The Berlin Republic and the real end of the post-war era

Author(s): Piotr Buras / Language(s): English

In the post-war era, Germany has undergone a deep change almost like clockwork every two decades. In 1949, the foundations were laid for the establishment of the two German states: the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic; 1968–1969 was the time of the student revolt as a harbinger of the democratisation and liberalisation of society; and in 1989–1990, the process of unification took place, with all its consequences. Two decades later, another deep revision of the values is happening, as a consequence of which Germany is bidding a final farewell to the post-war epoch and its inherent certainties: its advancing society, the homogeneous national state and the faith in Europe as a solution to the ‘German question.’ This revision will not be revolutionary. However, as with the previous turning points, Germany is becoming a different state and a different society, which Europe will have to build its relations with anew.

Washington’s game of ‘sanctions poker’ Russia awaits America’s decisions

Author(s): Iwona Wiśniewska / Language(s): English

On 29 January, the administration of President Donald Trump sent Congress a batch of documents which provide the basis for a possible further expansion of sanctions against Russia: a report on the Russian business and political elite, and a report on the consequences of selected financial sanctions. At the same time, the authorisation for the possible introduction of extraterritorial sanctions against entities from the Russian security sector and arms industry came into effect. This was in line with the requirements of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, No. 3364 from 2 August 2017. This Act covers US sanctions against Iran, Russia and North Korea. As of now, President Trump’s administration has not decided to implement any new sanctions against Russia, although it has the ability to do so at any time.

Gazprom's expansion in the EU: co-operation or domination?

Author(s): Agata Loskot-Strachota,Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English

The energy sector, especially with regard to natural gas trade, is one of the key areas of co-operation between the EU and Russia. However, the character of this co-operation has given rise to increasing doubts both in Brussels and among the EU member states. The questions have emerged whether this co-operation does not make the EU excessively dependent on Russian energy supplies, and whether Gazprom's presence in the EU will not allow Moscow to interfere in the proces of devising the EU energy policy. This report is intended to present the factual base and data necessary to provide accurate answers to the foregoing questions. The first part of the report presents the scope and character of Gazprom's economic presence in the EU member states. The second part shows the presence of the EU investors in Russia. The data presented has been provided by the International Energy Agency, European Commission, the Central Bank of Russia and the Russian Federal State Statistics Service. Some of the data is the result of calculations made by the Centre for Eastern Studies' experts who were basing on the data provided by energy companies, the specialist press and news agencies.

The Revolution that never was. Five years of 'Orange' Ukraine

Author(s): Adam Eberhardt / Language(s): English

On the fifth anniversary of the Orange Revolution and in the final period of the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko, who then embodied the hopes for state reform, a tentative assessment of the situation in Ukraine is appropriate. Did the revolutionary social upheaval bear revolutionary fruit? Have democratic mechanisms strengthened? Has the post-Soviet oligarchic state model been overcome? Has media freedom expanded? Has there been any progress with regard to economic transformation? Has integration with the European structures materialised? Five years on, what remains of the hopes of millions of Ukrainians and of the goodwill of the international community?

Putin po raz czwarty. Bez pomysłu, bez nadziei

Author(s): Maria Domańska / Language(s): Polish

On 6 December Vladimir Putin announced that he will run in the presidential election to be held on 18 March 2018. The absence of any change in the office of Russia’s president is rooted in the logic of a personalised system of governance that has emerged in Russia. It is also a demonstration of the government’s will to maintain the present course in domestic and foreign policy, one that is static and devoid of any scope for development. This is regardless of the fact that the government is struggling with increasingly serious economic and socio- -political challenges. These mainly include economic stagnation, continuously decreasing real incomes, and tense relations with the West, all combined with the lack of a coherent, positive ideology to legitimise Putin’s model. Against this backdrop, the election-related actions the government has taken to date are of a provisional and tactical nature: they focus on efforts to achieve a stabilisation of the socio-political situation and to eliminate possible threats to the ruling elite in the pre- and post-election period. At the same time, attempts are being made to make the electoral ritual more attractive, so as to boost turnout and thereby demonstrate a high approval rating for both the president and the model of governance he endorses.

Polityka regionalna Kremla – rok dymisji gubernatorów

Author(s): Maria Domańska / Language(s): Polish

2017 has seen a wave of dismissals of the heads of Russia’s regions – the largest in the past five years. This is linked primarily to the Kremlin’s preparations for the presidential election. Personnel changes are among the few instruments the government has at its disposal to improve public support, given the dysfunctional governance model, growing dissatisfaction among the Russian public and the government team’s unwillingness to launch reforms. Even though it would appear that there is no single consistent algorithm for reshuffles on the level of governors (each decision to dismiss and nominate a governor has been considered separately), still the criteria that were taken into account in the first place included the socio-economic situation in the region, the degree of tension inside the regional elite, and public support for the incumbent governor. The Kremlin’s inability to formulate an appealing and credible election manifesto has been masked by a partial rejuvenation of the regional government staff and a temporary neutralisation of tension in some of the regions. Thus the staff ‘face-lift’ ahead of the election is aimed predominantly at building a positive image; the main goal is to give hope to the public, at least temporarily, of positive changes. The position of governors in the Russian government system has been gradually diminishing. Their competences and status have been consistently reduced as part of the process of increasing the centralisation of power in Russia. The logic of the personnel changes carried out in 2017 proves that the status of the governor’s office has been finally downgraded and depoliticised: the newly appointed governors are in fact middle managers and representatives of the nomenklatura delegated from the centre and at the full disposal of the central government.

Początek obchodów stulecia niepodległości Ukrainy

Author(s): Tadeusz A. Olszański / Language(s): Polish

January 2018 saw the first celebrations commemorating the centenary of Ukraine’s fight for independence (1917–1921). The first two of these events, commemorating the declaration of independence (22 January 1918) and the battle of Kruty (29 January 1918), were surprisingly small-scale, especially with regard to the participation of Ukraine’s leadership in them. This may mean that the ruling elite has no concept of how to use the centenary to solidify its political position, also in the context of the presidential and parliamentary elections planned for 2019. At the same time, a profound shift in the narrative regarding the fight from a century ago has been evident in the media reports and educational materials published by the Ukrainian Institute for National Remembrance (UINP). The emphasis is no longer placed on the armed struggle and the continuation of the leftist tradition of the government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic; instead, priority is given to the efforts to build a state and create its institutions, including professional armed forces. The anarchist-revolutionary traditions are criticised, and the importance of order and discipline is highlighted.

Review of the Economic Development in the Western Balkan States

Author(s): Paulina Biernacka / Language(s): English

Foreword Ten years after the end of the armed conflict, the Western Balkans are still being considered as the "land of the unsuccessful policies". Enormous financial and technical assistance transferred by the International Community has not managed to meet the goals of integrating the region within itself as well as within the European markets. Explanation for this can be found in the consequences of the war and the remnants of the socialist state. The complexity of current institutional/ political arrangements combined with the limited willingness of the regional actors to introduce and implement much of the needed reforms have additionally contributed to the current state of affairs.The economy and politics in the region intertwine to an extent as probably in none of the other post-communist states. Therefore, the paper presents the recent economic performance of the Western Balkan countries in the light of their limited institutional development and lack of efficient regional cooperation. The paper discusses the importance of foreign direct investments' inflow for the economic growth of the "latecomer" states and presents major drawbacks which limit the influx of the foreign capital to the region. It presents private sector activity and regional cooperation programmes. It discusses the role of the International Community with the main focus on the activities of the European Union. The EU is examined not only as the main aid donor but more importantly as a foreign trade partner. Furthermore, it analyses the impact of the presence of the International Community and their strategies towards the region with the special attention to the EU. Finally, it presents recommendations for the improvement of the economic performance in light of the enhanced political cooperation between the EU and the region.

The orange revolution in Ukraine. An attempt to understand the reasons

Author(s): Joanna Konieczna-Sałamatin / Language(s): English

1. The Ukrainian society in the run-up to the 2004 presidential election was in a state which political science literature characterises as an almost "ideal" condition for an outbreak of social unrest. Growing expectations, both economic and political, seemed vain due to mounting impediments. The victory of Viktor Yanukovych was perceived by many opinion-makers as a nail in the coffin of such aspirations.2. In Ukraine, almost since the moment of regaining independence, the following two public order models, in which inherent are completely different system-related preferences of the citizens, have co-existed: the decentralised model of a "network" society, where dominate parallel mutual dependences between people who opt for a democratic political system; and the centralist model of social integration, where order is ensured via the vertical relation of power and submission. In the latter case, democracy seems dubious and preference is given to various kinds of systems having a strong central authority. Over the past ten years, the decentralised model has been slowly strengthening, and its influence has been expanding. It operates predominantly in the Western Ukraine and in Kyiv, yet it has won increasingly more areas also in the North and East of the country (except for Donbas). Viktor Yanukovych was in the common opinion a supporter of the centralist vision, and his victory in the election was perceived as an immediate threat to the already known and familiar rules of activity in parallel relations. Yanukovych was believed to be a player who would impose his own rules, without respecting the already existing ones.3. Foreign policy issues, a "pro-European" or "anti- European" approach of the authorities, hardly had any significance during the orange revolution. Its causes were purely internal. However, as the events developed, the stance taken by the international community became important for Ukrainians and could contribute to a significant growth of pro-European sentiments."Revolution" was the favourite word of most commentators in their descriptions of the events in late 2004, connected with the presidential election in Ukraine. Still, some of them - few as they were - protested against this term pointing out to many elements that proved evolutional rather than revolutionary nature of the changes taking place there. I suggest leaving this issue to future political scientists and historians, who will certainly answer the question whether that was a revolution and if it was not, how to name it1. This text is an attempt to reflect on what really happened in Ukraine in the last months of 2004, regardless of whether we call such events revolution, rebellion, social movement or anything else.Any mass social movements mainly draw attention of the mass media, yet soon they also become a subject of analysis for political scientists, sociologists and other specialists in social sciences, who try to answer the question if "this" could have been predicted? Post factum we usually state that there were very many signs of an approaching outbreak but nobody paid sufficient attention to such "harbingers". Even more so because social processes are almost never launched by only one factor.A well-known American political scientist James Davies (1962) noticed in the early 1960's that one of the factors provoking social movements is the discrepancy between social expectations & aspirations and the possibility to satisfy them. Davies initially formulated his theory, which has become classical today, in terms of socioeconomic expectations. Thereafter, he wrote that if such a discrepancy concerns political issues, its "explosive action" can be even stronger.Social expectations usually grow when the economic situation starts improving. Then expectations and hopes concerning both material and non-material issues grow; starting from the possibility to do business in an unrestricted way through such ideas as the freedom of speech. Expectations also grow when the society has managed to develop parallel ways of communication and gaining the awareness of its subjectivity, independently of the existing political system.

Turkey - an energy transit corridor to the EU?

Author(s): Agata Loskot-Strachota / Language(s): English

1. The priority of Ankara's energy policy is to make Turkey an important transit corridor for energy resources transported to the EU. Turkey wishes to play an active role in the distribution and sale of gas and oil flowing across its territory.2. Transit and sale of energy resources, and gas in particular, are expected to provide a major source of income for Turkey and a tool by which Ankara will be able to build its position in the region and in Europe.3. Since Turkey is an EU candidate country, Brussels will probably welcome Turkey's role as a transit corridor as much as Ankara will.4. The success of Ankara's energy strategy hinges on developments in Turkey's internal energy market.5. It also depends on a number of external factors including:- Export policies and internal situation in producer countries.Most importantly, it depends on:a. Russia and its energy policy prioritiesb. Stability in the Middle East.- Policies of consumer countries, including the EU in particular.- Policies of world powers present in the region (USA).

International interim administration as a model for conflict resolution in Donbas

Author(s): Vasyl Filipchuk,Anatoliy Oktysiuk,Yevhen Yaroshenko / Language(s): English

Two years have passed since the Minsk agreements were approved. The agreements were endorsed by the UN Security Council Resolution 2202 on February 17, 2015 as a tool of conflict resolution in eastern Ukraine. Minsk-2 contributed to de-escalation of the conflict and suspension of full-scale fighting, but not to the conflict settlement. If the Minsk agreements remain as a “no-alternative-mechanism” for conflict settlement in the east of our country, their implementation will require new, additional instruments which are prescribed by the Minsk agreements, but do not contradict to them. The introductionof the International Interim Administration (IIA) under the UN auspices in the non-controlled territories can be one of such innovative tools for the conflict settlement in Donbas. IIA can become acceptable to all conflict parties and a ‘model’ of the Minsk agreements implementation and restoration of Ukraine’s sovereignty over certain areas of Donetsk and Luhansk regions.

National Security & Defence, № 067 (2005 - 07)

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

EUROPEAN INTEGRATION OF UKRAINE: THE FIRST STEPS OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT // IMPLEMENTATION OF THE EU-UKRAINE ACTION PLAN: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS // GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS // SUCCESS OF UKRAINE’S EUROPEAN INTEGRATION POLICY SHOULD BE MEASURED BY THE QUALITY OF CHANGE IN THE COUNTRY // EUROPEAN INTEGRATION IS A TWO-WAY STREET // “GOLDEN KEY” TO THE EU’S DOORS IS IN OUR HANDS // UKRAINE-EU: FROM CO-OPERATION TO INTEGRATION // WE SHOULD CONSISTENTLY PURSUE INTEGRATION // WE SHOULD INTRODUCE EUROPEAN STANDARDS INTO OUR SOCIO-ECONOMIC SPHERE // UKRAINE-EU ACTION PLAN IS UKRAINE’S ROAD TO THE EUROPEAN EDUCATIONAL AND SCIENTIFIC SPACE // MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT // WE MUST START TAKING INTEGRATION SERIOUSLY // WE NEED TO RESTORE OUR CREDIBILITY // EXPERTS FROM NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS // WE SHOULD FUND OUR EUROPEAN CHOICE // USE THE CAPABILITIES OF NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS // WE SHOULD SPEND MORE TIME WORKING ON INTEGRATION AT HOME // UKRAINE’S EUROPEAN CHOICE: A NEW FORMAT // UKRAINE’S PATH TO THE EU: THE NEED FOR SYSTEMIC TRANSFORMATIONS // UKRAINE’S INTEGRATION WITH THE EU: EXPERT ASSESSMENT // UKRAINE’S EUROPEAN INTEGRATION IN POPULAR PERCEPTIONS

Tackling the issue of rising polarization and “Euroscepticism” culminating in the public’s reaction to the so-called “French proposal”

Author(s): Katerina Kolozova / Language(s): English

ISSHS has produced several analyses accompanied by recommendations on the possible exit from the enlargement cul-de-sac due to the Bulgarian-Macedonian dispute.We believe the core of our recommendations has been addressed by the present General position and Negotiating framework of the EU Council insofar as it contains no reference whatsoever to history, historiography and identity. Issues of cultural conflict, as we define the core of the dispute (see first recommendation cited below, which contains the premise of the definition), have been relegated to the plane of bilateral conflict resolution and hopefully reconciliation.Cultural policies should be devised to address the cultural conflict at hand and offer resolution in terms of cultural and educational policies across disciplines (literature, arts, history) as any identity narrative is about more than merely “history” (history in identity context is a folkish spontaneous narrative of the past, akin to a myth). Put differently, historiography or pedagogy are not to deliver the solution to the conflict at stake but contemporary educational polices; instead: apply educational and international relations policies that could affirm the connections in history regardless of whether such history is called shared or common – it is key to underscore that these are connections of continuity between the shared past but also hopefully shared future, points of connectivity instead of division (from Precis of a Threefold Analysis, p.1 available at our website under long policy reads, slightly revised)The document remains politically sterile – in the best possible sense of the word – while providing an approach of sensitivity to cultural concerns for which a most appropriate format has been offered, one that emulates a similar agreement of good neighborly relations that of “Prespa.” What is more, the one recommendation we considered farfetched and highly unlikely to be met, has been materialized: the Framework position of the Bulgarian Assembly has been completely sidelined in the “controversial” so-called “French proposal.”Why then this reaction not only of the rightwing parties and one nationalist leftist party (Levica), but also of a part of the presumably pro-European expert civil society? We believe it is a matter of high polarization built by the veto and the bilateral negotiations around it. Europe and Bulgaria are at fault for allowing such a dangerous process to occur, recklessly permitting the buildup of polarization as well as of Euroscepticism even among those once most committed to the EU integration.A speedy process of depolarization, through methods of cultural conflict resolution and reconciliation, should be initiated urgently as the prerequisite for any rational conversation around the bilateral protocols with Bulgaria but also related to the “French document” (as dubbed in the Macedonian public) and for rebuilding trust in the idea of unified Europe and European values. The first step may (and, we argue, should) be for our public to be reminded that we are yet to learn what the European values are as they are more than merely being a geographical and cultural part of the continent: a dialogue of opposing views, conflict resolution and the talent and knowledge of building good neighborly relations by means “truth and reconciliation” (the method of Jacques Derrida) as well as other related model of depolarization and cultural conflict resolution.

Toward an Exit Point from the Enlargement Cul-de-Sac Posed by the Macedonian-Bulgarian Dispute

Author(s): Katerina Kolozova,Stefan Detchev / Language(s): English

Modern and contemporary processes of disintegration of empires and the formation of nations and nation-states in the Balkans led to the establishment of the Republic of Bulgaria and the Republic of North Macedonia as two independent and sovereign states. According to Bulgaria, that recognized the former Yugoslav republic under its constitutional name in 1992 (Republic of Macedonia), the recognition of Macedonian statehood does not automatically lead to the recognition of the Macedonian language and the Macedonian nation, as it was defined in Yugoslav times - a nation derived from the South Slavs with centuries of separate history, different from the Bulgarian one. This non-recognition by the Bulgarian side of the nation and the language provoked reservations in the position of Skopje. As a result, for more than two decades and a half their bilateral relations remained problematic. This Bulgarian intransigence towards the nation and the language, combined with the lack of a modern historiographical approach, make the Macedonian side defend its conventional historical narrative inherited mainly from its Yugoslav past. 1 Moreover, the criteria for membership in the European Union do not include an inventory of storytelling in a candidate state. Nevertheless, it was mainly the historical narrative and historical dispute that provoked the Bulgarian veto on the approvement of the negotiation framework of the Republic of North Macedonia for the start of the process for future accession in the European Union from the end of 2020.

Avenues of Cooperation Proceedings

Author(s): Gábor Egry,Spasimir Domaradzki,Costas Douzinas,Marta Szpala,Michal Vít,Ljupcho Petkovski,Stefan Detchev,Katerina Kolozova / Language(s): English

The Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities Skopje, in conjunction with the Visegrad Fund and the Balkan Trust for Democracy-The German Marshall Fund of the United States, is proud to present the proceedings from the Avenues of Cooperation conference, which was dedicated to finding a solution to the cultural conflict between the Macedonian and the Bulgarian state related to their respective nation-building narratives which has caused a stalemate in the Union’s enlargement process blocking the next step of North Macedonia’s accession to the European Union. The “Avenues of Cooperation Proceedings” present in depth analyses on these issues and include contributions from: Gábor Egry, Spasimir Domaradzki, Costas Douzinas, Marta Szpala, Michal Vit, Ljupcho Petkovski, Stefan Detchev, and Katerina Kolozova. Through various historical (with an emphasis on exploring the past experiences and conflicts/conflict resolutions of other Visegrad countries), cultural, and political analyses, based largely on the contributors’ own backgrounds, new, practical and concrete ways of moving forward past the deadlock between Macedonia and Bulgaria are presented from multiple perspectives all coalescing around a shared goal. Thus, these proceedings offer solutions and recommendations to long standing cultural, national, historical and political disputes between the two nations with the aim of bettering relations, increasing cooperation, and, crucially, unblocking the EU enlargement process and creating models that would allow for the prevention of any such situations happening again in the future.

Demographic Effects on Civic Engagement and Voter Education in North Macedonia

Author(s): Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities Skopje / Language(s): English

We are pleased to present the report entitled, ” Demographic Effects on Civic Engagement and Voter Education in North Macedonia”. The report was produced by the International Foundation for Electoral System (IFES) and was prepared by the team of the Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities, Skopje, in cooperation with the TIM Institute and presents part of the Project “Support to Electoral Reforms in Northern Macedonia”, supported by the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), which is implemented by The International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) and its partner, the National Youth Council of Macedonia (NYCM).

Одзаробување на „административниот ум“: Поларизација на односите меѓу граѓаните и државата

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Macedonian

Справување со прашањето на растечката поларизација и „евроскептицизам“ кои кулминираат во реакцијата на јавноста поврзана со т.н. „француски предлог“

Author(s): Katerina Kolozova / Language(s): Macedonian

Институтот за општествени и хуманистички науки (ИОХН) од Скопје, во изминатава година, произведе повеќе студии со препораки за можниот излез од слепата уличка на проширувањето како резултат на бугарско-македонскиот спор.Уверени сме дека сржта на нашите препораки е отсликана во Општата позиција и предложената Преговарачка рамка на Европскиот совет која стапи на сила неодамна, веднаш по дадената согласност и на Бугарскиот парламент со што се отстрани ветото за почеток на преговорите. Имено, овој документ не содржи никаква референца на историја, историографија или идентитет. Прашањата на културен конфликт, како што ние го дефинираме јадрото на спорот (погледнете ја нашата прва препорака цитирана подолу, која ја содржи премисата на оваа дефиниција), се префрлени на планот на билатералното разрешување конфликти и, се надеваме, помирување.Треба да се развијат културни политики кои ќе дадат одговор на културниот конфликт во прашање и ќе понудат негово решение во термини на културни и образовни политики во низа дисциплини (литература, уметност, историја), бидејќи идентитетскиот наратив е секогаш нешто повеќе од само „историја“ (историјата во идентитетски контекст е народен спонтан наратив за минатото, сроден на мит). Кажано поинаку, историографијата, и педагогијата нема да понудат решение на конфликтот за кој станува збор туку тоа може да го направат современите образовни политики. Затоа, да се применат образовни политики и политики од областа на меѓународните односи кои би ги афирмирале врските во заедничката или споделена (наречете ја како сакате) историја – да се афирмираат во смисла на точки на континуитет на споделеното минато и, се надеваме, иднина, односно во смисла на точки на поврзување наместо поделба.Документот на Европскиот совет е политички стерилен – во најдобрата смисла на зборот – додека, во исто време, овозможува пристап на сензитивност кон културните засегнатости понуден во најсоодветниот можен формат по углед на Преспанскиот договор за добрососедски односи. Дотолку повеќе, единствената наша препорака од претходните документи која ја сметавме за најдалеку од остварлива е материјализирана во овој наводно „контроверзен“ предлог: Рамковата позиција на Бугарското собрание е потполно поништена во Општата позиција и нејзиниот придружен елемент, Рамката на преговори.Зошто, тогаш, ваква реакција не само на десничарските партии и една националистичка лева партија (Левица), туку и на дел од претпоставеното проевропско граѓанско и експертско општество?Уверени сме дека станува збор за висока поларизација создадена од ветото и билатералните преговори поврзани со него. Европа и Бугарија се виновни за тоа што дозволија да се појави ваков опасен процес, непромислено допуштајќи раст на поларизацијата и, со тоа, евроскептицизмот дури и помеѓу оние најпосветените на евро-интеграциите.Итно мора да се иницира брз процес на деполаризација, по пат на методите на разрешување културен конфликт и помирување, како предуслов за каква било рационална расправа во однос на билатералните протоколи со Бугарија а, исто така, поврзана со т.н. „француски документ“ (како што го нарече македонската јавност) но и за повторно градење доверба во идејата на обединета Европа и европските вредности. Првиот чекор би можело (и, тврдиме, би требало) да биде потсетувањето на нашата јавност дека ние допрва учиме што се европските вредности бидејќи тие се повеќе од само тоа да се биде географски и културен дел на континентот: дијалогот на спротивставените страни, разрешувањето конфликти и дарбата и знаењето да се градат добрососедски односи по пат на „вистина и помирување“ (методата на Жак Дерида) како и други сродни модели на деполаризација и разрешување културен конфликт.

Влијанието на демографските фактори врз учеството на граѓаните во јавниот живот и едукација на гласачите во Северна Македонија

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Macedonian

Со задоволство Ви го претставуваме извештајот со наслов „Влијанието на демографските фактори врз учеството на граѓаните во јавниот живот и едукација на гласачите во Северна Македонија“. Извештајот е продуциран од страна на Меѓународната фондација за Изборни системи (ИФЕС), а изготвен од тимот на Институтот за општествени и хуманистички науки, Скопје во соработка со ТИМ Институт и претставува дел од Проектот „Поддршка на изборните реформи во Северна Македонија“ на Швајцарската агенција за развој и соработка (СДЦ), што се имплементира од Меѓународната фондација за Изборни системи (ИФЕС) и нејзиниот партнер, Националниот младински совет на Македонија (НМСМ).

Efektet demografike në angazhimin e qytetar në jetën publike dhe edukimin e votuesve në Maqedoninë e Veriut

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Albanian

Kemi kënaqësin të prezantojmë raportin me titull “Efektet demografike në angazhimin e qytetar në jetën publike dhe edukimin e votuesve në Maqedoninë e Veriut”. Raporti është prodhuar nga Fondacioni Ndërkombëtar për Sistemet Zgjedhore (IFES) dhe përgatitur nga ekipi i Institutit të Shkencave Shoqërore dhe Humane, Shkup, në bashkëpunim me TIM Institutin dhe prezanton pjesë të projektit të Agjencisë Zvicerane për Zhvillim dhe Bashkëpunim (SDC), “Mbështetje për reformën zgjedhore në Maqedoninë e Veriut”, i zbatuar nga Fondacioni Ndërkombëtar për Sisteme Zgjedhore (IFES) dhe partneri i tij, Këshilli Rinor Kombëtar i Maqedonisë (KRKM).