"ŁAD POSTLIZBOŃSKI" W EUROPIE

Author(s): Piotr Nowak / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2017

The author of the article puts forward a thesis that the period in the international relations that came after the Cold War has already been completed and we are now in another one, to which he gives the name of the Post-Lisbon order. So far, in the discourse on the international relations it is called the post-Cold War order, without a clear distinction of its timeframe. The author, who presents a theoretical introduction of the definition of the international order which he perceives as a way of determining the relationship between international actors, who also presents the most important provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon and the New NATO Strategic Concept (adopted in Lisbon), called the new period a post-Lisbon order. By analyzing the presented problems the article constitutes an attempt to prove the thesis which was put forward at the beginning.

"Provincializimi i Evropës" dhe Debati Publik Mbi Integrimin Evropian

Author(s): Enis Sulstarova / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 1/2003

Në prag të nënshkrimit të Asociim Stabilizimit me Bashkimin Evropian, në shtypin shqiptar nisën replikat e ashpra midis Ismail Kadaresë dhe Rexhep Qoses, jehona e të ciht vazhdon edhe sot. Prej këtij debati, ku u përshinë gati të gjithë intelektualët dhe opinionbërësit më në zë brenda dhe jashtë kufirit shtetëror (deri te arbëreshët, shih Mandala & Marku, 2006), si edhe prej debateve të tjerë të ngjashëm që janë shfaqur më parë dhe herë pas here në shtypin shqiptar, krijohej përshtypja se çështja e integrimit të Shqipërisë në BE po debatohet seriozisht në publik. Mirëpo nuk është kështu. Si ndodh rëndom në këtë vend, debati Kadare-Qose, si edhe shumë të tjerë para tij, ishte tejet provincial, me gjithë përfshitjen në të të intelektualëve tanë të shquar. E quaj provincial, sepse nuk u fol mbi përfitimet e shoqërisë shqiptare prej procesit të anëtarësimin, detyrimet e Shqipërisë në këtë fazë të re të rrugës së integrimit, mbi ecurinë e reformave, mbi ngadalësimin apo edhe dështimin e tyre të dukshëm në disa drejtime, mbi altemativat e ofiuara për realizimin sa më mirë të objektivave të integrimit etj. E thënë shkurt, nuk ishte një debat politik. Debati u soll në mënyrë të ngushtë rreth pyetjes së çuditshme: a janë apo jo evropianë shqiptarët? Pse ndodhi kjo? Pse mendimi intelektual shqiptar është i paaftë të gjenerojë një debat politik mbi integrimin dhe ta lerë "integrimin" të përdoret vetëm në rrafshin e propagandës elektorale dhe të garës së rëndomtë të partive pohtike për të marrë flamurin e evropianizmit? Pse jem i një vendperiferik duhet të zhvillojmë vetëm debate publikeprovinciale?

"To nie my przekroczyliśmy granicę, to ona przecięła nas." Biopolityka europejskiego reżimu migracyjnego

Author(s): Lukasz Moll / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 21/2016

This article reconceptualizes analytical tools suitable to theorizing the European migration regime by employing concepts developed by philosophers of biopolitics. By referring to border and migration studies, it diagnoses both the crisis of the traditional conceptualization of the border and the crisis of the post-Westphalian political order in Europe. Identifying the end of bordering practices as a result of the intertwining of sovereignty, territory, and population in the context of a neoliberal regime of capital accumulation, the article proposes to treat borders as productive apparatuses (dispositifs). While they support the desirable flows of people, they block the undesirable forms of circulation. In conclusion, the article argues that the co-existence of borderless spaces within the European Union with the arbitrary mechanisms of mobility control applied to non-EU migrants is impossible to maintain in the long run. Keeping the current status quo will result in the obliteration of the inside/outside division and a rupture in the strong link between borders and territory. In effect, the same apparatuses which aimed to make free mobility possible are becoming its main source of danger.

# V4 2015: neľahké hľadanie odpovedí na európske výzvy

Author(s): Tomáš Strážay / Language(s): Slovak / Publication Year: 0

Vyšehradská skupina, tak ako napokon celá Európska únia, čelila aj v roku 2015 výzvam prichádzajúcim z vonkajšieho prostredia a v menšom meradle tiež takým, ktoré súviseli s jeho vnútorným fungovaním. Napriek pokračujúcemu rusko ukrajinskému konfliktu sa dominantnou témou vo vyšehradskom i európskom (nielen zahraničnopolitickom diskurze) stala migračná a utečenecká kríza. Postoj k nej ovplyvňoval tak vnútornú dynamiku Vyšehradu, ako aj jeho vnímanie v rámci EÚ. Vyšehradské krajiny čelili zhoršenej reputácii v očiach niektorých členských krajín Únie, ktoré kritizovali ich nesolidárny postoj v otázke redistribučných kvót. Prirodzene, značná časť vyšehradskej agendy sa niesla v znamení kontinuity, čo sa týka slovenského aj českého predsedníctva. Významnými oblasťami spolupráce tak boli naďalej napríklad energetika či bezpečnosť a obrana. Spolupráca s krajinami východného susedstva a západného Balkánu tvorili piliere formátu V4 plus, ktorý sa rozšíril o ďalších partnerov. Jedným z významných zadaní pre obe predsedníctva bolo vyvažovať spoluprácu s nevyšehradskými krajinami s vnútornou súdržnosťou V4. Potvrdilo sa, že vyšehradská spolupráca zostáva imúnna voči vnútropolitickému vývoju v jednotlivých krajinách. Hoci májové prezidentské i októbrové parlamentné voľby v Poľsku znamenali diametrálnu zmenu v oblasti poľskej vnútornej politiky, na vzťahoch v rámci V4 sa to neprejavilo.

,,Дијалектичка равнотежа’’ институционалног система ЕУ у области спољног представљања: фикција или реалност?

Author(s): Dejana M. Vukcevic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2012

Dans cet article, l’auteur s’efforce d’analyser l’identité institutionnelle de l’UE en matière de la représentation extérieure. Malgré la tentative proclamée d’une plus grande cohérence et de l’efficacité dans le domaine extérieur de l’UE, le traité de Lisbonne crée une image institutionnelle complexe dans laquelle une représentation extérieure unique de l’UE est difficile. Cela est dû au fait qu’il y a un grand nombre d’acteurs et une confusion quant à la compétence dans le domaine de l’action extérieure de l’Union. Le nouveau traité demeure prisonnier d’un mélange hybride des logiques intergouvernementale et supranationale qui se caractérise par un manque de clarité des rôles des institutions prévus par le traité. L’article est divisé en deux parties. Dans la première partie, l’auteur analyse la nouvelle identité institutionnelle de l’UE dans le domaine de l’action extérieure. Dans la deuxième partie, l’auteur traite l’application des dispositions istituionnelles, marquée des tensions permanentes pour le contrôle des positions de pouvoir. Cela est dû à des dispositions vagues et imprécises du traité de Lisbonne laissаnt aux Etats membres et aux institutions une grande marge de manœuvre quant à l’interprétation de leurs compétences. L’auteur conclut que la pluralité d’acteurs dans ce domaine témoigne d’un compromis du traité de Lisbonne quant à l’allocation du leadeship politique dans le cadre de l’UE. Pour cette raison, il est difficle d’établir un équilibre entre les intérêts des Etats membres et des institutions dans la consolidation postLisbonne en matière de représentation extérieure ce qui n’est pas sans répercussions quant à la visibilité de l’UE sur la scène internationale.

10 lat negocjacji akcesyjnych Turcji z Unią Europejską. Analiza postępów w obszarze kryteriów politycznych na podstawie raportów Komisji Europejskiej

Author(s): Przemyslaw Osiewicz / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 9/2015

October 2015 marked the tenth anniversary of the official onset of the accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union. The outcome of the talks, however, has so far been more than modest. The negotiations have encompassed fourteen out of 35 fields, leading to the closure, albeit only preliminary, of only one field. Croatia started negotiations in the same year and has been EU member state for two years now. In the Turkish case, the end of the talks is nowhere to be seen, and the more time goes by the less likely it seems for Turkey to become a legitimate participant of a European integration process. The EU Commission continues to present a number of reservations as concerns the progress of Turkey on its path to accession. The aim of this paper is to attempt to find an answer to the question whether the catalogue of reservations brought up by the EU Commission in terms of the political criteria to be met by Turkey has changed after the nine years of negotiations. By this token it will become possible to determine the progress Turkey has made as concerns those political criteria, both quantitatively and qualitatively.

2014 ALTERNATIVE PROGRESS REPORT: POLITICAL CRITERIA

Author(s): / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2014

This is the second Alternative Progress Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s path towards the EU membership. The report is a joint effort of dozens of individuals and organizations whose common goal was to show the current state of integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the perspective of civil society organizations. Having in mind that the official Progress Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina is a political report of the European Commission, we believe that the publication of the Alternative report can affect its content. Because of this, we are publishing this Alternative Progress Report nearly three months before the publication of the official one, hoping that it will have an impact on the formulation of the formal report. The report completely relies on the so-called political criteria, focusing on the following questions: - Democracy and the functionality of the State, - Rule of law and corruption, - Human rights, especially the rights of minorities and vulnerable groups, and - Transitional Justice During the 2013 and 2014, we have witnessed that no relevant progress has been achieved. The process of implementation of the Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina ruling is completely displaced from the Parliament. Performance of the democratic parliaments and governments on state, entity and cantonal levels is extremely low. The work of the institutions is characterized as unstable, inefficient and with notable lack of transparency. The decisions of the constitutional courts are still not implemented. No significant and systematic policies to combat human rights violations have been adopted. Judicial reform has been stopped and Structured Dialogue on Justice between B&H and the EU does not show any progress. Not a single significant case of corruption has been processed. Minority and vulnerable groups still live in difficult conditions. Discrimination and violence are all-present, and the law on prohibition of discrimination did not show the expected results, having in mind that five years after the enactment of the law, only two final judgments were passed. Comprehensive anti-discrimination policies for social integration either do not exist, or are almost never applied. Floods additionally hit the most vulnerable groups in society. Furthermore, the most vulnerable groups in society have been affected by the recent floods. The prosecution of war crimes and dealing with the past, as prerequisites for creating a healthy environment and building a common state, represent an additional problem. Political support for war criminals by the leaders of political parties only further divide the already highly fragmented society. We hope that the general elections in October of 2014 (although held by discriminatory rules) will bring more stable political structure, ready to face different problems. Initiative for the Monitoring of the European Integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina will certainly advocate change, in terms of adopting new laws and policies, and the implementation thereof. We also hope that the BiH authorities and the EU institutions will support a stronger representation of civil society within the various forums within the EU integration. Civil society must become the third actor in this process along with the State and EU institutions.

25 години промени. Сборник статии. Съставител Михаил Груев. С., 2014. 340 с.

Author(s): Vladimir Migev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1-2/2015

Book review

25-eri požiūrio į Lietuvos narystę Europos Sąjungoje tyrimų metai: 1991–2016

Author(s): Vladas Gaidys / Language(s): Lithuanian / Issue: 4/2016

Examination of the attitudes towards Lithuania’s membership in the European Community (hereinafter the European Union) has been started in the first representative public opinion surveys. The Public Opinion Research Center at the Institute of Philosophy, Sociology and Law (Lithuanian Academy of Sciences) began to study this issue in 1991. Since then, many representative surveys have been conducted, and attitudes towards the membership have been changing. Also, motives of supporting or not supporting the membership, a thematic discourse and actuality of this issue in the society have been altering. The dynamics of different aspects of the attitudes is analyses in the paper. The empirical results show that after a strong support of the membership 25 years ago, a period of skepticism followed, and later on the period of optimism appeared again. The latest surveys indicate a high support for Lithuania’s membership in the European Union as well. A high support for the membership before the Euro referendum was not defined by believes in quick personal benefits, but rather by believes in benefits for children in the future and for Lithuania in general. This is one of the reasons why later a disappointment in the membership was not fixed. The support for Lithuania’s membership in the EU has been and remains higher among younger, better qualified people and, inhabitants of big cities.

A comparison on the working poor population in some European countries

Author(s): Emese Bruder,Csilla Obádovics,Valentinas Navickas / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2012

The working poor population had not been gained any emphasis in Europe until the European Union adopted the Lisbon Strategy in 2000 with a special focus on employment, economy and social policies. In the framework of the Lisbon Strategy, the EU has started to develop a list of statistical indicators on poverty and social exclusion. These indicators aimed to control country level development on the agreed common goals, and they were adopted in 2001 at Laeken Council meeting in Belgium. In 2003, a new indicator, the in-work poverty risk has been added to the Laeken indicators. Since then, the existence of working poor population has took a more prominent place in the European debate. The objective of this paper is to give an insight of the situation of the working poor population in Visegrad countries, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary and compare the results with the Benelux states. These groups of countries both have shared history, and common path in European integration. We analyze the extent of working poverty, the gender asymmetry and the full-time, part-time proportions over working poor population. Based on the 2007 wave of EU-SILC database, we individualize various income sources received by the household in order to obtain total individual incomes. With this approach, we would like to show how each individual would perform, if he/she could only rely on his/her own income.

A Crisis in Europe’s Identity

Author(s): Adam Reichardt / Language(s): English / Issue: 3-4/2015

A conversation with Larry Wolff, professor of history at New York University. Interviewer: Adam Reichardt

A Critical View to European Union as a Cosmopolitan Democracy: From an Outsider’s View

Author(s): Seyed Vahid Karimi / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

European Union is an advance institution. There is no other community to mach its political, economic and international weight. But as an outsider, I do not find it as a cosmopolitan democracy. There are two internal as well as one international reason to prove my argument. First of all there are two schools of thought within the EU, regarding its future direction. There are forces who believe that the political direction of the EU must be Atlantis. There are others who believe that the European Union must, in its political thinking, remain European minded, separate from whatever the American guideline is. The United Kingdom and its allies within European Union support the Atlantis view, where the French and its orbit allies believe that the European Union must be European. So, that means that the liberal forces are put versus the social welfare minded, within the European Union. The second critical view is with regard to the institution itself. The selection of the commission is doubtful, if the stronger and more powerful members of the European Union have the upper hand in its selection. The European Parliament is paralyzed in intervening over agricultural budget. The power of members by ‘qualify majority voting’ - QMV, makes collaboration among the stronger and more powerful members of the EU much easier.

A European Balkans?

Author(s): François Heisbourg ,Jacques Rupnik,Daniel P. Serwer,Boris Shmelev / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

Introduction (by François Heisbourg) | Europe’s Challenges in the Balkans. A European Perspective (by Jacques Rupnik) | Kosovo Won’t Wait. An American Perspective (by Daniel Serwer) | The Balkans: Powder Keg of Europe or Zone of Peace and Stability. A Russian Perspective (by Boris Shmelev)

A European Democracy: Why and How?

Author(s): Phillipe C. Schmitter / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

While democracy in Europe took a very long time to emerge and consolidate itself, the democratization of Europe has only just begun and remains a rather remote prospect. The competing national states that composed this part of the world were originally autocratic – with the historical exception of Switzerland, which somehow continuously managed to practice its peculiar form of democracy. Indeed, Western Europe became uniformly democratic only in the mid-1970s with the regime changes in Portugal, Spain, and Greece. And parts of the former Soviet Union have still to institutionalize the accountability of its rulers by way of competitive processes of representation.

A Generation in Distress: Perspectives of Young People in Bulgaria and Southeast Europe

Author(s): Magdalena Preshlenova / Language(s): English / Issue: 05-06/2016

The current socio-political and economic environment places Europe’s youth in a burdensome position. The financial crisis from the past decade, as well as the remnants of the political transitions after the fall of communism in Southeast Europe, have spelled some of the worst conditions for young people in historic terms, particularly in this region.Youth unemployment is unprecedentedly high. The education system seems to fail in providing young people with the skills and knowledge to succeed. Governments are perceived as vastly detached from the issues relevant to their youngest constituencies. Political apathy is rampant. In the present environment, perspectives of young people are increasingly important, as they signal the urgent areas of action and can navigate social research and government policy. The present paper provides an overview of the current attitudes among young people in Bulgaria and Southeast Europe based on previous research and personal observation, filling some of the existing gaps in common perceptions of young citizens.

A HISTORICAL/POLITICAL JUSTIFICATION FOR THE NEED FOR MULTICULTURAL CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION AND EDUCATORS: THE CASE OF TURKEY AND THE EUROPEAN UNION

Author(s): Rasit Çelik / Language(s): English / Issue: 9/2016

Citizenship education, with its focus on equality, human rights and social justice for all, has become one of the central instruments for improving civic knowledge among world citizens and for supporting the development of more democratic states based on the rule of law. Like many other nations, the Turkish Republic, a country in negotiation with the European Union for possible membership, has placed great emphasis on citizenship education since the time of its foundation. This study takes on the question of whether Turkey provides adequate citizenship education as it is understood in and framed by the European Union’s education and training strategic plan, known as Education and Training 2020 – particularly in light of its focus on promoting multiculturalism and appreciation for diversity in an increasingly heterogeneous society. To this end, the study first provides some background information on the general status of citizenship education in Europe. This is followed by a description of the current framework as it is implemented in Turkey, which has historically included a homogenizing aspect, stressing unity rather than diversity. Finally, some recommendations are made concerning why Turkey needs further development in terms of a multicultural perspective on citizenship education, including the education of multiculturally competent teachers.

A lengyel elnökség - „Európa lelkiismeret furdalása?”

Author(s): Katalin Szokolay / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 0

A method of increasing the number of tourists in Romania: Sibiu – European capital of culture

Author(s): Gabriela Cecilia Stanciulescu,Aurora Costina Linca,Adrian Catalin Voinila / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 35/2016

The title of European Capital of Culture could help immensely a city and its surrounding region from cultural, social and economic point of view. Cultural activity in the city is gaining momentum and new categories of tourists are attracted here. To determine if being a cultural capital influenced or not the growth and/or decrease trend as regards the number of tourists that came to Sibiu in a consecutive period of 23 years, the starting point was that this event had a major impact on tourists. The present paper is a quantitative research based on the number of Romanian and foreign tourists accommodated in structures of tourist receptions with functions of tourist accommodation. The conclusions of this article respond to these questions: Being a European Capital of Culture attracts or not more tourists than usual? The increase in the number of tourists was proportional with the effort of the authorities involved in the project?

A new paradigm for sharing transition experience within the EU’s contested democracy support?

Author(s): Miriam Lexmann / Language(s): English / Issue: 3-4/2016

More than a decade after the completion of the democratic transition of the Visegrad Four countries, crowned by their membership of the EU, it is legitimate to ask whether the concept of “transition experience sharing” is still relevant to either the EU’s democracy support programs or the Visegrad Four ODA1 programs. This paper seeks to provide a basic empirical account of some of the fundamental processes of transition sharing while describing its core trends. It also makes recommendations, addressed partly at the V4 governments, but mainly at the respective EU institutions, on how features of “transition experience sharing” could be incorporated into democracy support schemes, thereby tailoring them in response to actual needs.

A Quintessential Lesson from European Union Integration to African Union

Author(s): Endris Mekonnen Faris,Hasan Korkut / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

The African Union -a multipurpose cooperation platform which most believe inspired by the European Union- came to exist to transform the continents fate into a prosperous one. European Union unprecedentedly becomes the crucial factor to speed up the Europe’s integration. European Union is an economic community and was not meant, first, a political one. Hence European Union can be a quintessential lesson for the African Union if the later understands the formers achievement came because of the exclusive emphasis given to the economic approach. The paper empirically argues that economic integration leads to an outright continental political unity. Accordingly the continent’s integration can only be achieved when economic approach is given prior emphasis. The political approach is a default which by nature follows the achievements gained from economic approach.The African Union -a multipurpose cooperation platform which most believe inspired by the European Union- came to exist to transform the continents fate into a prosperous one. European Union unprecedentedly becomes the crucial factor to speed up the Europe’s integration. European Union is an economic community and was not meant, first, a political one. Hence European Union can be a quintessential lesson for the African Union if the later understands the formers achievement came because of the exclusive emphasis given to the economic approach. The paper empirically argues that economic integration leads to an outright continental political unity. Accordingly the continent’s integration can only be achieved when economic approach is given prior emphasis. The political approach is a default which by nature follows the achievements gained from economic approach.