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S one strane sovjetskog sistema
The Gulag Survivor – Beyond the Soviet System is the first book published in Ex-Yugoslavia to examine at length and in-depth the post-camp experience of Stalins victims and their fate in post-Soviet Russia. Based on extensive interviews, memoirs, official records, The Gulag Survivor describes what survivors experienced when they returned to society, how officials helped or hindered them, and how issues surrounding their existence evolved from the 1950s to the present.
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Collected papers by seventeen authors on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall. In addition to a foreword by the editor and the prologue (Vladimir Arsenijević, The Walls), thus volune contains the following texts: ”It All Began in Serbia”, ”Nenad Stefanov, ”Fobia of a German Europe – The Serbian Intellectuals and The Year 1989”, Katarina Luketić, ”The Past is our Future”, Vojin Dimitrijević, ”From a Drunkard and the Fence He is Clinging Unto to the last Valve on a Flute . The Human Rights in Serbia before and after 1989, Sabrina P. Ramet, ”The Yugoslav Crisis and the West. Avoiding Vietnam, They Stumbled into Abyssinia”, Ugo Vlaisavljević, ”From Berlin to Srajevo. Inner Borders and Outer Walla”, Jean -Arnault Derans ”From Gayimestan to Mirovac Wall. Kosovo 1989 – 2009Ć. Xavier Bougarel ” ‘The Revenge of the Village’, Between Sociological Reality and a Nationalist Myth” Žarko Paić, Melancholy and Revolution . Culture in the Post-Communist State of Siege”, Indiko Erdei, ” ‘It Takes Two to Tango’, Economy and the Idetity of the Serbs and the Slovenes in Post-Socialism”, Mikloš Biro, ”Communism has Fallen – Capitalism and Democracy are still on their Way. Svetlana Slapšak ”The Post’ War War of the Sexes. Misogyny, Feminist Gettoization and Responsibility Discourse in Post-Yugoslav Societies”, Vjekoslav Perica, ”The Twighlight of Panslavic Myths”, Miroslava Malešević, ” ‘Serbia is Stronger than Nokia’. Identity Politics in Post-Communist Serbia”, Eric Gordy, ”A Totally Personal Remembrance of Cold War, Yugoslavia, and Inexpensive (but good) Wine”, Mitja Velikonja, ”The Return of the Written Off. The Emancipatory Potential Of Yugonostalgia”.
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The essays in the book compare the Czech Republic and Slovakia since the breakup of Czechoslovakia in 1993. The papers deal with the causes of the divorce and discuss the political, economic and social developments in the new countries. This is the only English-language volume that presents the synoptic findings of leading Czech, Slovak, and North American scholars in the field.The authors include two former Prime Ministers of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, eight leading scholars (four Czechs and four Slovaks), and eight knowledgeable commentators from North America. The most significant new insight is that in spite of predictions by various pundits in the Western World that Czechia would flourish after the breakup and Slovakia would languish, the opposite has happened. While the Czech Republic did well in its early years, it is now languishing while Slovakia, which had a rough start, is now doing very well. Anyone interested in the history of the Czech and Slovak Republics over the last twenty years will find gratification in reading this book.
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The principal research question pursued by this work is as follows: How do the Republic of Moldova, Romania, and Ukraine present one another in their history curricula and textbooks? How do the history textbooks of each of these three countries present the relationship between majorities and minorities?This book is thus focused on two main objectives: first, to generate improved understanding of the state of the discipline of history in these countries via discussion of reforms to and debates around history curricula in each country, and second, to shed light on the ways in which history textbooks in each of the three countries represent the other two and their peoples.Curriculum development and textbook production in all three countries still remain centralised. Textbooks are produced by state and private publishing houses. Most textbooks are curriculum-based and developed according to the guidelines issued by the Ministries of Education. Through their textbook publishing policy, these ministries control the content and quality of textbooks. History curricula and textbooks in all three countries have progressed, but we still encounter many problems. Among them are the following:• the content of curricula and history textbooks continues to place too much emphasis on national aspects to the detriment of the world, regional, and local dimensions of history;• it reflects the history of wars and violence instead of giving more space to periods of peaceful coexistence, cooperation and cultural communication, or of mutual enrichment between various social groups as well as between nations;• it neglects regional history and cultural and historical links with neighbouring countries;• as it stands, it causes problems in history education and the development of ethnic identity, as well as the relationship between “Us” and “Others”;• it leads to or accepts poor textbook design.The relationship between national and European history remains a closely debated topic in all three societies. Their shared reality, as evidenced by this study, is that all three countries are currently not presenting one another in any meaningful way in their history textbooks at all educational levels. In all three countries, history education and textbooks are dominated by political history and narratives of victimisation. National histories do not pay attention to their neighbours.History textbooks play an important part in the process of collective identity formation, building a relationship with the past and creating an image of the “other”. The content of textbooks determines, in many cases, students' attitudes to their neighbours. Therefore, in order to improve the situation in history education and to develop a tolerant approach to “others” in history textbooks, there is a great need for joint efforts by politicians, professionals and members of civil society in Moldova, Romania and Ukraine.
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Collection of articles on history, culture, architecture, urban development of Chișinău
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The collection of papers on history, culture, religious, architecture and urban development of Chisinau.
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This study analyses the context in which the Security Sector Reform (SSR) has taken place in Albania since the fall of the communist regime. It has been conceptualised in three main periods, based on the social, political and economic perspectives that featured each phase during the process of Security Sector Reform. In this perspective, the beginning of the first period coincides with the collapse of communist regime in 1991 and ends with the 1997 crisis. Although Albania was never involved in the armed conflict and border reshuffle that featured the Former Yugoslav countries during the 90s, it largely suffered from backwardness and isolation, a legacy from the Cold War. This period was mostly characterised by the establishment of first generation reforms: the establishment of new institutions, structures, and chains of responsibility for the security sector. Nonetheless the process of first generation reform was not nalised, due to the crisis in 19971 which led to the collapse of the government. This represents the beginning of the second period: from 1997 to 2000. The third and final period efforts, namely the period from 2000 until 2009, seem to be more benefiting and realistic for the country considering the pace of SSR, contributing in the consolidation of the security sector institutions and governance.
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Ignorance towards world history can lead to severe distortions in the national psyche. Even today, Bulgarians either rejoice as the greatest nation, surrounded by enemies, for some reason, or as a hopelessly lagging nation. The book offers the most fateful events and processes from the history of mankind in the twentieth century. During this century, people entered space, found the computer but at the same time faced the threat of nuclear self-destruction and were struck by a new type of plague known as AIDS. The planet became narrow. Clothing, life-style and food are uniform. The globalization, symbolized by both McDonald's fast food and Chinese restaurants, has its furious opponents, but also enthusiastic followers. Current Handbook aims to acquaint students with those historical events and processes in the history of Europe and the world in the twentieth century that directly impact human civilization, and the beginning of the 21st century. Therefore, the approach is not typical for historical science - events and processes are not chronologically but problem-based considered.
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Moto za ovu knjigu preuzeo sam od »Duhovne republike Zicer«, osnovane u klubu Zicer u Novom Sadu još godine 1992. s ciljem da spriječi mobilizaciju za rat koji se vodio u Hrvatskoj. Jugoslavija je tada već bila raskomadana, bile su prekinute komunikacije između novih država, a sve informacije strogo kontrolirane i cenzurirane. Tako sam za tu »republiku«, koja je bila dio širokog antiratnog pokreta u Vojvodini, doznao tek u ljeto 2014. iz tjednika Novosti, koji je prenio dio teksta iz projeka »Living Together« (Živjeti zajedno), financiranog od Europske unije. Naravno, patetična optužba tog mota nije sasvim pravedna, točnije, ne odnosi se na sve ljude. Nasilje, zločini i laži proizveli su kolektivnu paranoju, a nacionalizam je jedan od njenih najstrašnijih oblika. Osim toga čini se kako je u prirodi čovjeka da kao normalna prihvaća pravila uspostavljena u sredini u kojoj živi, iako se ona ponekad mijenjaju nevjerojatnom brzinom. Dra-matičan primjer je njemačka zdravstvena služba koja je već na početku Hitlerove vladavine, /kao normalni dio brige o zdravlju nacije, prihvatila kastraciju svakog tko je bio proglašen psihičkim bolesnikom. Ponašanje mnogih ljudi kod nas, u proteklih četvrt stoljeća, slijedilo je isti obrazac. Ali za one koji se smatraju mislećim dijelom nacije i koji su imali prilike govoriti, gornji moto ima punu vrijednost. Nije zanemariv ni broj onih koji su toga bili svjesni, a nisu šutjeli, iako su bili izloženi raznim pritiscima i šikaniranjima. Istovremeno su vladari novih država počeli kontrolirati sve medije i javne tribine na kojima su postali dobrodošli samo zagovornici nacionalističke mržnje.
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A man can be deprived of his house and land, he can lose money and health and homeland, but something will always remain to provide strength and will for a new start. But take away a man’s dignity and there will appear an emptiness that nothing can assuage, and it will fill him with disappointment and anxiety. Thus he will lose the last foot¬hold from which he has drawn the strength needed to overcome all the trials and tribulations, to stay and survive.
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“It is not easy to predict the future course of events, which will depend to a large extent on the overall political situation in the USSR” is the cautious evaluation of the confidential expert report for the North Atlantic Council in October 1989. In 1988‒1991, the relationship was fundamentally transformed between the Western alliance system led by the United States and the East European socialist bloc dominated by the Soviet Union. The military, political, cultural, and ideological confrontation – with the weakening of Moscow and the collapse of its empire – was replaced during a few months by a new type of cooperation of the parties separated previously by the Iron Curtain. The eight reports from the NATO Archives (formerly classified confidential), published in the present volume for the first time in English, illuminate the East European events of these four eventful years from the perspective of expert advisors of the alliance. How were these dramatic changes in Eastern Europe perceived and interpreted in Brussels?
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During 2008, the move to grant Kosovo independence, the Russo-Georgian war and the revival of tensions in Xinjiang and Tibet moved the question of separatism once again to the top of the international agenda. In each of the three cases, the contradictory nature of issues to do with the inviolability of borders and a people’s right to self-determination, which marked European history in the first half of the 20th century and were brought to the surface with the break-up of the Communist federations (the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia), were once again raised. The re-emergence of the principle of secession and the support offered to particular regions seeking independence from powerful states represents a considerable new challenge in the international system and one that could have a particular resonance in Eurasia. Although since independence, all post-Soviet states have shared an interest in clamping down on separatist claims, this situation has suddenly changed with the Russian Duma’s recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent.
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Prilikom nedavnog boravka u Beogradu posetih zanimljivu izložbu istorijskih dokumenata. Međutim, pre nego što počeh da razgledam postavku priđe mi kolega istoričar koga jedva da sam poznavao i započe razgovor – u stvari, kako se ubrzo ispostavilo, više monolog. Da ne bih zamarao nepotrebnim detaljima, dovoljno je reći da se rasprava uglavnom vodila oko naših različitih tumačenja istorijske uloge kneza Pavla, prvog namesnika (regenta) kraljevine Jugoslavije od 1934. do 1941. godine. Moj kolega, naime, smatra da je pristupanje Jugoslavije Trojnom paktu 25. marta 1941. najmudrija politička odluka doneta za vreme kneževog namesništva. Stvaranje banovine Hrvatske krajem avgusta 1939, naprotiv, najgori je politički potez: njime su, objasnio je kolega, Hrvati dobili široku autonomiju unutar jugoslovenske države; autonomna Hrvatska bila je teritorijalno veća od današnje republike Hrvatske i u njoj se našao veliki broj Srba. Prema ovoj ‘školi mišljenja’, Srbi su, navodno, pogrešili što su uopšte pristali na hrvatsku autonomiju unutar prilično centralizovane države kojom je dominirao Beograd. Staviše, verovatno je bila greška i to što su ‘oslobodili’ Hrvate i ostale Jugoslovene, naivno žrtvujući svoju državnost zarad Jugoslavije 1918. godine. U raspravi smo se dotakli i Dimitrija Ljotića, vođe (pro)fašističke organizacije Zbor, koji je za vreme Drugog svetskog rata javno i nedvosmisleno sarađivao sa okupatorom. Pomenuli smo i istoriju srpsko/jugoslovenskobritanskih odnosa u prošlom stoleću. Moj kolega zauzeo je stav kako je Ljotić najbolje shvatio suštinu položaja u kome se našao srpski narod tokom Drugog svetskog rata – umesto nacistima on je u stvari služio naciji; a Britanci su oduvek vodili antisrpsku (i – pretpostavljam – prohrvatsku, proalbansku itd.) politiku.
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This edited volume seeks to address the current issues of trade unions, trade unionism and labour, of its present and of its future. It is divided into three parts: I. Workers’ dilemma - the crisis of the trade union; II. Trade unions and workers: case studies of BiH, Croatia and Serbia and III. Trade unions in the social teachings of the Catholic Church. The book offers sociological, historical, philosophical, and political science and activist views on labour, trade unions and capital. Contributions use case studies, surveys, interviews, content analysis, discourse analysis, and analysis of documents to bring new and relevant findings. The articles also propose some solution models to the current crisis. This collection holds valuable lessons for both union leadership and membership.
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