during a state of emergency states’ borders become porous, international cooperation is necessary. Therefore, states found international organizations and associations, or become their members in order to improve knowledge, mutually take actions and provide humanitarian aid for the duration of a state of emergency. After all the crises it underwent in the past, the Republic of Serbia has been making efforts to institute and improve the national security and rescue response system in a state of emergency as well as to develop international cooperation in this field.

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Политика на Европейски съюз за миграции и екологична сигурност

Политика на Европейски съюз за миграции и екологична сигурност

Author(s): Maria Gyulemetovа / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 0

The new security situation provokes interest, respectively mine, in the problem of migration, environmental security and sustainable development, because knowledge of these processes is a necessity, an important tool for successful management and development of the globalizing world economy and its consequences, including migration processes and environmental security. The proposed report is part of a scientific study on the problem as a desire to share it in a larger scientific audience.

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Политика на сближаване и финансови инструменти на ЕС

Политика на сближаване и финансови инструменти на ЕС

Author(s): Svetlana Aleksandrova-Zlatanska / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 0

This article explores the cohesion policy of the European Union which is the second most important common policy after the Common Agricultural Policy. The financial resources allocated for the agricultural sector reached 65% of the EU’s multiannual financial framework prior to 1988. During the latest programming period this amount has dropped to 40% while the expenses for cohesion have risen to 84% (EUR58,3 billion annually) from the 2006-2009 budget. Author discusses the economic and social effects from the cohesion and outlines financial instruments which are aimed at supporting the cohesion through the EU budget.

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Политиката на разширяване на Европейския съюз в контекста на „Европа на различните скорости“

Политиката на разширяване на Европейския съюз в контекста на „Европа на различните скорости“

Author(s): Emilia Georgieva / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 0

The report examines the history and future of the enlargement of the European Union in the context of the "multi-speed Europe" idea. The experience gained during the previous enlargements of the EU (including its Eurozone) is summarized as a main point of reference, especially after the enlargement with the countries from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and Southeast Europe (SEE) as it was found that not all of them "participate in the same levels of integration". The European Union is very much expected to face the same problem in the next accession of new countries from the Western Balkans region, especially given the fact that they significantly differ in their political and socio-economic development; the speed at which they progress; the desire to overcome the legacy of the past and finally resolve their disputes.

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Политически групи в Европейския парламент

Политически групи в Европейския парламент

Author(s): Martin Anastasov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2011

The European Parliament (EP) is unique and different from national parliaments, because it is organized rather than ideologically than nationally. Political groups in the EP are groups of MPs - in some cases a group may be officially represented by a political party, in others it may be a coalition of several European parties, national parties or independent politicians. Groups are rather weak coalitions than political parties. They are explicitly forbidden to participate in European elections, as this is an exclusive right only for Europeans. It is assumed that each group has common principles, and those groups that can not demonstrate them in practice are disbanded.

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Политическото сътрудничество на Балканите: вътрешни импулси и външни фактори

Политическото сътрудничество на Балканите: вътрешни импулси и външни фактори

Author(s): Maria Bakalova,Anton Parvanov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 3/2019

In the last decades, the subject of the development of the energy sector in the Balkan countries provokes special attention due to its relevance in the context of the changing geopolitical and geoeconomic landscape in Eurasia, as well as the transformations on a global level. The aim of the study is to discuss the main dimensions of the significance of this region and the ambitions of the Balkans to act as a bridge between key energy zones.The paper studies regional cooperation on the Balkans seeking positive instances back in history and focusing on the developments since the end of the Cold war. It seeks to answer the question “Why Balkan political cooperation has been thwarting in the last three decades?” Mostly answers are sought in historical past and experience from previous interactions and/or influence and intervention from extra-regional (f)actors. Our claim, however, is that answers should also be sought on regional and internal political level in the motivation and behavior of regional actors.

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Политичке последице албанског насиља на Балкану

Политичке последице албанског насиља на Балкану

Author(s): Radoslav Gaćinović,Mladen Bajagić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2012

This paper represents the attempt of the authors to point to the political consequences of the long-term use of the violence on the Balkan by the Albanian separatist terrorist movement towards the Serbs. Its aim is also to point to the great mistakes of western powers which have continuously encouraged the Albanians on the Balkan to use violence. In the second part of the XX century, they have the most directly encouraged the national prepotency of the Albanians, by encouraging them to conduct the Albanian terror, whose ideology is Albanism, and the form is the ultra-right or fascistic terrorism. It took the most intense form in the second half of the XX century and at the beginning of the XXI century, when the political consequences of that violence warn and threat to the security of the region. The threat to the security of the Balkan at the beginning of the XXI century is even more expressed, and the violence over Serbia by some western powers is even more intense. Since the formation of the Serbian state on the Balkan, the Serbs have always struggled only for the existence and survival. By analizing the historical documents about the expatriation of the Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija in the last three centuries (1690-2006), one can conclude that from the former Old Serbia (today Kosovo and Metohija), approximately 1.150.000 Serbs have been violently expelled, about 200.000 have been killed, and about 150-200.000 have been converted to Islam. In the Middle Ages there was no special name for this area, except for the general name Serbia. At the beginning of the XXI century, the Albanian separatist terrorist movement represents the great threat to the security on the Balkan, especially after the seizure of 10.887 km2 of the territory of Serbia with the help of the western allies. The Serbs have the constitutional and historical right on Kosovo and Metohija, which is always older than the ethnic right, and the international law is also on the side of Serbia, because the UN Charter forbids the violent seizure of parts of sovereign states. The size of a national community is not determined by its size within one part of the state, but in comparison to the state as a whole, and according to that criteria, the Albanians constitute the national minority in Serbia. No national minority in the world has had the right to its own state. A national community cannot declare itself a nation or a national minority. The political consequences of the effects of the Albanian separatist terrorist movement on the Balkan at the beginning of the XXI century warn UN and EU, because the disintegration processes on the Balkan haven’t been finished, according to their opinion, and it is well known that the change of the borders is followed by long and exhausting wars.

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ПОЛИТИЧКЕ СТРАНКЕ НА НИВОУ ЕВРОПСКЕ УНИЈЕ – УГОВОРНИ ОКВИР ДЕЛОВАЊА

Author(s): Zoran Čupić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2016

Тhe paper discusses the treaty status of political parties at the EU level, from the Maastricht treaty, when the political parties became, for the first time, a treaty category, all the way to the last, the Treaty of Lisbon. In addition to the analysis of the "party article" and its subsequent genesis, special attention was paid to the struggle of Europarties (transnational party federations) for independence from the political groups in the European Parliament. In this sense, as one of the most important steps along the way, particularly emphasizes the need for legal regulation of party funding at the European level, because it is one of the most important preconditions for the realization of their treaty roles - they contribute to forming a European awareness and to expressing the political will of the citizens of the Union.

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Политичке, економске и социјалне последице окупације јужне српске покрајине Косова и Метохије

Политичке, економске и социјалне последице окупације јужне српске покрајине Косова и Метохије

Author(s): Dragoslav Kočović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2012

In this work I am trying to present political, economic and social consequences of the occupation of South Serbian province Kosovo and Metohija. The intention is to show, in time and space, relying on historical and anthropo- sociological methods and using irrefutable arguments that Kosmet is Serbian soil from the earliest beginnings, that the Serbs are autochthonous people there, that the Albanians are immigrants the Serbian state offered shelter to and saved from disaster. Serbia and Serbian people made an effort to integrate the Albanian minority group into complete social development of Serbia, based on inter- ethnic and inter-religious equality respecting all the standards of international and national laws which regulate the issues of ethnic minorities. The conclusion is that no other minority had so many rights as guaranteed to the Albanians by the Serbian Constitution. It was the opportunity to take by force and terror Kosovo and Metohija in the course of disintegration of The Second Yugoslavia. Helped by Nato and the EU, the Albanians usurped 15 percent of Serbian territory and considerable share of economic capacities and objects of social work and services, even private property which is considered to be sacred in civilized world. They are trying to transform the usurpation, helped by the USA and the EU, into an independent and self- governing state, justifying it as alleged majority volition. Analysing the migration of population we show that the Albanian population has never been autochthonous nor prevailing. The state of Serbia, her material and spiritual foundation, cherished and developed in this part of Serbia clearly confirms Kosmet to be legally and customary undisputedly Serbian soil.

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Помощта от Европейския съюз към Албания и страните от Източна Европа

Помощта от Европейския съюз към Албания и страните от Източна Европа

Author(s): Indrit Cenai / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 0

The European Union is the largest donor of financial funds in Albania. Financial support provided by this bloc of countries has been available since the early 1990s and continues to grow year-on-year basis. Financial assistance provided by the European Union is a key pillar of support for the implementation of the obligations arising from the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA). Its goal is to support Albania in the integration process, aimed at strengthening the rule of law and stabilizing democracy, establishing European standards, and the country's economic and social development. The support of the European Union can be divided into three main stages, as presented in this paper.

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Amtsgericht Frankfurt am Main HRB 53679
VAT number: DE300273105
Phone: +49 (0)69-20026820
Fax: +49 (0)69-20026819
Email: info@ceeol.com

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