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In the last dozen months we have seen a spectacular comeback of power politicsin international relations. It is partially caused by a crisis of democracy and of theinternational liberal order as well as by an increase of unilateralism in the policy ofbig states. At the same time, we note a peculiar pandemic of a petty tyrant type ofpoliticians who are power hungry and ready to change the political system of theircountry in order to extend their rule indefinitely. The trend has been accompanied bya dramatic decrease of moral standards in international politics. The trend of powerpolitics has been dictated by the US administration and enthusiastically followedby Russia and China, which feel in their natural element in it. The same has beennoted in the policy of a number of mid-size powers. The Middle East seems tobe a regional laboratory of this tendency, with the dangerous example of Saudi--Iranian confrontation. The new global political context means the risk of furthermarginalization of the European Union. Additionally, internal problems made theUnion even weaker. Macron’s and Merkel’s position has been put into question andturbulent Brexit damaged the energy and image of both the UK and the Community.Poland’s policy, marked by the rise of centrifugal nationalistic political forces, looksmore like part of the problem than the solution of the troubling European situation.
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In 2018, the world’s arms control architecture teetered on the brink of collapse.The paper presents some examples of this process: 1. the United States withdrewfrom the Iran nuclear deal (P5 + 1 – Iran); 2. the summit in Singapore was important,but negotiations between the United States and North Korea over Pyongyang’snuclear programme and denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula stalled; 3. the newSTART was correctly implemented but its future is uncertain; 4. the US threatenedto withdraw from the INF.
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The paper presents an overview of the changes in the global economy since 2017.Consecutive sections deal with the analysis of economic indicators and challengesfaced by Global Economic Governance in its particular dimensions: trade, finance,and development. In spite of a moderately positive condition of the global economyin the last two years, the current situation cannot be considered as fully stable. Thisapplies both to economic output and the future of the global economic order. Inevery dimension of Global Economic Governance, there is a significant rift betweenthe efforts to promote multilateral solutions and individual actions taken by somestates. In case of the global trade system, the major concern constitute the risingprotectionism and the threat of trade conflicts, as well as the growing dysfunctionof the World Trade Organization (WTO). The recurring issue for global financialsystem remains its reform. In terms of global development cooperation, progresshas been made towards eliminating poverty, yet simultaneously income inequalitiesare on the rise. Moreover, in spite of the ongoing reform of development finance,the current system is incapable of meeting the needs of sustainable development andinclusive growth.
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2018 was a year of substantial internal reconfigurations in the EU. In the article,the author focuses on three processes with the biggest potential for change. There isgrowing awareness of practical difficulties of leaving the EU in an orderly fashion,especially in light of the severe political crisis in Great Britain. Chancellor AngelaMerkel declared her plan to leave (in an orderly way) and the opinion polls beforethe European Parliament elections suggest there is a possibility of a relative successof Eurosceptic parties, which would result in anything but order. The power gamewithin the EU starts with the May 2019 elections and it will take up a better part ofthe year. The consequences of 2018 political decisions are still unknown – growinguncertainty being the only certain factor.
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The aim of this article is to analyze international relations in the Asia-Pacific regionfrom the historical perspective of the 40th anniversary of the economic reformin China and the establishment of diplomatic US-China relations. China’s successfulreform programme and US-China economic cooperation have helped to transformthis country into a superpower and, as a result, multilateralism in the region hasbeen replaced by new US-China bipolar structure. 2018 was the year regional actorsgrew accustomed to this new strategic environment.
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W literaturze przedmiotu mówi się obecnie o nowym etapie w rozwoju gospodarki światowej, tj. gospodarce opartej na wiedzy, w której ogromne znaczenie ma rozwój nowoczesnych technologii. Wydaje się, że efektem tego kierunku rozwoju powinna być zmiana struktury towarowej handlu międzynarodowego, polegająca na wzroście obrotów i udziału w nim produktów zaawansowanych technologicznie. Konkurowanie na tym rynku jest niewątpliwie sporym wyzwaniem dla poszczególnych państw. Warto zatem przyjrzeć się, jaki jest udział produktów high-tech w handlu zagranicznym Unii Europejskiej oraz (dla porównania) innych wybranych krajów, a także jak ten udział zmieniał się w okresie ostatnich czternastu lat.
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After the end of the Cold War, the international order began its transition, bothon a global and a European scale. As a consequence of these changes and underthe influence of a series of crises in the EU, two opposing tendencies have beenstrengthened. On the one hand, intensified questioning of the current directions ofintegration, and on the other, the desire to reinforce the management in the EU bythe European core, represented primarily by France and Germany. The aim of thearticle is to show power politics in the EU on the example of internal market changeshappening at a time of transition of the international order.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the evolution of India’s strategy in the Asia-Pacific region after 2014, i.e. after the Indian People’s Party (Bharatiya Janata Party,BJP) came to power and the post of prime minister was taken over by NarendraModi. The article characterizes and discusses the main assumptions, directions, andinstruments of India’s foreign policy in the Asia-Pacific region.The article attempts to answer two main research questions: whether and, if so,why has India adopted a more active strategy in the Asia-Pacific region; and whether,in its strategy in the political-strategic and security sphere, it has opted for an alliancewith the USA in the Asia-Pacific region.Answers to these questions will allow us to verify hypothesis stating that,especially under the influence of the dynamics of intra-regional relations in foreignpolicy in 2010s, India has redefined its role and position on the Asian continent andhas strived to implement a balancing policy in order to limit China’s increasinglyimportant role and to prevent the shift of power on the Asian continent in favour ofBeijing. To achieve its goals, India advocates a political and strategic alliance withthe USA and its allies as one of the pillars of a democratic, liberal order in the Indo--Pacific region (as an alternative to the order proposed by China).The theoretical tool used in this case study of India’s regional strategy is thecategory of balancing policy. This research tool was selected for its cognitiveand explanatory values which emphasize the importance of the anarchism of theinternational system and the fact that the rules of relations between states area function of the balance of power between them.
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Author examines the design faults of the Euro System with a detailed macroeconomic analysis of its structural contradictions. In particular he presents a differentiated diagnosis of the current crisis, which he contrasts with the orthodox focus on the symptom of sovereign debt. The conclusion produces a stark choice between 'the break-up of the Euro-system or its radical re-foundation'.
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Polityka spójności Unii Europejskiej koncentruje swoje zasoby w celu maksymalizowania efektów. Koncentracja ma dwa wymiary: pierwszy, przestrzenny, oznacza, że interwencja jest ograniczona terytorialnie, a drugi, tematyczny, stanowi, że Unia Europejska wspiera tylko wybrane typy inwestycji. Zasady te dotyczą wszystkich programów operacyjnych finansowanych z polityki spójności. W Polsce w perspektywie finansowej 2007–2013 wdrażane były zarówno programy ogólnokrajowe, jak i regionalne. Te ostatnie miały prezentować podejście terytorialne i uwzględnić specyfikę danego regionu w celu optymalnego dostosowania interwencji. W pracy przedstawiono analizę wykorzystania środków w 16 Regionalnych Programach Operacyjnych w kontekście wybranych kategorii interwencji. Otrzymane wyniki pozwalają uznać, że różne rozłożenie akcentów w poszczególnych programach potwierdza różnorodność polskich regionów i uzasadnia podejście terytorialne w polityce spójności.
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Please let me extend my gratitude to the Faculty of International Economy and Politics of the University of National and World Economy and to the Bulgarian Association of Political Science for the invitation and the opportunity to exchange withyou on the important topic of the European perspective and connectivity of the Western Balkans as a specific priority of the first Bulgarian Presidency of the Council 2018.
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As in previous times, nowadays processes in Southeastern Europe (the Balkans)have been swirled into the maelstroms of world geopolitical clashes. Following theunprecedented "new world order", initiated by the superpower that has prevailed atthe end of Cold War era, the main features of the current international system havebeen molded within the clashes among new centers of power, declaring ambitions tobe paramount factors in a dynamically changing world.
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Historically the European Union was relatively successful, especially for the original purpose of ensuring peace in Europe. Nowadays, however, many of the stakeholders, particularly from within, are becoming increasingly critical of the Union calling into question its future. The purpose of this research is to provide an overview and analyse factors commonly perceived as indicative of the decline of the European Union with an attempt at distinguishing between causes and consequences and singling out factors underlying current internal tensions. The findings suggest that the fundamental cause of struggle lies in the enlargements of 1985 and the ones that occurred after 2000. The acceptance of new members not sufficiently aligned regarding both the economy and political culture resulted in growing internal tensions, which escalated further in the face of additional pressures such as the financial and the refugee crises. Structural weakness and inability to organise democratic process at European level has made the accommodation of new members more problematic.
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The paper analyses the results from the Economist Intelligence Unit’s research for Democracy Index 2017. It starts by offering a general presentation of the research and focusesspecifically on the results of Bulgaria and other Balkan countries on several major criteria: electoral process and pluralism; government functioning; political participation; political culture;Civil liberties. The paper seeks to answer the question why there are not "Full Democracies" on the Balkans?
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Today’s challenges of the Balkan countries are largely a result of the fact that the national model of statehood is very difficult to operate in a region where the Ottoman Empire existed for many years. This left a strong footprint on the culture and traditions of the population. All these formed the contemporary political culture of the Balkan countries. Thus, the present research focuses on the Balkan states’ political culture. It aims at making a general description ofthe political culture of the Balkans, identifying the common features of the countries, using historical approach and comparative analyses.. Also a comparison is made with the political culture of "full democracies". The analysis covers indicators and builds on data from the European ValuesStudy, 4th wave. The results show that the countries indeed have common characteristics but stillthere are variations. Although the Balkan countries are close to full democracies on some of theindicators, on others – significant differences are observed.
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In the last decades, the subject of the development of the energy sector in the Balkancountries provokes special attention due to its relevance in the context of the changing geopolitical and geoeconomic landscape in Eurasia, as well as the transformations on a global level. The restructuring of the region represents an essential element in the shifting model of international relations, determining new roles and functions for the Southeast European states within the world system. They are facing the challenge to adapt to the new realities and the measures undertaken and planned to improve the national situation alter their diplomacy and especially their approaches towards different regions. In turn, this causes large spillover effects on international relations. In the light of these new developments, the paper explores the principal dimensions of the energy architecture in the Balkans and the resulting foreign policy implications, by comparing the strategies implied according to the correspondent national energy guidelines. The aim of the study is to contrast the various approaches, in order to assess their potential capacity, the crucial differences and the similarities between them, as well as their advantages and limitations. The analysis also showcases the main vectors of the interests of global players such as the EU, Russia, the US, China, and especially the resulting implications of their involvement in the region with emphasis on recent transformations. The author discusses different aspects of the significance of this zone as an energy junction and the ambitions of the Balkans to act as a bridge between East and West. Special attention is paid to the impact of the political approaches on the establishmentof regional patterns of energy cooperation or competition. Looking at the subject from the perspective of the evolutions in the last years, the paper investigates the endogenous and exogenous dynamics of the changing energy settings in Southeast Europe. The research work outlines the conceptual frame of the attempts of the Balkan countries at both bilateral and multilateral level to recalibrate their actions, in order to unlock the potential of the region as a stable partner, particularly with regard to energy supplies. Currently, the level of energy insecurity and vulnerability of the Balkan states remains high, albeit to varying degrees, and the successful elimination of the label "unstable energy architecture" for Europe’s East requires revised vision for the region that will envelop political and economic dimensions of development.
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the cooperation in energy issues among SEEcountries. The paper focus is on the current energy projects of common interest in the region andthe perspectives for their realization from Bulgarian point of view. The EU Energy Union Strategysets the goal of diversification of gas supplies to Europe. Currently there are more than 70 gasprojects listed as Projects of Common Interest (PCI). The European Energy Union should be established by 2020. The process, however, faces serious challenges when it comes to the Balkanswhere national particularistic approaches to energy security are still strong. This is the regionwith the lowest level of energy connectivity in Europe. Since the Balkan countries have modestenergy resources, the level of analysis cannot be national or only narrowly regional. One mustrefer to the wider regional level. Hence, the importance of the Balkans for the global energy corridors comes from their strategic position The region is important for the transport of oil and natural gas from the Middle East and Central Asia to western markets. The interconnectors that arebuilt or have to be built in the region are PCI for EU. The Union declares that an emergency planfor possible energy crises must be established, and common approach must prevail over self-helpin such circumstances. For that reason since 1993 there have been plans for eight energy corridors in the SEE: "South stream" pipeline, then its successor the "Turkish stream", "NABUCCO",the "Trans-Adriatic pipeline", "AGRI" and "East ring", as well as the oil pipelines "AMBO" and"CPOT". Consequently, the EU supports the PCI in the region with the intention to incorporatethem in the future European Energy Union.
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This study was prompted by the strong academic and research interest in President Donald Trump’s governance and rhetorical style, which is atypical of any senior government official holding a high post in the state administration. Another major motivation for selecting thisresearch object is the topicality of political discourse, and its linguistic and pragmatic aspects, inthe era of post-truth politics. Yet another reason was the typically negative image of the Balkans ina historical perspective. The findings in this study largely confirm those established in previousresearch with regard to Donald Trump’s foreign policy priorities. Even though Trump is differentin form – in language and rhetoric – in his foreign policy, he shows continuity with his post-ColdWar predecessors in substance, especially in the Balkans and South-eastern Europe.
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Perspektywa finansowa Unii Europejskiej na lata 2007–2013 w znaczący sposób uprzywilejowała regionalne gospodarki turystyczne krajów członkowskich w dostępie do środków UE. W zupełnie inny sposób potraktowano gospodarkę turystyczną w kolejnej perspektywie na lata 2014–2020, uniemożliwiając praktycznie bezpośredni dostęp do funduszy UE. Przedsiębiorcy turystyczni, lokalne samorządy oraz organizacje turystyczne mogą korzystać z alternatywnych form wsparcia przez środki, których pierwotnym celem nie jest finansowanie rozwoju gospodarki turystycznej, ale innych składowych gospodarki (np. infrastruktury, sportu i rekreacji, przemysłów kreatywnych), zwłaszcza związanych z ochroną środowiska naturalnego i dziedzictwa kulturowego. Celem opracowania jest przedstawienie i ocena polityki wsparcia regionalnej gospodarki turystycznej środkami z funduszy UE. Wskazano na zalecenia dotyczące ewolucji polityki turystycznej w kolejnej perspektywie finansowej UE. W częściach pracy przedstawiono zagadnienia: podstaw funkcjonowania gospodarki turystycznej, polityki turystycznej, oceny prowadzonej polityki turystycznej dzięki wykorzystaniu funduszy UE przeznaczanych na gospodarkę turystyczną w latach 2007–2013 i 2014–2020, kierunków kształtowania rozwoju polityki turystycznej przy wsparciu ze środków UE po 2020 roku.
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